{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Political Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19910", "name": "3", "description": "\"Those Negritos still living in a wild state have very simple government. They simply gather around the most powerful man, whom they recognize as a sort of chief and whom they follow into raids on the plains or neighboring tribes of Negritos. But when living peaceably scattered through their mountains each head of a family is a small autocrat and rules his family and those of his sons who elect to remain with him. When he dies the oldest son becomes the head of the family. Usually, however, a group of families living in one locality recognizes one man as a capitan. He may be chosen by the president of the nearest pueblo or by the Negritos themselves, who are quick to recognize in this way superior ability or greater wealth. The capitan settles disputes between families.\" (Reed, 1903, p. 70)\r\n\r\n\u201cThree levels of organization can be recognized in Zambales Negrito society: the nuclear family, the \u2018camp\u2019 and the sakop \u2026 A number of researchers have commented on the unusual degree of communal ness among the Zambales Negritos. Fox (1952:247) notes that \u2018Negrito life is basically communal.\u2019 Tima (personal communication) has made a similar observa- [136] tion \u2026 Unless staying by themselves, or in larger, more permanent settlements, nuclear families almost never cook and eat by themselves. Cooking is a collective endeavor. The same applies to procuring food. Many swiddens within the research area are cleared and cultivated by two or three families. Alternately, families in a camp may procure food from each other's swiddens. A hypothetical three-family localized settlement group may have between four and seven swiddens under cultivation at a single time. When procuring food, members of this group may visit any of these swiddens on successive days \u2026 The third level of integration is the sakop or neighborhood. These sakop are recognized, named areas, averaging between 15 and 20 square kilometers in size. These are not discrete, bounded territories. They are inhabited largely by several kin groups One social institution may be further mentioned here which relates to the socio-political dimension of the sakop. Each sakop has a kapitan. This is an in? fluential individual who functions as a mediator of both internal and external conflict or who, in the case of open conflict, may assume a leadership role based on popular support. Obviously the term kapitan has been borrowed from the Spanish, and the assumption has been that the institution itself was imposed on the Negritos during the Spanish colonial period. Such an explanation is inadequate. The Spanish had notoriously bad luck in pacifying and settling Negritos throughout the Philip- [137] pines till the very end of their tenure there. Their contact with interior Negritos was limited to infrequent punitive actions. Administratively, they never did penetrate this area. Yet by the turn of the present century this institution was firmly entrenched among the Zambales Negritos (Norbeck 1956, Parker 1964, Reed 1904). It is suggested, preliminarily, that this institution has its origins in pre-hispanic Sambal society, and relates most directly to conflict and alliance. The Negritos continue to espouse a strong ideology of conflict, though almost always stated in the idiom of defense. The kapitan is frequently mentioned in this context.\u201d (Brosius, 1983, pp. 135-137)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10183, "valueset_pk": 10183, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10183, "jsondata": {}, "id": "aeta-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 91, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 91, "glottocode": "boto1242", "ethonyms": "Sambal; Zambales Negritos", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sambal", "Zambales Negritos"]}, "id": "aeta", "name": "Aeta", "description": "'Aeta' is one of the ethonyms given to the Negritos living in the Zambales mountains of western Luzon. The many Negrito groups of the Philippines share a distinctive phenotype that sets them apart from the majority of other Filipinos. Although many Negrito groups have historically been hunter-gatherers, the Aeta have a long history of farming.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 15.3, "longitude": 120.4}, "name": "Aeta"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.4, 15.3]}, "id": "aeta"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17733", "name": "3", "description": "\"The population of Eastern Sumba is divided among numerous, typically small and (in former times) largely autonomous traditional domains each comprising a number of distinguishable villages and hamlets and inhabited by segments of a number of patrilineal clans ... The domain is called tana or paraingu ... Apart from indicating the territory as a whole, paraingu is also used to refer specifically to the chief village of a domain ... This double meaning of the term is consistent with a traditional pattern of settlement found throughout eastern Sumba, in which the ancestral houses and graves of the ruling nobility and commoner clans longest established in the [46] domain are located in the chief village. The pattern varies from place to place, however; and in Rindi, besides the houses of the noble clan, only those of four commoner clans which hold special ritual duties were ever situated in the principal village of the domain ... The majority of Rindi clans have thus always resided in subsidiary villages that surround the chief village.\" (Forth, 1981, pp 45-46)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe higher or major nobility (mar\u00e0mba bokulu) are distinguished from the lower or minor nobility (mar\u00e0mba kudu) as persons who derive solely from forbears of noble rank ... [222] ... As throughout eastern Sumba, the nobility in Rindi are the political rulers of the domain. Leadership, however, is more particularly accorded to the most senior of the higher ranking (mar\u00e0mba bokulu) lineages of the noble clan, and then to the eldest or senior man of that group; so in some contexts mar\u00e0mba is used to refer specifically to a single lineage (in Rindi the group called Uma Penji) or to the individual noble leader. The individual ruler can also be distinguished as the 'staff' (tokungu), referring to the symbol of office presented by the Dutch Colonial authorities.\u201d (Forth, 1981, pp 221-222)\r\n\r\n\"Because the traditional power of the maramba is no longer recognized by the government, what follows is in part a reconstruction. The impression of noble leadership conveyed by earlier writers (see, e.g., Roos 1872:5-8) is one of a rather diffuse and arbitrary form of rule; and by all accounts the eastern Subamese nobility during the nineteenth century governed in a harsh and autocratic manner. While to some extent the nobiity acted as guardians of public order, and in Rindi are still sometimes called upon to offer advice in litigation between free clansmen, following Roos (1872:5) such intervention was unsystematic and motivated largely by self-interest... \"Perhaps the most important function of the nobility in Rindi, however, was the leadership they provided in all matters relating to war and the defense of the domain. In this and in other respects, their power largely derived from their great wealth and, especially, from their possession of large numbers of slaved, who could be deployed as both a military and a civil force. (Forth, 1981, p 225)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10184, "valueset_pk": 10184, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10184, "jsondata": {}, "id": "eastern-sumbanese-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 93, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 93, "glottocode": "kamb1299", "ethonyms": "Sumbanese; Tau Humba", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sumbanese", "Tau Humba"]}, "id": "eastern-sumbanese", "name": "Eastern Sumbanese", "description": "Sumba is an island in Eastern Indonesia. The people of the eastern two-thirds of the island speak a single language and share a relatively homogeneous culture, while those in the west are more diverse. The indigenous religion of Eastern Sumba centres around beings called Marapu, the divine ancestors of the Sumbanese. Information on this culture is largely drawn from Forth's (1981) ethnography of the traditional Eastern Sumbanese domain of Rindi.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.9, "longitude": 120.3}, "name": "Eastern Sumbanese"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.3, -9.9]}, "id": "eastern-sumbanese"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19013", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Titles\u2019: Buck (1934, pp 112-125)\r\n\r\n\"The hereditary titles were those of the two High Priests of Rongo, the Ruler of Food, and the tribal priests. An acquired title was that of Temporal Lord of Mangaia. Chiefs were also appointed to. rule over subdistricts (tapere) and districts (puna). Gill refers to the priests of Rongo as the \u2018King defending the Interior\u2019 and the \u2018King defending the Shore.\u2019 But as their functions were purely religious, the holders of the title may be more appropriately termed \u2018high priests.\u2019 Gill refers to the holder of the temporal power as Temporal Lord of Mangaia, which expresses the position, though he was more nearly a king than were the high priests.\" (Buck, 1934, p 112)\r\n\r\nThe High Priests of Rongo:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe High Priest of Rongo who officiated on the inland marae was termed the ariki-pa-uta (high-chief-guarding-the-interior). The term pa-uta applies to his supposed function of guarding (pa) the island, by means of chants, from evil spirits that approached from the east. The marae where he officiated was inland (uta), as contrasted with that of the other high priest, which was on the western shore (tai).\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 112)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe first priest, Rangi, must have installed himself. Later installations were made by the Temporal Lord of Mangaia, who seated the newly inducted priest on the sacred block of sandstone (ke'a) placed in the coastal marae of Orongo. The installation made the officeholder one of the two official priests of Rongo (pi'a atua no Rongo). In preparation for this office, the priest was taught the incantations (karakia) that had been originally given by Rongo to Te Akatauira. His main duties were in connection with the sacrifices to Rongo, which took their most complicated form in the sacrifice after a victory \u2026 The observance of the proper ritual placated Rongo and made the reign of the Temporal Lord a successful one. The refusal of the high priest to conduct the ritual led to the venting of Rongo's anger upon the land \u2026 The sanctity of the high priest held so long as he restricted himself to his religious duties. If he interfered too much in temporal matters, he forfeited the immunity otherwise enjoyed \u2026 Though the title of high priest ran in direct succession from father to son, the Temporal Lord acquired such power that he could influence the succession by having it bestowed upon some other member of the family.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 113-114)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Shore High Priest ranked second to the Inland High Priest. While exercising his office, his person was extremely sacred \u2026 When war broke out, however, the power of the warrior became supreme, and the sacred nature of his office did not protect the Shore High Priest's life if he interfered in temporal matters.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 116-117)\r\n\r\nThe \u2018Ruler of Food\u2019:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe full title of the Ruler of Food is te ariki i te ua i te tapora kai (the high chief presiding at the head of the food baskets). Gill translates the title freely as \u2018Ruler of Food\u2019, which suits the office.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 117)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe fertility of the land and trees was held to depend on the distribution of the portions of the human sacrifice divided among the ruling chiefs at the ceremony held on the Orongo marae. In olden times the Ruler of Food had some influence as to the imposing of closed seasons (ra'ui) over districts and fishing grounds in order to let depleted food supplies recover. In times of peace, he exercised a ceremonial control over the distribution of food at public feasts. The food was really divided into the required allotments by the local chiefs responsible for the feast, and the public calling of the shares was then made by the Ruler of Food \u2026 The correct observance of ceremonial added to the importance of the feast and was associated with continued prosperity. The hereditary title was treated with great respect during peace, and even the change in Temporal Lords did not affect the position so long as the office-page holder and his tribe were not involved in war. During war times the Ruler of Food superintended the provisioning of the troops of his own tribe.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 118-119)\r\n\r\nTribal priests:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe power of the priests of the tribal gods was confined solely within the tribe which served the particular god.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 119)\r\n\r\nThe temporal lord:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe supreme temporal power (mangaia) was held, not by a hereditary successor, but by the leader supreme on the field of battle who became what Gill (12, p. 308) terms \u2018victor and consequent real \u201cLord of Mangaia.\u201d\u2019 (Buck, 1934, p 122)\r\n\r\n\u201cOn the termination of a campaign the lands of the conquered were forfeited to the victors. The Temporal Lord was thus enabled to reward the leading warriors who had supported him by giving them positions of authority over districts and subdistricts \u2026 In the earlier period of Mangaian society the conquerors simply took the lands of the conquered. The development of ceremonial, however, necessitated the public naming of the various officeholders during the installation of the Temporal Lord on the marae.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 123)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Temporal Lord made a visit of state to any district where trouble was brewing. After the feast in his honor, he exhorted the local chief to support his rule by preserving peace.  \u2026 The maintenance of peace was of paramount importance to the ruling Temporal Lord, for with the shedding of blood his reign automatically ended.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 123-124)\r\n\r\nDistrict and subdistrict chiefs:\r\n\r\n\u201cDuring the reign of Pangemiro the island divided into six districts (puna). At the installation of the Temporal Lord, the district chiefs (pava) were appointed from among the successful warriors \u2026 The districts were divided up into five to ten subdistricts (tapere), each of which was ruled over by a subdistrict chief. There was no area of land specifically associated with the office of pava. Theoretically, the Temporal Lord selected the six pava, and each pava selected the chiefs to rule over the subdistricts under him \u2026 Each subdistrict had its name and was governed by a chief, whose title, kairanga-nuku \u2026 signified that the chief ate of the produce of the land in the subdistrict and also that the people ate through him. He saw to the distribution of the taro lands within the subdistrict \u2026 He helped to readjust distribution on the death of landholders and settled disputes with regard to lands. An injured person could appeal to the pava.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 124)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10186, "valueset_pk": 10186, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10186, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mangaia-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 63, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 63, "glottocode": "raro1241", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "mangaia", "name": "Mangaia", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.9, "longitude": -157.9}, "name": "Mangaia"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [202.1, -21.9]}, "id": "mangaia"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21099", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Research methods and fieldwork sites\u2019 (Hooe, 2012, pp. 53-63)\r\n\r\n\u201cKei Adat and the origins of Larvul Ngabal\u2019 (Hooe, 2012, pp. 112-120)\r\n\r\n\u201cThroughout the Kei archipelago, there are 19 \u2026 domains or \u2018little kingdoms\u2019, seven on the island of Kei Besar and twelve spread throughout the islands of Kei Kecil \u2026 Today, these domains are often referred to as ratschap, a term combining the Kei word rat [56] (king or chief) with the Dutch suffix \u2018\u2013schaap\u2019 meaning \u201c-ship\u201d (Thorburn 2008:126). Ratschap was first used by the Dutch to refer the domains of the Kei Islands, which are sometimes referred to as lor in the Kei language (see Rahail 1993, 1996) \u2026 [57] \u2026 Each ratschap is headed by a rat. The ratschap of the Kei Islands are further organized into two large confederations or \u2018political moieties\u2019 (Valeri 1989) known as ur siu (the nine [58] moiety) and lor lim (the five moiety) (van Wouden 1966). 18 The Keiese claim that these nonterritorial confederations were mobilized in times of war and distress. Nine ratschap belong to the ur siu moiety, nine others belong to the lor lim moiety, while 2 ratschap are politically neutral (or lor labay). With the exception of these neutral ratschap, each domain consists of a number of villages, ranging from 3 villages (Songli centered in Rumat on Kei Kecil) to 46 villages (Maur Ohoivuut on Kei Besar).\u201d (Hooe, 2012, pp. 55-58)\r\n\r\nFunctions of the rat prior to colonisation are not entirely clear \u2013 Hooe argues that the colonial process greatly increased their power. However, they traditionally claimed the right to administer adat law:\r\n\r\n\u201cGenerally speaking, the closer a rat, and thus their contemporary descendants, to the source of adat law, the more authority and power they are able to claim in matters of adat. But regardless of a particular rat\u2019s place in such a scheme, all Kei rat, from both the \u2018nine\u2019 and the \u2018five\u2019 moieties, became the owners and guardians of Kei adat law. The tom describing the origins and spread of Kei adat law, I would argue, clearly claim Larvul Ngabal as a proprietary domain of mel-mel leaders. In the Kei islands, at least from a mel-mel point of view, knowledge of and expertise in adat are claimed to be noble prerogatives.\u201d (Hooe, 2012, p 120)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10189, "valueset_pk": 10189, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10189, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kei-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 109, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 109, "glottocode": "keii1239", "ethonyms": "Keiese; Kei Islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Keiese", "Kei Islanders"]}, "id": "kei", "name": "Kei", "description": "The Kei Islands are an archipelago in eastern Indonesia whose indigenous people constitute a single ethnolinguistic group. Much of Keiese adat (customary law) is traditionally derived from Bali.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.8, "longitude": 132.8}, "name": "Kei"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [132.8, -5.8]}, "id": "kei"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "20052", "name": "3", "description": "'Government' (Burrows, 1937, pp. 76-79)\r\n\r\n\"The development of the Uvean kingdom from a land of rival chiefs is shadowed forth in Henquel's history. The present local government, the outcome of that process, is still a native institution in most respects, though the district and some details of procedure, as collection of taxes imposed by the French, are European.\r\n\r\n\"The political units are kingdom, district, and village. Each is governed by an executive officer and a council (fono) ... Mangaret ... quotes from Bataillon the following statement of the king's powers:\r\n\r\n\"'The king enjoys all the power which we like to recognise in great princes; thus, he has right of life and death over his subjects; the control of their goods is in his hands; he can put tapus on the whole ppulation, impose certain labor taxes, make peace or war. It is his place to preside at public assemblies, kavas, and solemn festivities.'\r\n\r\n\"How far a particular king exercised these powers depended naturally on his individual character and the state of the country. Henquel tells of the assassination of several early kings. Recent deposition of a king by the ministers, often under foreign influence, has been common. Early missionary letters repeatedly speak of the king as a vacillating character ... [77] ... But Queen Amelia was a true sovereign ... The ministers (kau-aliki, kau-fau), in addition to serving on the council, have specialized functions. Kivalu is generally called prime minister by Europeans. Bataillon says that the king reigns, while Kivalu governs. But the king of whom he wrote was the pusillanimous Lavelua of the Oldham report. Kivalu is supposed to supervise foreign relations, which means in practice only that he consults with the French resident about such matters as taxes.\r\n\r\n\"Mukoi-fenua is supposed to be minister of war. This seems an empty dignity since the French government has been in control, but he may have influence in inter-district quarrels.\r\n\r\n\"Fotutamai, last in rank of the ministers, is also village chief of Matautu, where the king lives ... Puliuvea, village chief of Akaaka, is called commander of the army, under Mukoi-fenua. He sometimes acts as a messenger for the king, and it is he who tells a king when he has been deposed. Other village chiefs officiate only in their villages and in the district council ... The royal council (fono faka-lavelua, fono hau) consists of the king and his ministers. It holds regular meetings once a month, and special meetings whenever necessary.\" (Burrows, 1937, pp. 76-77)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10192, "valueset_pk": 10192, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10192, "jsondata": {}, "id": "uvea-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 119, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 119, "glottocode": "wall1257", "ethonyms": "Uvean; Wallisian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Uvean", "Wallisian"]}, "id": "uvea", "name": "Uvea", "description": "The people of Uvea, also known as Wallis Island.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -13.3, "longitude": -176.2}, "name": "Uvea"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [183.8, -13.3]}, "id": "uvea"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21158", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Introduction\u2019 (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 1-18)\r\n\r\n\u2018Population: Pressure and distribution\u2019 (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 33-61)\r\n\r\n\u2018Traditional histories or Rarotonga\u2019 (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 62-96)\r\n\r\n\u201cWe can define a corporate title as one which has immediate reference to the leadership of a specific, kinship-based, landholding corporation \u2026 These groups were fundamentally bilateral but a strong residential restriction on membership combined with a general rule of virilocality to lend them an appearance of patrilineal organization \u2026 Such a group and no other could properly be called a ngati in traditional terms.\r\n\r\n\u201cWe will see later that particular genealogical relationships provided the basis for membership in a ngati but that the position of a specific individual within his ngati depended to a very large degree on his own personal capabilities, subject to an essentially political evaluation of the quality of his participation as well as the weight of his genealogical connections. While succession to a corporate title was in principle hereditary, ideally passing from father to eldest son, the specific person to fill such a position had to be confirmed by some immediate political process: election by the other ranking members of the corporation, military prowess hence power, or some other demonstration of mana, the recognition of which was the ultimate sanction and basis for leadership \u2026 [11] \u2026 There were two types of corporate title on Rarotonga before the end of the last century, ariki and mataiapo. One of the main tasks of this paper will be to establish the exact relationship between these two titles, but it appears that, until recently, there was little difference between them in practical terms. The mataiapo title appears to me to be basic, while the ariki is putatively senior mataiapo who is at the head of a confederation of related and contiguous ngati which comprise a vaka, usually translated as \u2018tribe\u2019. Thus the ariki was traditionally primus inter pares among the military and political leadership of the vaka, and he maintained that position by a series of marriage and adoptive alliances which supported his claims to genealogical seniority.\r\n\r\n\u201cBut not all of the traditional titles were corporate as I have defined the term. At the beginning of the period to be covered by this study, the rangatira appears to have been a functionally defined status with an eligibility criterion of close, consanguineal relationship to the leader of some corporation, either an ariki or a mataiapo, as the case may be. Each rangatira was directly subordinate to a specific title of either rank.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 10-11)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Ara Metua, more properly called Te Ara Nui A Toi, the Great Road of Toi, is the major archaeological feature of the island and its size and complex con-[48] struction have attracted a great deal of attention from those European scholars concerned with pre-contact Rarotonga \u2026 Both of these passages describe the skeleton of the Ara Metua, its remains some sixty or ninety years after the construction of the modern coastal road at the insistence of the early missionaries. On the other hand, John Williams certainly saw the Ara Metua in very much its pre-European contact state, describing it as \u2018\u2026 a good road around the island \u2026\u2019 which required and received extensive care \u2026 [49] \u2026 These passages raise a number of important issues, among them the problems of determining the nature and locations of the settlements along the Ara Metua \u2026 In spite of the statement quotes [sic] above, the archaeological surveys of Rarotonga to which we have been referring in the past several pages show that there is actually no evidence of the existence of nucleated villages in the coastal area \u2026. [50] \u2026 Presumably, the houses along the Ara Metua were clustered to some degree around the marae which were linked by that road, this in turn reflecting some of the major social ties of the inhabitants of the territorial units containing those marae.\r\n\r\n\u201cSuch clustering could easily give an outsider an impression of discrete, although dispersed, villages, clearly separated geographically and possessing individual names, hence corporate identities. The references in the early ethnographic literature, such as those cited above, to \u2018villages\u2019 on Rarotonga at or before the time of European contact merely express that impression and should not be taken as referring to residential units per se. The primary factors governing residential location most likely were claims to, and competition for, land, access to a variety of resources within a relatively small area and, ultimately, security of occupation in the face of the threat of attack from neighbouring districts. All of these would have been most directly related to membership in the groups inhabiting the territorial units known as tapere.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 47-50)\r\n\r\n\"A tapere is often named by reference to a specific group of people who are said to be living on that land by virtue of 'blood right'. This group is itself referred to by the term ngati followed by the name of the title at its head ...\" (Baltaxe, 1975, p. 60)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe largest divisions in the society at the time of European contact were called vaka, literally the canoes of two individuals, Tangiia and Karika, who arrived at the island in about the thirteenth century. The vaka were consciously [63] organized political alliances of smaller, autonomous units, occupying specific tapere and led by people holding mataiapo and ariki titles. Thus the composition of the vaka can best be understood in terms of the deliberate analogy with the crew of a canoe in spite of the idiom of common consanguineal connections between all of its members; such connections, when they did exist were the result of later marriages among members of the component ngati \u2026 The distinction between, the ranks of ariki and mataiapo which has been so strongly emphasized by most European writers and government officials appears to have been much less clearly drawn before European contact than it was during the 19th century. While the exact nature of that relationship is still problematical, the significant distinction which appears in these traditional histories seems to separate the independent, corporate titles from the dependent, personal titles of komono and rangatira. The untitled people, the unga, hardly figure in these traditional narratives at all.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 62-63)\r\n\r\n\u201cNowhere in these narratives is there an explicit statement of any prerogatives of the ariki which the mataiapo did not also share. Thus the picture which emerges is one of the ariki as primus inter pares among the mataiapo, in spite of the tendency of Europeans to attribute royalty and special authority to them.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, p. 76)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10193, "valueset_pk": 10193, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10193, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rarotonga-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 16, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 16, "glottocode": "raro1241", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "rarotonga", "name": "Rarotonga", "description": "Rarotonga is a high island in the southern Cook Islands. The islanders converted to Christianity in the 1820s and 1830s, and information on the indigenous religion is fragmentary. We do know that the Rarotongans worshipped some of the great Pan-Polynesian gods such as Rongo and Tangaroa, as well as more local deities such as the deified founding ancestor Tangiia. These gods were represented by enormous wooden images, which were destroyed during the conversion process.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.2, "longitude": -159.8}, "name": "Rarotonga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [200.2, -21.2]}, "id": "rarotonga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17735", "name": "3", "description": "'Chieftainship' (Humphreys, 1926, pp. 132-134)\r\n\r\n\"When chieftainship flourished in the island there were several districts, each with its high chief, Fano, who had jurisdiction overall the villages in his territory, while each village had its own Fanlo as well, who had local authority ... The word Fanlo seems to mean a man of the chiefly class and is not the special title of the high chief ... [133] ... The authority of the high chief was absolute in the old days. He held councils and asked the advice of the old men of his district, though only those of the Fanlo were invited to air their views, and frank opinions were expressed and extreme divergences of opinion thrashed out. The final decision was with the high chief ... Judgement and punishment were meted out to the offenders if the matter required it; and if it was a question of warfare the decision for or against rested in the hands of the high chief.\" (Humphreys, 1926, pp. 132-133)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10195, "valueset_pk": 10195, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10195, "jsondata": {}, "id": "erromango-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 134, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 134, "glottocode": "urav1235", "ethonyms": "Eromanga; Erromanga", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Eromanga", "Erromanga"]}, "id": "erromango", "name": "Erromango", "description": "Erromango is a small, high island in the south of Vanuatu. The islanders adopted Presbyterian Christianity in the early twentieth century, after a decades-long process of missionisation during which several missionaries lost their lives. The deaths of these missionaries led to the island becoming popularly known as 'Martyrs' Island'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -18.8, "longitude": 169.2}, "name": "Erromango"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [169.2, -18.8]}, "id": "erromango"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17720", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Traditional Chuukese society\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 29-46)\r\n\r\n'Rituals of War' (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 273-289)\r\n\r\n'Itang and the Rites of Political Power' (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 290-320)\r\n\r\nThe Chuukese lived in \u2018hamlets\u2019 that were often, but not always, coterminous with \u2018districts\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"Settlements were not densely clustered. Rather, a local community consisted of a number of extended family households scattered in isolation or in small clusters over suitable lands to which the households had access. The resulting hamlets were connected by footpaths; and a main path tended to go around, or part way around, an island parallel to and a little way back from the shore, where the higher ground begins, linking its several communities together.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 23)\r\n\r\n\"Local residential communities of people sharing their lives as neighbours often were contained within the boundaries of a single district. Here and there, however, and from time to time, a community might involve two or more [43] districts together. By marrying back and forth, the members of the various lineages came to have holdings in the several districts. The chief of one could owe first fruits to the chief of another and vice versa \u2026 In such a situation, the several households in the community might be distributed over lands in the several neighbouring districts or they might be concentrated on lands within one of them \u2026 In any case, a community, whether it was coterminous with a district or included more than one, was a group of lineages that married back and forth among one another and that were held together, therefore, by a network of overlapping kinship ties.\"(Goodenough, 2002, pp 42-43)\r\n\r\nEach district had a \u2018chiefly lineage\u2019 headed by a \u2018chief\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"Each distinct region of space formed a district or \u2018division of the land\u2019 (s\u00f3pwun f\u00e9n\u00fa), and the senior male member of the lineage that held title to the space was the district chief (s\u00f3mwoonun s\u00f3\u00f3pw or s\u00f3mwoonun f\u00e9n\u00fa).\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 31)\r\n\r\nMost chiefly activity described by Goodenough is confined to the district level, though some chiefs were recognized in two or three districts:\r\n\r\n\"Following the defeat of one district by another, members of the chiefly lineage in the victorious district might take up residence in the defeated district, taking over for themselves the plots of soil that had been held by the defeated chiefly lineage. They functioned locally as the new chiefly lineage, but they remained  a junior line within the larger super lineage that now held the space in both districts and therefore wielded the chiefship in both. The new local chief of the defeated district was expected to render first fruits on behalf of his entire district to the head of the senior line in the victorious district. In this way, for example, early in the nineteenth century, the chiefly lineage of N\u00fak\u00fan\u00faf\u00e9w District on W\u00fat\u00e9\u00e9t (Udot) Island won overlordship of Peniya District and over the whole of Rom\u00f3num Island, which comprised another district.\" (Goodenough, 2002, pp 37-38)\r\n\r\nFunctions of the district chief:\r\n\r\n\"At the time, the powers of chiefs, as such, in community affairs [299] were limited (Kr\u00e4mer 1932: 267, 272). They had the right to impose temporary taboos on the harvesting of certain foods in order to conserve supplies as custodians of their people\u2019s welfare. They also had the right to call upon their people to contribute food to public gatherings and feasts. But they made no laws and, with one exception, they did not serve as judges over offenses. They sought, with the help of itang, to encourage peace and harmony among their constituents and to reconcile feuding lineages; they preached to the people that it was wrong to steal and sleep with other men\u2019s wives; but their authority in this regard flowed from the respect they enjoyed by virtue of their command of itang lore and their recognized legitimacy as rightful holders of chiefly office \u2026 A chief did preside, however, over his district\u2019s sitting in judgement when someone had offended against the work of the breadfruit summoner, in the event the chief had paid to have the ritual performed on behalf of all the lineages in his district. Such offense was seen as against the district as a whole.\" (Goodenough, 2002, pp 298-299)\r\n\r\n\u2018Leagues\u2019 consisting of many districts also existed, and are described as having been led by the \u2018most powerful chiefs and districts\u2019 (presumably this means that they were led by the chiefs of the most powerful districts):\r\n\r\n\"Quite apart from conquests of this kind were major interdistrict leagues, under the leadership of the most powerful chiefs and districts. In the nineteenth century, all of Chuuk, except for Wuumaan and the northern districts of W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9, was divided into two great leagues that were pitted against each other in political and military rivalry. The leagues went by the names of the body of war rituals controlled by the particular schools of political priests (itang) that were headquartered on W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 (Moen) and Feefen Islands. The league based on W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 was called M\u00e1chewen S\u00f3pwunupi \u2026 An old district on W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 named Iras \u2026 was by tradition the highest ranking district in the league \u2026 The league based on Feefen and its school of itang were called M\u00e1cheweyi-Chch\u00fan \u2026 F\u00f3\u00f3ngen on Feefen was the highest ranking district in that league. These leagues were chronically at war.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 38)\r\n\r\nThe only communal activity engaged in by the leagues appears to have been war. Itang ('political priests') were considered ideal war leaders, though chiefs could also serve in this role. Both chiefs and high-ranking itang belonged to 'chiefly lineages', so leadership of the leagues could be seen as vested in lineages rather than individuals.\r\n\r\n\"Chiefs might serve as war leaders, but it was preferable for an itang (political priest) to be leader (Kr\u00e4mer 1932:266; Efot 1947). If a chief led, his followers were more liable to be killed than if an itang led, because the latter knew the more powerful rituals and spells for protecting combatants from injury. Itang renowned for their achievements as war leaders were sought as allies.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 275)\r\n\r\n\"Aside from the chief, a district\u2019s military leader was the senior itang (political priest) who in many respects outranked the district chief. It was the itang who performed the principal rites to ensure military success. It was he who decided, through divination, on the manner of attack. He indicated who would go in what canoe on a military expedition. Anyone violating his orders was liable to die in the ensuing battle.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 277)\r\n\r\n\"Chuuk\u2019s itang were not formally organized as a professional group. Those who were knowledgeable taught their sons and their sister's sons, occasionally also their sister's husbands and their daughters to hold in trust for their children. Itang did not meet with other itang outside their kinship circle to exchange secrets and share what they knew. (Eiue 1947).\r\n\r\n\"Interdistrict dealings between chiefs and itang, however, required shared knowledge of a secret message system. A basket (ch\u00fa\u00fak) would be sent to the chief or itang in a neighbouring district. In it tobacco leaves were placed on top of an object of value ... The type of object conveyed the message, such as \u2018there is war, come to help us.\u2019 The chief or itang receiving the basket would open up what appeared to be a gift of tobacco and then announce some news to the mystification of the uninitiated (Kekin 1947).\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 302)\r\n\r\n\u201cKnowledge of itang was confined to members of chiefly lineages and to the children and descendants of chiefs. Ideally, chiefs themselves were expected to have such knowledge, but often there were other members of their lineage who were more proficient in it. More importantly, chiefly lineages of the S\u00f3pwunupi clan or of its clan offshoots were considered those most entitled to the knowledge and to be more knowledgeable, and hence more powerful in the use of that knowledge, than others who might also claim to know itang.\r\n\r\n\u201cThose with such knowledge who were in the direct line of transmission \u2013 members of the founding clan or in the direct line of descent through males from that clan \u2013 were ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro (\u2018people of the arc\u2019) \u2026 Mw\u00e1\u00e1niireeto \u2018men of near persons\u2019) were eldest among a set of lineage brothers knowing itang. The younger brothers, mw\u00e1\u00e1niireen\u00f3 (\u2018men of far persons\u2019) had to defer to their eldest brothers, or the eldest among them who was present, and not display their knowledge in speeches at public meetings without proper indications of deference \u2026 Among ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro, there were recognized grades of knowledge (Efot 1947). At the highest level was the itang\u00fapwpw\u00fan (\u2018dirt itang\u2019), presumably so called because of his power to make an ordinary person ill when chewing red earth by simply addressing words directly at him. It took about two years of schooling to achieve the highest level of knowledge required to be an itang\u00fapwpw\u00fan \u2026 [305] \u2026 Those who had acquired knowledge of itang but who were not in the direct line of descent (who were not ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro) were ach\u00e9 or ach\u00e9\u00e9maaraw (\u2018payment makers\u2019 or \u2018unripe payment makers\u2019). They might include a sister\u2019s husband of an itang, married into the chiefly lineage, who had been taught the lore so he could pass it on to his children in that lineage, or to an itang\u2019s wife\u2019s brother, who would teach it to his sister\u2019s sons, the itang\u2019s children. Some women in the line of descent were also taught itang lore. They could not practice as itang, but they could hold the knowledge in trust for their children.\r\n\r\n\u201cMore numerous among the ache were the purchasers (as the term implies) of itang knowledge and their descendants. For an itang to reveal the special meanings of itang talk to someone not eligible by descent to learn it would result in his own or his sister\u2019s son\u2019s death, unless appropriate payment was made \u2026 Lineages of clans that were not in the direct line of descent often gained a district chiefship through war or through succession as \u2018children\u2019 of a chiefly line that had died out. To validate their chiefly position it was essential for them to acquire knowledge of itang \u2026 Lineages needing to acquire such knowledge did so by paying a sizeable tuition to an itang to teach them. An ach\u00e9 was [306] not entitled to make a public display of his knowledge in the presence of a ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro. It was also understood that ach\u00e9 did not ordinarily have the same depth of knowledge as the highest grade of ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro. (Boutau 1965).\r\n\r\n\u201cThe two great political leagues under the aegis of the itang schools of M\u00e1chewen S\u00f3pwunupi and M\u00e1cheweyi-Chch\u00fan were thus comprised of [sic] districts with chiefly lineages in the senior line of descent (the highest ranking) and chiefly lineages in the senior line of descent (the highest ranking) and chiefly lineages in junior lines of descent \u2013 all of them ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro, \u2018people of the arc [of heaven]\u2019 \u2013 together with districts whose chiefly lineages had knowledge of their school of itang as ach\u00e9 (purchasers).\u201d (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 304-306)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10197, "valueset_pk": 10197, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10197, "jsondata": {}, "id": "chuuk-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 25, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 25, "glottocode": "chuu1238", "ethonyms": "Aramsen Chuuk; Truukese; Trukese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Aramsen Chuuk", "Truukese", "Trukese"]}, "id": "chuuk", "name": "Chuuk", "description": "Chuuk (or 'Truk') is a complex atoll consisting of a ring of coral islets surrounding a cluster of volcanic high islands. Prior to the adoption of Christianity in the early twentieth century, the Chuukese worshipped a wide array of supernatural agents, including 'sky gods' and deified high chiefs.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.3, "longitude": 151.6}, "name": "Chuuk"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [151.6, 7.3]}, "id": "chuuk"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18134", "name": "3", "description": "'The Tikopia political system in 1929' (Firth, 1959, pp. 255-260)\r\n\r\n\"The Tikopia system of government in 1929, as apparently for many generations before, may be briefly described as a loosely structured oligarchy. This [256] \u2018government by the few\u2019 in Tikopia had as its core the institution of chieftainship ...There were four chiefs, each termed te Ariki, and each bearing in his title the name of the clan over which he had jurisdiction and which he represented in all major public affairs ... But how far was the government of Tikopia literally oligarchical, a \u2018rule by the few\u2019? Each chief was autonomous as regards authority over his own clan. But there was no unified, central authority. The Ariki Kafika, who had first precedence in the major religious rites, was in political affairs only primus inter pares \u2026 As far as definition goes, the Term \u2018oligarchy\u2019 could clearly be properly applied to a set of chiefs who met together in council, discussed questions of [257] public import and came to some agreed conclusions as to policy and action to be taken. There was no such formal mechanism, with regular meetings and procedure, in Tikopia. But the chiefs as a whole were ultimately held responsible for policy by the people. They strove for a common front on matters of general relevance and were keenly interested in the implementation of policy. Since, although they were autonomous, much of their policy was collective and forged in relation to one another's views, their government may be said to constitute an oligarchical rule. But because formal arrangements to this end were embryonic and irregular, one may speak of the oligarchy as loosely structured.\r\n\r\n\u201cYet authority and government in Tikopia were not simply dispersed among unrelated leaders. Although not unified, as the governmental system became in some of the larger Polynesian communities during the nineteenth century, the government of Tikopia may be termed centralized and conjoint. A chief could operate independently and often did so, but the more his operations affected matters of import to the whole community, the more his fellow-chiefs tended to become involved until they found it necessary to take action of some kind themselves. There were various mechanisms whereby one chief could ascertain the views of another and secure his acquiescence, and ultimately some collective activity could be promoted \u2026 It was thus not difficult for chiefs to decide upon a common course of action if this were required. Moreover, apart from any overt exchanges of opinion, there was among the chiefs a tacit implied consensus on many matters of public policy, as could be expected from the general nature of their common economic and religious interests \u2026 [258] \u2026 The powers exercised by a Tikopia chief were very wide. They included ultimate control of the lands of his clan--a right with practical effect particularly for the lands of those lineages ultimately sprung from chiefly stock. The chiefs' powers included also rights to certain first fruits \u2026 His powers were such that he might order off to sea as the extreme of banishment a man who offended him personally or broke a grave rule of conduct.\r\n\r\n\u201cGovernment of Tikopia through the coajoint powers of the chiefs raises the question of the jurisdiction which each of them exercised. The basis of the Tikopia political system lay in the chief as head and representative of his clan. Every person in Tikopia as a member of a clan acknowledged obedience to his own chief. But the jurisdiction of each chief was not simply restricted to a clan alignment. It also operated on a local bosis, although this was less clearly defined. Each chief lived in a separate village and in that village exercised great authority. Moreover, his authority also extended throughout the whole district--or side of the island--in which he regularly lived. For social purposes the jurisdiction of the chiefs was closely related to this district division. In particular, the single authority of the Ariki Tafua in the district of Faea contrasted with the treble authority of the other chiefs who together held sway over the district of Ravenga and its subsidiary Namo. These political relations of the chiefs were very important in general district rivalry and intra-district co-operation.\r\n\r\n\u201cBut the jurisdiction of a Tikopia chief was not only in district terms any more than in purely clan terms. Every person in Tikopia acknowledged obedience to any chief in a situation with which both were immediately concerned. A chief could claim by general status much of which he was debarred from claiming by the lack of clan right. In other words, there was a notion of a general order in Tikopia in which a chief, by virtue of his office, had jurisdiction in respect of the whole society.\u201d (Firth, 1959, pp 255-258)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10203, "valueset_pk": 10203, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10203, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tikopia-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 99, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 99, "glottocode": "tiko1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tikopia", "name": "Tikopia", "description": "Tikopia is a small volcanic island located north of Vanuatu and east of the Solomons. It is one of the 'Polynesian outliers', in that its people are clearly Polynesian, but live outside the area usually defined as Polynesia. Tikopia is noted for being the subject of detailed ethnographic study by the New Zealand anthropologist Raymond Firth, and for having maintained its indigenous religion well into the twentieth century. The last pagan chiefs of Tikopia converted to Christianity in 1955.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -12.3, "longitude": 168.8}, "name": "Tikopia"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [168.8, -12.3]}, "id": "tikopia"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17740", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe Feejee Group is composed of seven districts, and is under as many principal chiefs \u2026 All the minor chiefs on the different islands are more or less connected and subject to one of these, and as the one party or the other prevails in their wars, they change masters.\" (Wilkes, 1845, p. 64)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10205, "valueset_pk": 10205, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10205, "jsondata": {}, "id": "fijians-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 121, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 121, "glottocode": "west2519", "ethonyms": "I-Taukei", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["I-Taukei"]}, "id": "fijians", "name": "Fijians", "description": "The modern state of Fiji includes the Fiji Islands as well as the remote island of Rotuma. In keeping with how the earliest ethnographic sources use the term, we consider 'Fijians' to include all the indigenous peoples of the Fiji Islands, but not Rotumans, who have been coded separately.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -17.8, "longitude": 178.0}, "name": "Fijians"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [178.0, -17.8]}, "id": "fijians"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21166", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Tanna: Stones within canoes\u2019 (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 103-191)\r\n\r\nTanna was divided into many local groups called niko, 'canoes', that shared a 'dancing place' and appear to have constituted 'patrilocal clans'. These 'canoes' were often part of larger units that were also called 'canoes':\r\n\r\n\u201cFor the most part, the population is scattered in small groups of houses along grassy trails in the bush or a wooded landscape dominated by coconut groves on the coast and tree ferns in the inland hills. Houses are also found near the dirt or coral roads that circle the island and cross it in one spot ... Near each small group of huts or houses is a dancing place, nakamal in Bislama or yimwayim in the language of Tanna's west coast ... Every day, men meet here at nightfall to drink kava together ... [108] The individuals who meet daily make up the core of a local group, a 'canoe' or niko as it is called on the island, which itself is often linked to a larger 'canoe' made up of several patrilocal clans sharing the same territory and mythical heritage.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 106-108)\r\n\r\nBonnemaison (1994, p. 140, Map 9: 'The Land Canoes: Traditional territories and groups in Tanna') provides a map of the 'canoes' into which Tanna is divided, and the 'dancing places' within them. I estimate that about 40 of them contained more than one dancing place (a more precise count is difficult because of the resolution of the map), and some of them contained more than 10. \r\n\r\nThere were three 'explicitly defined social functions' in Tannese society, which appear to have operated at the 'canoe' level. Only one, the yani niko, appears to have been associated with political leadership. These roles appear to have been vested in clans, but vested in individuals:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn 1977 and 1978, when political issues and conflicts over land tenure (which I examine later) brought turmoil to the central part of Tanna, local customary groups endeavored to create a political system ... To my surprise, the pagans\u2019 strategy was to look for the \u2018aristocracy of the origins\u2019 ... After recollecting the primordial sacred places through which humans, then food, had emerged on the island, the pagans designated the genuine keepers of such places as the big men of kastom. Real power accrued to them. The yani niko 'voices of the canoe' were granted political authority. Because they represent the \u2018first men\u2019 who have emerged from the stones, they are naturally in command of the political sphere as masters of Tanna's discourse ... The \u2018voices of the canoe\u2019 are also seen as the \u2018surveyors\u2019 of territory and the authorities on land sharing, internal boundaries, and external borders ... [131] ... After the yani niko come the naotupunus, in other words, the local clans associated with the networks of places whose magical powers stem from stones of agrarian fertility ... Life on Tanna rests on their magical activity. On the other hand, their connection with the sacred world of food excludes such clans from the political sphere. They have no \u2018voice,\u2019 only a type of power that is also a form of duty. Just as the yani niko clans represent the \u2018voices of the canoe,\u2019 the naotupunus clans are its \u2018belly\u2019. Thus Tanna\u2019s first community seems to have evolved with a dual perspective: the forces of nature are split between masculine and feminine principles and, likewise, the original society itself is divided into male clans that rule the political sphere and female clans that rule the sphere of food-related magic.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 130-131)\r\n\r\n\u201cAccording to the island's oral traditions, Tannese society includes three explicitly defined social functions. These functions correspond to three groups of different status involved in separate types of activity\u037e they can also be seen as three images of power. Keeping at the front of the canoe, the yremera is the canoe's \u2018honor\u2019 and living emblem. As such, his power\u2014symbolized by the hawk\u2014is linked with great ceremonial exchanges, the sharing of food, and the control of the traditional roads of alliance that allow for these activities. The yani niko or \u2018voice of the canoe\u2019 represents political will: keeping at the back of the canoe, he steers it in war times. He has authority over the territory, because he is heir to the \u2018first man\u2019 who appeared on it. Indeed, the yani niko keeps land for the others and is in charge of land sharing. His role is to highlight the yremera's glory and to speak on his behalf. Finally, the naotupunus works with agrarian magic: he holds the sacred powers immersed [151] in the canoe's places and is the sanctioned mediator of supernatural forces. As the canoe's belly, he keeps in the middle.\r\n\r\n\u201cFirst comes the honor, second the political will, third the magic. In metaphorical terms, the yremera is the canoe's emblem, the yani niko its helmsman, and the naotopunus its belly. hile the tradition of the 'voices of the canoe' (yani niko) originated on the western side of the island, notably in the Ipai area which gave birth to the Semo-Semo myth, the hawk tradition, that of the yremera, gave rise to a second society on the eastern side, in the Ipeukel (Embuitoka) area. The hawk tradition may be linked with the phenomenon of the Polynesian outliers and therefore with a cultural influence from Samoa or Tonga. This influence is particularly obvious in the White Sands area, notably with respect to the local language (D. Tryon, pers comm). With its equality-based ideology and its \u2018voices of the canoe\u2019 as masters of the land, the myth of the nepro corresponds to a very ancient Melanesian tradition. More recent are the symbols of the kweriya (hawk) and the tapa belt (tut) which, along with their honor-based ideology, may have appeared in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries AD, or perhaps later, two or three hundred years ago. Mwatiktiki, Kasiken's father, is the first Polynesian hero ... These two traditions also differ from the standpoint of the transfer of titles. Within the original lineage of each canoe, clan elders choose the yani niko on the basis of their human and intellectual qualities\u2014their actual title is irrelevant. By contrast, an yremera receives his title as a child: he is neither \u2018elected\u2019 nor chosen but receives his power through the height of his title.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 150-151)\r\n\r\nIn the nineteenth century most of the island's population was affiliated with one of two 'moieties' or 'phratries'. It is not clear how long this system had been in place, but Bonnemaison describes it as a 'late addition'. Initially each 'canoe' contained members of both moieties, but over the course of the nineteenth-century the moieties became increasingly territorial:\r\n\r\n\u201cAccording to the ideology that prevails in eastern Tanna, the two moieties - Koyometa and Numurkuen - are phratries that correspond to two brothers born of the Tangalua lineage (the sea snake) whose founding places are at Yaneumwakel on the east coast, and whose consonance, related myths, and symbols are Polynesian. This is further indication that the moiety system is a late addition, which occurred soon after the kweriya and the yremera chieftainships were introduced ... [154] ... Exchanges of women from one moiety to the other validated the return of peace in the context of alliance rituals occurring after a war cycle. As a consequence, a third group carrying the \u2018blood\u2019 of both moieties gradually appeared. That phratry is called Nuolaklak in Middle Bush and Kouatkasua in White Sands. The Nuolaklak's role is to serve as a liaison between the \u2018two canoes.\u2019 They carry the message of one to the other and facilitate the arrival of peace. In practice, they are often accused of playing the opposite role by stirring up hatred, spreading falsehoods, and spying ... Each land canoe integrates the principles of this dual society. One or the other phratry predominates within each such canoe\u037e in principle, the minority moiety is welcome but stands aside in relation to the controlling moiety. The exceptions to this rule are twelve strong nodes on the political network where the two roads intersect. There, Numurkuen and Koyometa live together as equals \u2026 Theoretically, the two moieties co\u00adexist but do not merge. The places of one and the other are separate, and each interacts more frequently with the corresponding groups in the neighboring territory than with the adverse groups within its own territory. During the tense or conflict\u00adridden times of the past, the two parts of the canoe used to clash. At other times, one side tended to believe that the other was the source of all problems [155] Nineteenth-\u00adcentury wars between phratries led to the partitioning of the original territories and, in most cases, to the eviction of the minority. Yet the 'law of the two canoes' had not called upon the phratries to separate. On the contrary, they were meant to live together on both sides of the same dancing places. The two networks had not been created to shed blood but to surpass themselves and do 'great things' through permanent competition, including, but not limited to, ritualized warfare.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 153-155)\r\n\r\nThe moieties were loosely organized confederacies led by 'big men', and their only function appears to have been warfare:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe split into two moieties or phratries, Koyometa and Numurkuen, was well accepted initially, and was perfectly adapted to the network based 'road' system. The ideology of the two big canoes penetrated to the core of each local canoe as it helped create two groups with a distinct political identity in each mesh of the net. Two continuous chains of alliance now circled the island. Whenever the Numurkuen of a specific canoe were in conflict with their Koyometa counterparts, they asked all island Numurkuen to settle the dispute in their place\u037e the Koyometa did likewise. The code of alliance became simpler and even more efficient, and messages circulated freely among allies with the same political identity ...[164] ... Thanks to the allied phratries, the open circulation process represented a shift toward greater political unity on the island. No longer was society made up of one hundred autonomous, even anarchical canoes. Now two mimetic moieties encompassing all canoes were supervised in a few strong nodes by big men who constantly interacted with one another ... The whole system rested on their interaction. Those big men, both Koyometa and Numurkuen, controlled their own local groups\u037e they initiated warfare and halted it at will. The quality of their agreement upheld the social order. In other words, kastom now reflected a type of power whose dual nature implied a dialogue between its leaders. But this involved a great risk: if the dialogue stopped, the 'war among canoes' could take a turn for the worse.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 164-165)\r\n\r\nNOTE: Lindstrom (1978) describes Tanna as having only two inherited statuses: Ierumanu ('ruler') and Ienientete ('spokesman of the canoe'). Presumably these correspond to Bonnemaison's 'yremera' and ''yani niko'. According to Lindstrom political power on Tanna, at least at time of writing, was largely in the hands of 'big men' whose power was personal and achieved, and the titles were merely 'pawns in bigman games' (Lindstrom does, however, leave open the possibility that they may have been more important previously). \r\n\r\n\u201cThere are also two inherited chiefly statuses in traditional society: the Ierumanu (\u2018ruler\u2019) and the Ienientete (\u2018spokesman of the canoe\u2019). These are the Tannese versions of the Polynesian sacred and talking chiefs. The ideal roles of each chiefly status also admit a Polynesian character. The Ierumanu does not involve himself in daily political maneuvering he rarely speaks at meetings; he does not fight in wars. This is all left to the Ienientete who, nevertheless, has a lower status than the Ierumanu (but cf. Guiart 1956:88 who says the opposite) \u2026 The Ierumanu and Ienientete statuses do not of themselves guarantee political authority. Only in the situation where such a status holder is also a bigman do they mean much politically (outside of a few ceremonial occasions, such as the nokwiari). These two statuses are, in fact, pawns in bigman games. Most bigmen attempt to appropriate one or the other of them. If a man is not lucky enough to inherit clear rights to a chiefly title he can manipulate geneology or share the status with several other claimants. The fact that, in many cases, rights to a chiefly title are disputed, the high frequency of male adoption, the classificatory kinship system all serve to loosen the situation and allow the game to proceed.\r\n\r\n\u201cMany bigmen become Ierumanu or Ienientete after they are first bigmen ... [135] ... Inherited titles may have been of greater political import in traditional society. The importance of inherited status in a context of endemic warfare is unclear. Watt's observation which heads this paper (she settled on Tanna in 1869) provides some evidence against the presence of powerful chiefs with inherited positions.\" (Lindstrom, 1978, p. 135)\r\n\r\nAdams (1984) on the 'yeremwanu' and 'yani en dete' of nineteenth-century Tanna:\r\n\r\n\u201cLike Europeans before him, Paton sought out the chiefs with whom to barter for goods, land or protection. The men usually singled out were yeremwanu, distinguished by the impressive feathered head-dress \u2013 kayoo \u2013 which they wore on ceremonial occasions ... [15] ... As the missionary Turner was to discover, to give presents to seven or eight chiefs was to offend seventy or eighty \u2018petty chiefs\u2019. He found that in a village of eighty to a hundred inhabitants there were at least one or two yeremwanu who, along with the \u2018heads of families\u2019, regulated local affairs, and whose authority did not extend beyond \u2018a gunshot from his own dwelling\u2019 ... [15] ... What exasperated missionaries like Turner, Paton and Watt was that the yeremwanu\u2019s right to wear the kayo, though a significant privilege in a ritual-oriented society like Tanna\u2019s, did not correspond to a political role in the Western sense. Ultimate authority appears to have rested with assemblies where individuals would argue for hours and days until a consensus was reached. Those yeremwanu who were most influential in the assemblies appear to have exercised power and authority according to other social roles. Kuanuan, an influential Neraimene yeremwanu in the Port Resolution area, in addition to wearing the kayo, could also feast on the head of the turtle and practice atmospheric and agrarian magic ... Manuman, another important Neraimene yeremwanu, could practice nahak sorcery, and the two principal yeremwanu at Kwamera, to the south, were also renowned magicians \u2026 Early in 1862 Kapuku, as a sign of his acceptance of Christianity, handed over to the missionary Matheson twenty sacred stones, including stones for war, the sea, sickness and storms. Nearly a century later, the anthropologist Guiart found that of Tanna\u2019s 472 yeremwanu, just 140 had only the privilege of wearing the kayo: 235 could also feast on the head of the turtle, twenty-seven could supervise the cooking of the smooth pig, thirteen were masters of the nekawa tpungu (a special variety of piper methysticum), three could take part in cannibal feasts, and 106 were magicians.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe early missionaries to Tanna were patronized by important yeremwanu like Kuanuan; but in times of unrest, such as the great epidemic of measles in 1861, they survived only by the intervention of the yani en dete or war chief, whose single material privilege as a yani en dete was a black and red penis wrapper. In times of peace, Turner observed, the war chief had little [16] influence over the \u2018common people\u2019, and worked in his garden \u2018just like common men\u2019. But in times of war he was responsible for the group\u2019s safety. He was warned of threats, he knew the routes the enemy would follow, and he negotiated to ward off potential threats or confirm and strengthen alliances. If it were necessary, he decided the flight route, passing through the territory of allies of his choice. In the assemblies he was the last to speak, which meant that he had the final say in decision-making. The war chief\u2019s skill and strength lay in determining at what point discussion could be finalized and the consensus summed up; his authority could be challenged by another person subsequently rising and disputing that the final position had been reached.\r\n\r\n\u201cThat the yani en dete summed up the group\u2019s collective will is suggested in the English term sometimes used to designate the person: the \u2018mouth-piece\u2019 or \u2018talking chief\u2019 ... The designation mouth-piece also suggests that the yani en dete\u2019s authority lasted only for as long as he expressed the tribe\u2019s collective will \u2013 a suggestion which is confirmed by events at Port Resolution in 1861, when the two principal yani en dete were unable to convince their fellow tribesmen of the need to go to war ... [17] ... In these two cases traditional authority relations had been upset by European intervention: at other times the yani en dete appears to have had a greater say in questions of war and peace. For instance, when a small girl was killed in a raid by enemies of the Loinio tribe (on the west coast) late in the nineteenth century, the victim\u2019s father did all he could to stir the tribe into a war of revenge. But Iavis, the yani en dete, refused to sanction any fighting. So long as he was war chief, Frank Paton recorded, there could be no war; so the war party attempted to depose Iavis and put another man in his place. But no other name could command such authority and Iavis remained the War Chief of Loinio ... The role is implied in the title yani en dete, literally \u2018master of the canoe\u2019 ... [18] ... Both in a metaphysical and in more practical ways, the group\u2019s destiny was tied to the master of the canoe. And as a rule there was only one such person in each tribe. But, again, it is difficult to point to a clearly defined political role. As Miaki\u2019s abortive call to battle in 1861 indicated, the yani en dete\u2019s authority could lapse if he misread the will of his followers; and even when he could count on his group\u2019s backing, it would appear that factors other than his position of office helped determine his influence ... Judging by Miaki, the important yani en dete had many wives. Many were renowned magicians \u2013 Miaki could bring rain and make the yams grow. Noward, the yani en dete for the Nepikinamame could make the sun shine and the bananas ripen. Others could cook the smooth pig, eat the head of the turtle, take part in cannibal feasts.\u201d (Adams, 1984, pp. 14-18)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10207, "valueset_pk": 10207, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10207, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tanna-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 3, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 3, "glottocode": "kwam1252", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tanna", "name": "Tanna", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -19.5, "longitude": 169.4}, "name": "Tanna"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [169.4, -19.5]}, "id": "tanna"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "20421", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Districts and their government\u2019 (Gardiner, 1898a, pp. 428-431)\r\n\r\n\u2018The sou and his officers\u2019 (Gardiner, 1898b, pp. 460-466)\r\n\r\nRotuma was divided into seven 'districts', each of which appears to have consisted of a number of 'villages', each of which consisted of one 'hoag' (kin group). The hoag had a leader called the pure whose role appears to have included settling conflicts within the hoag. Each district had a head, the gagaja, who was assisted by a council and whose functions included dispute resolution and the organisation of economic and military endeavours. Finally, the island had a 'government' consisting of a 'council' headed by a figure called the fakpure:\r\n\r\n\"The island was formerly sharply divided up into five districts, Noatau to the east, Faguta to the south, ltoteu to the west, and to the north Malaha and Oinafa ... Later Itoinotu (the part cut off) was separated from Itoteu, leaving a part to the west still belonging to Itoteu, but completely separated from it by the new district ... Faguta was divided into two districts, Pepji and Juju, by the other districts after a successful war, to weak-en the power of its chief.\r\n\r\n\"Each district has a chief of its own, the gagaja, but the chiefs of Noatau and Faguta were the most important and practically ruled over the north and south sides of the island. The government of the whole island was in the hands of a council, formed of the chiefs of the several districts, when they were not at war with one another. The president of this council was the chief of whichever of these two districts, Noatau and Faguta, had conquered the other in the last war; he was called the fakpure. The office of gagaja in each district always remained in the same family; when one died the heads of the families, or hoag, in the district met together and proceeded to elect the most worthy of the same hoag to the office. The hoag then met, and invariably conferred on him the family name; he would be generally the brother, son of an elder brother, or son of the last [429] chief ... The districts were subdivided into hoag, a name applied to all the houses of a family, which were placed together, forming, if the family was a large one, a small village; it is also applied to the family itself. Each of these hoag had a name, which was conferred on one member of the hoag, who was invariably ipso facto its head, or pure ... In most cases, however, the name was given to a brother of the la pure or its oldest member of pure descent, the husband of one of its women not being, appointed its pure or given its name ... [430] ... The power of the gagaja in his district was not arbitrary; he was assisted by a council of the possessors of the hoag names, which might reverse any action of his. Conflicts between the chief and his council were rare so long as his decisions were in accordance with, and he did not infringe, the Rotuman customs. He was called upon to decide disputes about land between hoag, (or within a hoag, if its pure could not settle it; disputes between individuals of different hoag were referred to him. He could call out the district for fish-driving, war, or any work in which all were interested, and had the power of fining any individuals who did not come. If the walls or paths of his district were in disrepair, he ordered out all the hoag, interested, to do the work; he had further to keep a watch to see that a proper number of cocoanut trees were planted, and that all the papoi land was cultivated.\u201d (Gardiner, 1898a, pp. 428-430)\r\n\r\nOne of the duties of the fakpure and the island council was to care for the sou (sau according to Howard), whose role appears to have been exclusively religious:\r\n\r\n\"The head chief of the island, or fakpure, was also one of the officers of a spiritual chief, who was termed the sou, but who really had little to do with the government of the island, and  who lived wherever he was placed by the fakpure and the other chiefs. The position seems to have been directly comparable to that of the how of Tonga,' but, while the latter had considerable temporal power, the sou had none ... [461] ... The sou ... had as attendants a number of officers whose duty it [462] was to protect him, at the risk of their own lives, eveiu if he was fighting with their own districts; they were drawn out of all the districts and supposed to be representative men of eah \u2026 Their names or titles were in order of precedence mua (chief priest), hagnata, titopu, fakpure (head chief), fanhoga (wife to sou), fahoa, fagata, tonhida (messenger), and mafuida (the presiding officer over all feasts) \u2026  The duty of the sou was simply to see after the proper  performance of the various feasts, all of which had some religious rites. He was however in no way under the priests, of the different atua (p. 468), nor does he seem to have had any coninection with them. It was his business to preside over the feasts, aiid, whatever might be desired, he had to pray for at the same time as he poured out the kava to the god ... [463] ... Of the other officers, the hctgnata, titopu, fahoa, and fagatla  formed with some of their people a special guard for the sou, always accompanying him; they usually belonged to four several districts.\" (Gardiner, 1898b, pp. 460-463)\r\n\r\nGardiner provides little detail about the other functions of the island government, but Dillon, whom Gardiner quotes, describes the chiefs and 'president' of the island as meeting in 'congress' and 'hearing and settling grievances'. \r\n\r\n\"This island is divided into six districts, each ruled by its own chief. 'These meet in congress every six months, when they elect a president and deliberate upon state affairs, hearing and settling grievances without having recourse to arms. Thus intestine broils seldom occur, and when they are inevitable are not very sanguinary.\" (Dillon, 1829, quoted in Gardiner, 1898a, p. 400)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10209, "valueset_pk": 10209, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10209, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rotuma-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 124, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 124, "glottocode": "rotu1241", "ethonyms": "Rotuman", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Rotuman"]}, "id": "rotuma", "name": "Rotuma", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -12.5, "longitude": 177.1}, "name": "Rotuma"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [177.1, -12.5]}, "id": "rotuma"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17643", "name": "3", "description": "\"Social life in traditional Caledonia rested on a system of matrilineal, patrilocal clans imprecisely designated as \u2018tribe\u2019 or \u2018village.\u2019 Within a single linguistic area, regular patterns of exchange linked clan to clan \u2026 Functioning in complementarity with the totemic life force of the maternal lineage was the paternal political structure. This \u2018power\u2019 was associated primarily with the ancestors, the grande case, and the chief. The chief was a nonautocratic \u2018older brother,\u2019 who mediated between the world of the living and the parallel world of the dead. His effective power was limited by the council of elders, who controlled the succession (a role that the colonial government would try to usurp) and by the clan\u2019s uterine relations. In general, the small-scale political structure of the clan in New Caledonia was egalitarian and minimally hierarchical \u2026 Although a number of clans in a given area could be united by a larger and looser \u2018tribal\u2019 organization presided over by a grand chef, the principal ties were still ones of dialect and kinship. These groups, varying considerably in size and coherence, lived in semipermanent hostility, a state of \u2018war\u2019 tempered by custom and alliance. The colonial hegemony reduced, but did not eliminate, such rivalries.\u201d (Clifford, 1982, p 41)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10210, "valueset_pk": 10210, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10210, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ajie-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 105, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 105, "glottocode": "ajie1238", "ethonyms": "Canaque; Kanak; Houailou", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Canaque", "Kanak", "Houailou"]}, "id": "ajie", "name": "Ajie", "description": "The indigenous people of New Caledonia lacked an ethnonym for themselves prior to European contact. They are known today as Canaques or Kanaks, an exonym derived from the Hawaiian 'kanaka'. Although they speak over 30 languages, the Kanak people share a similar culture. The Ajie-speaking Kanaks of the Houailou Valley were described in detail by the French missionary / ethnographer Maurice Leenhardt, who oversaw their conversion to Christianity in the early twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.3, "longitude": 165.6}, "name": "Ajie"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [165.6, -21.3]}, "id": "ajie"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17746", "name": "3", "description": "\"The headman of the village district is a tangata sore, lit. 'great man'. The largest districts, Ipau, etc. have each their chiefs, called teriki, lit. 'the ruler' ... Chiefs in these islands did not hold quite the same position of veneration as in Polynesian islands generally. Though the headman might be a 'great man', and the chief the 'ruler', his position might be surpassed by that of the tangata tapu, the sacred man \u2026 Yet a chief had a definite influence ... and was the centre of unity for his district. His people were identified with him. The order \u2018Go abroad!\u2019 given to a chief in the singular number meant that all his people were to migrate with him. He might exercise patronage and protection rights and the expression used of his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 was eia nonofo i tiona marumaru \u2018he is sitting under his shadow\u2019. \" (Capell, 1958, p 4).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10212, "valueset_pk": 10212, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10212, "jsondata": {}, "id": "futuna-west-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 116, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 116, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Aniwa; Futuna; West Futuna", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Aniwa", "Futuna", "West Futuna"]}, "id": "futuna-west", "name": "Futuna-Aniwa", "description": "Futuna and Aniwa are 'Polynesian Outliers' in southern Vanuatu, speaking dialects of the same language (Futuna-Aniwa). Futuna is sometimes called 'West Futuna' to distinguish it from the island of the same name further to the east.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -19.5, "longitude": 170.2}, "name": "Futuna-Aniwa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [170.2, -19.5]}, "id": "futuna-west"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18474", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Social and Political Structure; Right of Succession\u2019 (Erdland, 1914, pp. 71-78)\r\n\r\nErdland describes a system of 'subchiefs' paying loose allegiance to 'high chiefs'. How this system related to local communities is not quite clear:\r\n\r\n\"The natives distinguish two social groups, noblemen and commoners, each of which is divided into two subdivisions: \r\n\r\n\"Noblemen:\r\n\r\n\"a) iroj, high nobleman, whose political position is that of high chief;\r\n\r\n[72] \"b) buirak, nobleman, whose political position is that of subchief; \r\n\r\n\"Commoners: \r\n\r\n\"a) l\u00e4ad\u00f6kd\u00f6k, distinguished person, whose political position is that of adviser;\r\n\r\n\"b) kajur, commoner, whose political position is that of subject. \r\n\r\n\"... Politically speaking, a buirak holds the rank of an iroj in relation to his own subjects, and they call him their political iroj. They must obey him absolutely. A buirak has absolute ownership rights over his landed properties and may give them away or sell them at will \u2026 The landed property of a buirak may be much more extensive than that of an iroj \u2026 [73] \u2026 Through marriages and inheritance each iroj has one or another buirak who pays tribute to him. The subchief puts his subjects at the high chief's disposal for free labor, fights for him, and supports him in the most important matters. In case of serious disputes, however, the subchief withdraws and goes his own way until there is a reconciliation.\r\n\r\n\u201cBoth the high chief and the subchief exercise their power and authority exclusively with regard to their own territories. Therefore, when Kabua made a treaty with the German government in 1878 concerning a protectorate over the Ralik group, he overstepped his rights, since his cousin owned much more land in the Ralik group and was also held in higher esteem. Needless to say, he was even less entitled to agree to a German protectorate over both groups. His designation in the treaty as \u2018King and Lord\u2019 was merely a political maneuver.\r\n\r\n\u201cFrom a political point of view an iroj may be merely a subchief on an atoll.\" (Erdland, 1914, pp. 71-73)\r\n\r\n\u2018Rights of chiefs\u2019 (Erdland. 1914, pp. 78-84)\r\n\r\n\u201cChiefs of the first and second rank are the sole landowners. All landed property belongs to them, either through inheritance from ancestors and relatives or though warfare. Each island is divided into several clearly demarcated parcels that extend from the lagoon shore to the outer shore and are individually named. It is rare, indeed, that all the land of an island belongs to a single chief. Usually one chief owns this piece and another chief owns that one, or as the saying goes: one \u201chut\u201d (iem) belongs to this chief, the other to that one \u2026 These \u2018huts\u2019 or pieces of land are cultivated by the subjects of the chief, and, of course, according to the owner's wishes. Some subjects have lived for generations on the same piece of land, while others, exiles of the feudal system, have been transferred to land of inferior value. Not a single bondsman has title to the land he cultiyates; each one is wholly dependent on the [Page 79] chief, who may remove him from the cultivated land at any time. One must keep this situation in mind in order to understand the sweeping authority of the chiefs.\u201d (Erdland, 1914, pp. 78-79)\r\n\r\nMason (1947, pp. 37-47, 'Territorial organization') provides a clearer description. Most atolls were divided into districts (bukon), each of which contained multiple settlements (ene or jikin kwelok). Settlements consisted of multiple bwij ('families' or lineages), each of which had a head (alap), but there seems to have been no head of the settlement as a whole. The bukon was headed by either a lineage head (alap) or a 'lesser chief' (iroj erik). Bukon heads owed allegiance to 'high chiefs' (iroj labalap). In this situation there would have been two levels of jurisdiction beyond the local community. Sometimes there was another level, 'atoll chief', which would have constituted three levels.\r\n\r\nSettlements:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe basic territorial unit in Marshallese society was and still is the settlement. The natives call it jikin kwelok (place of assembly) if something in the nature of a village is considered; generally, they say ene, the term for island. Settlements take the name of the island on which they are located. Only infrequently does one island have more than one community, in which case the several swellings of population are given [Page 41] separate names but are generally grouped under the island name for casual reference. Any Marshallese settlement is really a series of homesteads strung like beads along the narrow roadway that courses the length of the island. Populations of settlements vary from 15 to over 250, probably averaging about 100, or nearly equivalent to the American rural neighborhood.\u201d (Mason, 1947, pp. 40-41)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe only officials of any sort common to all settlements are the alaps, the headmen of those families (bwij) which occupy the dwelling units and control the strips of property from lagoon to ocean beach. A single dwelling unit may be occupied by all members of a small bwij, but in most cases, a single bwij comprises several nuclear families each of which probably inhabits a single dwelling. A settlement of 150 people may have [42] 30 dwellings but only 20 bwij and, thus, 20 alaps. On the other hand, a single population group of two or three households may consist of only 15 people under a single slap. In matters which are of local concern only, the alaps are sufficient authority, but in larger matters their responsibility merges with that of atoll officialdom.\u201d (Mason, 1947, pp. 41-42)\r\n\r\nDistricts:\r\n\r\n\"Atoll populations are composed of a varying number of separate island settlements ... Some atolls have only one settlement and that on the main island; larger atolls may have 15 or 20 settlements, and two or three on the largest island. Generally, an atoll is divided into several bukons, or districts, each embracing a number of island settlements in one segment of the atoll and centering on the principal island in that segment. Informants insist that the bukon is an old Marshallese concept, useful then, as new, in population administration.\u201d (Mason, 1947, p. 42)\r\n\r\nAuthority at the district level and above:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe native political structure has always been bound up inseparably with ownership of land by the clan, or more realistically by the paramount chief of the clan \u2026 The paramount chiefs (iroij labalap) continue to hold their positions by right of inheritance; as long as a legitimate heir exists, the traditional [43] rules of matrilineal succession are adhered to. The lesser chiefs (iroij erik) succeed their predecessors in the same manner and continue allegiance to the same royal lineage as did their forefathers in the old days of civil strife. At the bottom of the native hierarchy, the alaps in turn serve the lesser chiefs and render tribute to them on demand.\u201d (Mason, 1947, pp. 42-43)\r\n\r\n\"The connection between bukon and atoll or super-atoll leadership varies from one part of the Marshalls to another. Many atolls may fall under the jurisdiction of a single paramount chief, is in the case of the late Tomeing who lived at Wotje. He received tribute, as iroij labalap, from his lesser chiefs (iroij erik) at Ailuk, Utirik, Wotje, Aur, and Maloalap atolls, within each of which the iroij erik have the allegiance of the bukon leaders, be they alaps or minor iroij erik. On the other hand, Arno and Majuro atolls each have a pair of 'kings,' who control a population of the islands relative to their traditional authority, but who are independent of each other. The Ralik Chain to the west has long been integrated under the combined rule of five chiefly families; that is to say, some Ralik atolls like Lae and Ujae are controlled entirely by one of these families, but larger atolls like Jaluit and Ailinglapalap are shared in varying propertions by all five.\" (Mason, 1947, p. 44)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10215, "valueset_pk": 10215, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10215, "jsondata": {}, "id": "marshall-islands-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 27, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 27, "glottocode": "mars1254", "ethonyms": "Marshallese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Marshallese"]}, "id": "marshall-islands", "name": "Marshall Islands", "description": "The Marshall Islands is a group of atolls spread over a large area of Micronesia. Marshallese religion involved a multitude of spirits, known collectively as anij, who are difficult to classify.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.1, "longitude": 171.7}, "name": "Marshall Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [171.7, 7.1]}, "id": "marshall-islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18476", "name": "3", "description": "Tricky due to changes during the time focus. \r\n\r\nThe Kalinga were divided into 'regions', each of which contained multiple 'villages':\r\n\r\n\"KALINGA society is based primarily on the bilateral kinship group, a development of the tribal priciple of social organization (the 'blood tie'), and secondarily on a territorial unit, hereafter called the 'region,' which consists of certain villages and their surrounding lands.\" (Barton, 1949, p. 32)\r\n\r\n'Household and kinship group and their custom law' (Barton, 1949, pp. 32-82)\r\n\r\n'The regional unit: Its institutions and custom law' (Barton, 1949, pp. 137-217)\r\n\r\n'History and background of the Kalinga' (Dozier, 1966, pp. 21-52)\r\n\r\n'Social organization' (Dozier, 1966, pp. 53-126)\r\n\r\n'Headhunting, warfare, and the peace-pact institution' (Dozier, 1966, pp. 197-237).\r\n\r\nAt the time of Barton's fieldwork, political control was mostly in the hands of 'pangats', powerful men who were 'selected by a long informal process whereby they grow in population influence and recognition' (Barton, 1949, p. 147). There were two other indigenous statuses that resembled political offices. The first was that of 'go-between' (mangi-ungud).'Go-betweens' were mediators who had the right to punish breaches of the peace during negotiations. Barton describes them as 'functionaries of the territorial unit' since they were required to act independently of kinship ties. However, the position does not appear to have been a permanent one - rather, 'go-betweens' for appointed for the duration of an important dispute (p. 164). The second was 'pact-holder' (mangdon si budong - Barton, 1949, p. 167). The pact-holder was responsible for enforcing a 'peace-pact' with another region. The multiple pact-holders in a given region do appear to have constituted a loosely organized 'level of jurisdiction' at the regional level.\r\n\r\nHowever, this system was of very recent origin. Barton (1949, p. 167) insists that the peace-pact institution existed prior the the arrival of American control. This appears to be the case, but only just. Dozier argues that it did not pre-date the turn of the century (Dozier, 1966, p. 212) whereas American control began around 1902 (Dozier, 1966, p. 37). Presumably the roles of 'pangat' and 'go-between', but not 'pact-holder', existed prior to this.\r\n\r\nThe fact that the Kalinga were under American control for much of the period complicates matters further. A system of local government based on the Spanish system was implemented and was partially integrated with the indigenous system (Dozier, 1966, pp. 36, 38-39).\r\n\r\nPangats:\r\n\r\n\"Pangats are powerful individuals who have been selected by a long informal process whereby they grow in population influence and recognition and are elevated to the rank in which the domestic aspect of the Kalinga state is lodged.\r\n\r\n\"In the eyes of the people the pangats' main function is to make peace when trouble arises ... But people go to them for advice and assistance in all kinds of matters ... [148] ... Elevation to rank and power in the community is a gradual process of emergence in which the power is attained before the rank is acknowledged by the people. So it is in Kalinga.\" (Barton, 1949, pp. 147-148)\r\n\r\n'Go-betweens':\r\n\r\n\"By derivation, the Kalinga word mangi-ugud, which I translate as 'go-between,' means 'advocate,' 'conferrer.' The derivation thus implies far less power and greater limitations than the Latin arbiter, less, too, than the English word 'arbitrator.' This implication is correct so far as power in settling disputes is concerned, for in that respect the go-between's function is only 'trying to arrange a settlement' between kinship groups involved in controversy, but in another respect his power and duty are vastly greater. For all that, the Kalinga go-between is not nearly so important a functionary as the Ifugao, for the reason, probably that much of his function is performed by the pangats.\r\n\r\n\"In all-important or serious cases there is a go-between, and often there are two of them, on each side. Go-betweens are functionaries of the territorial social unit, as well as of kinship groups. If selected by the pangats, they are formally so, of course. But they are essentially so in any case. For, however selected, they are, as has been said, in honour bound to punish infractions of the peace by either side while mediation is in process with death or wounding; also they are honour bound not to pay weregilds in such cases. That is to say, they carry out an execution sanctioned by the whole region.\" (Barton, 1949, p. 164)\r\n\r\n'Pact-holders':\r\n\r\n\"The pact-holder has a dual office: (1) he is spokesman of his own region in its relations with another and (2) he is an agent of that other town in its dealings with his own and the righter, often the avenger, of wrongs against it ... The office of pact-holder is inherited and allotted in much the same way that property is.\" (Barton, 1949, p. 170)\r\n\r\nRecency of the peace-pact institution:\r\n\r\n\"The peace pact, budong, enforced by a pact-holder, appears to be a specifically Kalinga development. Pangat Dugyang and MR. Dakauwag have the feeling that it is comparatively recent but can give no reasons for the belief. The following consideration argues in favour of the view that it is a comparatively late institution, although it undoubtedly reaches back before the coming of the Americans: the nature of the institution is obviously such that it would propagate itself rapidly, and indeed, it has expanded its area even during American times.\" (Barton, 1949, p. 167)\r\n\r\n\"The Kalinga peace-pact institution (Bodong) is obviously a response to recent historical developments. The former regional isolationism of the Kalinga was broken by Western cultural penetration, particularly by creating opportunities for trade and travel. The earliest dates on which peace pacts were actually established occur around the turn of the century ... Negotiations for such pacts very likely began earlier, possibly with the opening of the Spanish military 'road' or trail from Abra over the Cordillera Central into the Saltan and Chico valleys during the latter part of the nineteenth century. As interregional travel and trade became more common during the first and second decades of the present century the number of peace pacts increased ... Given the traditional animosity between regions, the headhunting practices, and the vengeance system, measures to safeguard the inter-regional traveller had to be taken when extensive travelling became feasible. The Kalinga's answer to this problem was the peace pact which is simply a more formal adjudication system already employed to deal with intraregional, intra-kindred problems. The peace-pact system is, therefore, not something revolutionarily new. The Kalinga, like other mountain peoples of northern Luzon, have a complex legal system, obviously very old, to handle local regional problems. This body of procedures was simply incorporated into the peace-pact system and now these 'laws' are called upon to resolve intra-regional problems as well.\" (Dozier, 1966, p. 212)\r\n\r\nChanges under American administration:\r\n\r\n\"There is no evidence that the Spanish system of municipal government, operating through appointed or elected presidente, concejal, and teniente was actually instituted in the Kalinga country before the American period. This system of local government was, however, established in Abra and the Ilocos areas and Kalinga traders were familiar with it. It was therefore understandable that the municipal form of government was adopted without apparent resistance when the mountain people came under American administration and has been adjusted to traditional government patterns on the local level throughout the Mountain Province.\" (Dozier, 1966, p. 36)\r\n\r\n\"A few remarks about the activities of the first lieutenant ogovernor of Kalinga (1907-1915), Walter Franklin Hale, are in order here ... [39] ... Kalinga credit Hale for bringing down the incidence of headhunting, and establishing law and order throughout the subprovince ... In all matters that did not conflict seriously with governmental regulations, Hale modified rules to fit existing traditional practices ... Early in his administration, Hale recognized the existence of regional units where certain influential leaders or pangngats exercised authority and received the respect of the local population. Such units were asked to name their most influential pangnat to represent them. Each regional unit then had a spokesman upon whom Hale conferred the title of presidente ... The presidente was given an army coat and a small salary to establish his authority ... Hale realized that the Kalinga were not yet prepared to function in terms of the larger municipal districts, and he reinforced the traditional Kalinga consciousness of territorial regions. It was not until toward the end of the American period that the larger municipal districts began to have a meaning for the Kalinga, and even today peace pacts are made between the traditional territorial units. Important municipal officers are now elected, yet the old local units tend to support their own candidates.\" (Dozier, 1966, p. 39)\r\n\r\n\"Kalinga society reflects in the pangat, in the peace pact with pact-holder to enforce it, in its defined boundaries, in its definite citizenship, with provisions for formal change of citizenship, and in its detailed and human treaties with other regions a higher political development than any other Philippine people, so far as has been reported. The virility of these institutions and the hold that they have on the Kalingas are manifested by the fact that they function almost or quite as efficiently and extensively now and under-ground, after thirty-odd years of foreign rule, as they did before that rule, so that, has has already been said, the Kalingas are really subject to two governments, one native, one foreign ... [147] ... Governor Walter A. Hale ... perceived the genius of several Kalinga institutions, fortified them, and gave them a field wherever they could be useful. So, too, did his Filipino assistant and successor, Governor Thomas Blanco. But succeeding native governors have looked on them as resistance to Filipinization.\" (Barton, 1946, pp. 146-147)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10216, "valueset_pk": 10216, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10216, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kalinga-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 55, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 55, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Calinga; Kalingga; Kinalinga", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Calinga", "Kalingga", "Kinalinga"]}, "id": "kalinga", "name": "Kalinga", "description": "The Kalinga are one of several large, historically non-Christian groups living in the mountains of northern Luzon. They are grouped together on the grounds of cultural and linguistic similarity rather than common identity - according to Lawless (1993), 'Kalinga' was originally an exonym meaning \"enemy\". The principal source on this culture (Dozier, 1966) focuses on the Northern Kalinga, who were less acculturated than the Southern Kalinga at this time.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 17.5, "longitude": 121.3}, "name": "Kalinga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.3, 17.5]}, "id": "kalinga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21238", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Chapter III. Domain and clan\u2019 (Fox, 1968, pp. 120-187)\r\n\r\n\u201cTraditionally, Roti is further divided into 18 self-ruling domains called nusak. Each domain is governed by its own Lord who, together with the lords of the various clans that make up the kingdom, presides at a law court and makes decisions based upon the customary usage of his domain. Although borders have always been disputed, it is clear from information in the Dutch archives that most of these domains have existed as independent states for over 300 years.\u201d (Fox, 1968, p 7)\r\n\r\n\u201cNusa(k), the word which I translate as 'domain\u2019 in most contexts, has a number of interrelated meanings. First, the word can mean \u2018island\u2019 \u2026 Secondly, the word can refer to the independent political subdivisions of the island, the states which I describe as 'domains' \u2026 Another use of the word nusak, occurs in the expression, nusak lain, which is commonly shortened to simply nusak \u2026 Nusak lain, \u2018high nusak\u2019, is literally as well as figuratively the high point or centre of a domain. Within each domain, the nusak-lain is the village in which the Lord of a domain has his principal residence \u2026 Although Termanu is somewhat unusual in the extent of its former [121] fortifications, several of the nusak-lain in other domains are situated in positions, often on hill tops, that could be secured against attack. Other nusak-lain were moved to more accessible areas during the peace of the Dutch period.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe nusak lain is the seat of a Lord\u2019s court. This court is also called nusak and is usually held each week in the courtyard of the house of the Lord. The court is the centre of Rotinese political life and the chief duty of a lord with his councillors is to hear law cases (dede\u00e4 nusak) and to act as judge over his realm ... [122] ... The nusak, as court, is presided over by a Lord (manek), a lord-fetor (mane-fetor, or simply fetor), and by the lords of the clans that make up the domain. Among the clan lords is the lord who holds the title of \u2018Head of the Earth\u2019 (dae langak) and another lord who holds the somewhat obscure position of \u2018Lord of the Knife\u2019 (mane dope). In addition to these lords the court may be attended by the nobles (mane-ana) of the Lord\u2019s lineage or clan and by the lesser nobles (sometimes called mane-feto-ana) of the fetor lineage of clan. Finally, there are always elders (tou-lasi-kala) who attend court and participate in the discussion on questions of customary usage (hadak) ... The court is thus representative of the entire domain.\u201d (Fox, 1968, pp 120-122)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10218, "valueset_pk": 10218, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10218, "jsondata": {}, "id": "roti-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 85, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 85, "glottocode": "term1237", "ethonyms": "Atahori Rote; Hataholi Lote; Rote; Rotinese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Atahori Rote", "Hataholi Lote", "Rote", "Rotinese"]}, "id": "roti", "name": "Roti", "description": "Like its neighbour Savu, Roti is dry and not very fertile. Historically, the islanders subsisted primarily upon the sap of the lontar palm, which grows abundantly on the island. The indigenous Rotinese religion involved two classes of spirits: spirits of the inside (benevolent ancestral spirits), and spirits of the outside (malevolent spirits of unknown origin). While Christianity has been practiced on Roti for centuries, most of the population did not convert until well into the twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.7, "longitude": 123.2}, "name": "Roti"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [123.2, -10.7]}, "id": "roti"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "20566", "name": "3", "description": "\"In times ofpeace, family-based settlements of a few houses, sometimes set around a plaza or public place, were dispersed across the land, a pattern that may have [340] developed to protect the food supply from raiders. When war threatened, however, the islanders commonly clustered their houses into villages for mutual protection and rapid mobilization against enemy attacks ... The principal kin group and basic economic and residential unit was a first-order ramage known as the haanau, a patrilineal extended family of up to four generations of agnates. The chief's haanau into which Lamont was adopted comprised about fifteen people and occupied a single settlement of three sleeping houses and a common cook house ... Sets of\r\nhaanau tracing descent from a common ancestor and inhabiting\r\npart or all of an islet were united into a second-order ramage that may have been called the huaanga ... It is unclear whether the basic domestic unit was the haanau-the patrilineal extended family-or a subsection of it. To judge by the communal cook house in Lamont's settlement, though, it was the haanau ... The huaanga was the basic political unit, its members united under an ariki or 'chief and attending the same marae (ritual place); there were about thirteen huaanga in 1853, averaging about 150 members each. The relationships among huaanga were marked by varying degrees of mutual suspicion and hostility, dominance and submission. Groups of four or five adjacent huaanga were united [341] by kinship, realpolitik, or conquest into one of three largely endogamous hititangata, which acted primarily as war confederacies ... Although ariki had some ritual authority-imposing taboos and performing rituals to incorporate strangers, for example-their influence rested largely on control of property and networks of kin and allies ... They acted as spokespersons, managers of communal work, arbitrators in serious disputes, and war officials.\" (Roscoe, 1991, pp. 339-341)\r\n\r\n\u201cTaking these comments, together with descriptions of actual encounters, into consideration, it is evidence that the huaanga were united at one level into three higher-order ramages \u2026 Since the vernacular term for these ramages is unrecorded, I will refer to them as hititangata \u2013 a word meaning \u2018clan,\u2019 \u2018tribe,\u2019 \u2018following,\u2019 or \u2018people,\u2019 which is applied to a larger or more inclusive group than the huaanga \u2026 In geographical terms, each hititangata comprised a number of contiguous huaanga, thereby dividing the atoll into three segments \u2026 The only time that the hititangata acted as a group \u2026 was when it was mobilized for warfare. In this event, military leadership was determined by (or was in the idiom of) genealogical seniority.\u201d (Campbell, 1985, pp 73-74)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10220, "valueset_pk": 10220, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10220, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tongareva-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 125, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 125, "glottocode": "penr1237", "ethonyms": "Tongarevan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tongarevan"]}, "id": "tongareva", "name": "Tongareva", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.0, "longitude": -158.0}, "name": "Tongareva"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [202.0, -9.0]}, "id": "tongareva"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18978", "name": "3", "description": "Manihiki and Rakahanga had an unusual settlement pattern. The population lived on one atoll at a time, and periodically migrated between them due to food shortages:\r\n\r\n\"Manihiki and Rakahanga, atolls 25 miles apart, are occupied by a people sprung from one family of settlers. The whole population once lived on one atoll at a time and moved back and forth from one atoll to the other when forced to do so by depletions of the coconut and puraka (species of taro) supplies\" (Buck, 1932, p. 4)\r\n\r\nThere was one village on Rakahanga and two on Manihiki:\r\n\r\n\"Manihiki is the larger of the two atolls and contains about 1,250 acres of land. It has a fine lagoon abounding in pearl shell and Tridacna, but there are no large natural passages through the reef. The boat passages opposite the two villages are short and boats or canoes must be run up onto the reef, from which they are dragged to the deeper water on the inner side of the reef flat \u2026 [5] \u2026 Rakahanga, with an area of 1,000 acres, is smaller than Manihiki \u2026The small island, Te Kainga, in the southwest, was the original home of the people, but the site of the single village was changed to Rakahanga across the inter-island channel to the south.\" (Buck, 1932, pp. 4-5)\r\n\r\n\u2018Titular system\u2019 (Buck, 1932, pp. 43-56)\r\n\r\n\u2018Tribal history\u2019 (Buck, 1932, pp. 57-65)\r\n\r\nThe entire population formed a loosely-knit political community. There were four 'tribes' (matakeinanga) that were largely independent and were each headed by a whakamaru. The tribes were grouped into pairs under an ariki, whose role was mostly religious. All four tribes cooperated during migrations between the atolls:\r\n\r\n\"Each matakeinanga elected its head independently of the others. The special term whakamaru was coined to distinguish him. His powers have been defined. For practical purposes, the matakeinanga was a small tribe, independent of the others as regards local government, but uniting with another matakeinanga under the two priestly ariki for religious purposes. All four matakeinanga federated for voyages back and forth between Mani-hiki and Rakahanga.\" (Buck, 1932, p. 60)\r\n\r\nThe two ariki were called Whainga-aitu and Whakaheo. Their roles were complementary:\r\n\r\n\"The opposing factions were pacified by a compromise, for the native historians state that in the period of Temu-matua and Tianewa-matua the authority (pohatu) was divided (I to raua tuatau i ngaha te pohatu). The compromise was the creation of a dual arikiship. Temu-matua was made an ariki and was the first to hold the Whainga-aitu title. Tianewa-matua was made an ariki and was the first to hold the Whakaheo title.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe people also divided into four tribes, and two tribes supported each title. The old tribes, Numatua and Tia-ngaro-tonga, upheld the Whakaheo title. Two newly-created tribes, Heahiro and Mokopuwai, banded together under the leadership of the Whainga-aitu ...  The lands in both Rakahanga and Manihiki became divided among the tribes. The dual ariki ruled over their respective tribes, with evidently no serious friction, as there are no traditional records of local wars. The ariki were supported by their hui rangatira (assembly of chiefs), which included the special officers dealing with land and food, and the heads of subtribes. There was some differentiation in the powers of the two ariki. (See p. 210.) The dual arikiship existed down to the advent of Christianity, when the offices gradually fell into abeyance owing to changed conditions affecting the social structure of the people.\" (Buck, 1932, p. 48)\r\n\r\nBoth ariki roles appear to have been almost exclusively religious:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Whainga-aitu title was a full ariki title, but the special term must have been developed locally, for it does not appear, so far as I know, in any other part of Polynesia. The term is said to be derived from the words whai (to follow), nga (the), and aitu (gods). The title thus stresses the priestly functions of the office, for the Whainga-aitu was the principal medium between his people and the gods ...[49] \u2026 He ruled over the two tribes, Heahiro and Mokopuwai, but did not interfere in the sharing out of land, which was left to the tribal heads, or whakamaru. The Whainga-aitu was the spiritual head and could command the assistance of the supernormal powers that commanded the productivity of land and sea. The whakamaru were the executives who superintended economic details.\" (Buck, 1932, pp. 48-49)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe term Whakaheo is said to be derived from waka (canoe) and heo (to surround). In the voyages made by the whole population between the two atolls, the ariki holding the title surrounded the canoes with his priestly and supernormal powers and thus insured safe transport ... The Whakaheo had power over the phenomena of nature. He could demonstrate his power by causing the lightning to flash, the thunder to sound, and the rain to fall. He thus controlled the winds and storms, and it was through this power that he was able to surround the voyaging canoes with his priestly protection and insure a safe passage between the atolls.\u201d (Buck, 132, p. 52)\r\n\r\nEach ariki was assisted by an 'assembly of chiefs', whose role is not quite clear, as well as 'certain chiefs who had to deal with the economic details within the tribes', about which little is said. The whakamaru were probably the heads of the four tribes. One among them, the moa, was senior and could overrule the others. The moa was 'associated with the Whainga-aitu', but it is not clear that he was under his direct control:\r\n\r\n\"It was held that each ariki had his hui rangatira (assembly of chiefs). The term hui rangatira is a Rarotongan one which includes the heads of families who are closely related to the ruling ariki ... Associated with the ariki were certain chiefs who had to deal with the economic details within the tribes ... Whakamaru was the local taohanga (title) given to the heads of tribes ... Whakamaru (to give shelter or shade) is thus an expressive term, as the head of the tribe [55] sought to shelter his people. According to some informants, there were two whakamaru under each of the dual ariki, thus making one representative for each of the four tribes. Others seemed to think that the heads of subtribes were also whakamaru. Some of the subtribes must have been fairly small in number, and it is hardly likely that the term would have been applied to the heads of many subtribes ... The duties of the whakamaru were to act as public custodian over tribal lands, to settle disputes, and to prevent outside interference from another tribe. He had to do with directing the planting of food crops and the protection of the coconut plantations and puraka swamps from theft. He had power also over the redistribution of tribal lands which had to be adjusted to the ebb and flow of population. His decision was final, and not even his ariki could interfere with him in matters that concerned the interior economy of the tribe. His status was as high or even higher than that of the ariki in local matters. When it came to questions which concerned the intervention of the tribal gods, however, the ariki was superior, owing to his special priestly functions. From a modern point of view, the whakamaru in his own tribal district was judge of the native land court, Crown ranger, and director of agriculture. He also had a priestly function. When the whole population crossed from one atoll to the other the whakamaru from the tribes went first to the marae to conduct the appropriate ritual to the god (ka whai i to ratou atua). It was also stated that certain lesser tribal gods were in the keeping of the whakamaru.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe moa was a speaker or messenger between the whakamaru and the ariki. He was a whakamaru appointed by whakamaru. In discussions among the whakamaru he assumed seniority, and his decision was final. The title-holder seemed to be associated particularly with the Whainga-aitu.\" (Buck, 1942, pp. 54-55)\r\n\r\nAnother figure whose authority apparently encompassed the whole population was the papa, whose role was religious and economic:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe papa was a special title held by one Tuteru-te-tahua. He dealt with economic matters with which the ariki, by virtue of his priestly position, was not allowed to concern himself. He thus controlled land and food supplies. He had power with the Whainga-aitu division through his father and power with the Whakaheo division through his mother. He could thus conduct the religious ritual at the Poutu marae at Tauhunu and at the Akaroa marae at Tukou. He probably was a super whakamaru who by birth and ability carried influence with the whakamaru of the four tribes.\u201d (Buck, 1932, p. 56)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10223, "valueset_pk": 10223, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10223, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manihiki-rakahanga-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 137, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 137, "glottocode": "raka1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "manihiki-rakahanga", "name": "Manihiki-Rakahanga", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.4, "longitude": -161.0}, "name": "Manihiki-Rakahanga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [199.0, -10.4]}, "id": "manihiki-rakahanga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17743", "name": "3", "description": "By the late precontact period Futuna was divided into two chiefdoms:\r\n\r\n\u201cAfter the devastation of Alofitai, Singave was the only region of the two islands not under the sway of the Tua kings. Futuna was thus divided into two districts, Tua and Singave, always hostile and often openly at war. At any given time, the district which had won the last battle \u2013 for one decisive battle constituted a war \u2013 was called malo (victor), the other lava (vanquished).\u201d (Burrows, 1937, p 37)\r\n\r\nHow the chiefdoms were governed prior to missionisation is not entirely clear. Burrows provides an overview of district government in the twentieth century, and implies a considerable amount of continuity:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe governmental units are the villages and the two districts. The districts are independent except that both come under French colonial authority. Each unit is governed by a chief and council: the district by a king (sau or aliki sau) and council of chiefs (fono lasi); the village by a village chief (aliki fenua) and council of householders (fono fenua) \u2026 In each district, the district council (fono lasi) meets every Sunday after morning mass. The fono is opened with prayer; this may have been the custom even in pagan times \u2026 The other functions of the council fall into four classes: business relating to the French government; district tasks, district merry-making, and punishment of crime. Business relating to the French government is chiefly consideration of means of paying taxes \u2026 District tasks consist of such matters as the repair of the road, or the rebuilding of the wall that encircles the island \u2026 District merrymaking always takes the form of a katoanga (feast or distribution of food). The most frequent occasions nowadays are church feast days \u2026 A special function of the district council is to forbid entry (fakatapu) to any place where natives are not desired \u2026 In the old days the king, presumably with the approval of the council, could lay a tapu on food, for a feast or to reserve some delicacy for himself \u2026 The district council considers only crimes regarded as especially serious \u2026 Very serious offenses, especially those involving Europeans, would be taken up by the French government \u2026 Punishment nowadays is nearly always a fine (totongi) \u2026 The death penalty and, perhaps, various forms of violence and mutilation may have been in use in the old days; but now that the supreme power is European, they have been abandoned.\u201d (Burrows, 1937, pp 95-98)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10224, "valueset_pk": 10224, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10224, "jsondata": {}, "id": "futuna-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 37, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 37, "glottocode": "east2447", "ethonyms": "East Futuna; Futunan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["East Futuna", "Futunan"]}, "id": "futuna", "name": "Futuna", "description": "The island of Futuna, sometimes known as 'East Futuna' to distinguish it from another island of the same name, is in Western Polynesia. The island is known, among other things, for its connection to the martyr Pierre Chanel, whose murder in 1841 precipitated the conversion of the island to Christianity. Prior to this event, the islanders had worshipped Fakavelikele, a deified founding ancestor.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -14.3, "longitude": -178.0}, "name": "Futuna"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [182.0, -14.3]}, "id": "futuna"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18500", "name": "3", "description": "'Proximity and force' (Oliver, 1974, pp. 965-1073)\r\n\r\n\u201cFirst-order tribes. Next to the household itself, the smallest territorial unit in these Islands was what I called a neighbourhood, consisting of one or more households. Evidence was presented earlier of Maohi beliefs relating to autonomous neighbourhoods, and during the eras when these Islands were being populated there must have been many such. But as noted earlier, by the late Indigenous Era there appear to have been no autonomous territorial units, or tribes, simpler than that of Tetaha, which consisted of several neighbourhoods combined into at least two neighbourhood subunits. Most of the tribes of that era were more complex than that, and even Tetaha was able to preserve its autonomy only by means of shifting alliances with its more complex and populous neighbors.\r\n\r\n\"Second-order tribes. The simplest tribe larger than a single neighbourhood would have been one composed of two or more neighbourhoods differentiated only to the extent that the chief of one of them exercised final authority over all of them in events involving all of them ... Third-order tribes. Next in order of complexity was a tribe composed of two or more multineighbourhood units each with its own local chief but [977] all subject to the ultimate authority of one among them. On Tahiti itself, during the era under study, this multi-multi-neighbourhood order of complexity seems to have been exemplified only by Fa\u2019a\u2019a (Tetaha, Te Fana I Ahurai).\r\n\r\n\"Four-order tribes. More complex still was a type of tribe composed of two or more multi-multi-neighbourhood units. On Tahiti one such unit was known as Te Porionu\u2019u, made up of the multi-multineighbourhood units of Pare and Arue, before their overall chief Pomare I succeeded in extending his sway elsewhere \u2026 The native label fenua seems to have been applied to tribes of both the third and fourth orders of complexity; and if one follows Morrison\u2019s usage, the major subdivisions of both would have been patu \u2013 although according to Bligh, pare and Arure were also known as the two mano of Porionu\u2019u. But again, some writers apply the labels mata\u2019eiana and va\u2019a mata\u2019eina\u2019a to these territorial units and their inhabitants, respectively.\r\n\r\n\"Fifth-order tribes. A fifth order of complexity was the type of unit latterly exemplified on Tahiti by Teva i uta and Teva i tai. As we saw, Bligh called such units \u2018grand divisions\u2019 or \u2018Princedoms,\u2019 and Morrison referred to them as \u2018alliances\u2019 ... The units I have included in this fifth order of complexity, on Tahiti and elsewhere, differed markedly in degree of integration. Teva i uta (Landward Teva), for example, was an old and fairly stable unit; for a long time before 1767 its three eastern subdivisions (fenua?), Atimaono, Vaiuriri, and Vaiari, had been firmly dominated by the chiefly dynasty of its western division, Papara. And Teva i tai (Seaward Teva), composed of the several second-, third-, and fourth-order units comprising Tahiti\u2019s peninsula, had for some time been a stable union dominated by a single line of chiefs.\r\n\r\n\"During the five decades after 1767 these and other Tahitian territorial units were linked to one another in various shifting combinations, and in the end all Tahiti (along with Mo\u2019orea) was united into a single, sixth-order unit.\u201d (Oliver, 1974, pp 976-977)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10226, "valueset_pk": 10226, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10226, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Maohi-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 117, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 117, "glottocode": "tahi1242", "ethonyms": "Society Islands; Tahitian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Society Islands", "Tahitian"]}, "id": "Maohi", "name": "Maohi", "description": "The indigenous people of the Society Islands, often known as 'Tahitians' after the largest island in the group.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -17.6, "longitude": -149.4}, "name": "Maohi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [210.6, -17.6]}, "id": "Maohi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17669", "name": "3", "description": "\"The Kapitan of Kedang claimed then, and it is still claimed in Kedang, that his district was independent of the Radja of Adonara, and this claim is verified by Munro, a lieutenant of the Dutch infantry, in an official report in 1915 (pp. 1-2). Munro says that Kedang was originally a radjadom, but M.A. Sarabiti, the last Kapitan, told me that his family bore only the Kedangese designation Rian-Baraq, an honorific composed of the words 'great' and 'heavy'. Van Lynden lists Kedang in 1851 as standing under the Radja of Adonara, but he no doubt relied on the Radja of Adonara for this information for he remarks that 'Lomblem is still very little known.'\" (Barnes, 1974, p 6)\r\n\r\n\"Kalikur was in ancient times already a port for traders ... [11] ... It was originally founded by people from the village Aliuroba, which lies on the south side of the mountain, and the ruling clan (Leu Tuang) are of Kedang descent. But there had been strong mixture with foreigners, particularly with traders from Celebes, Adonara, and Alor ... [12] ... The contact with strangers gave Kalikur an advantageous sophistication and knowledge of the outer world; their position as intermediaries for the trade with the mountain population gave them power and wealth. They took advantage of this position to establish an arrogant and extortionate supremacy over the rest of Kedang ... The relation to the outside provided Kalikur its first opportunity to attempt serious conquest. No more than the incident just described can these event be dated, but they certainly belong to the second half of the nineteenth century ... Kalikur brought a party of meo or Timorese warriors to Kedang to help in suppressing the villages of the interior. These troops then burned all the villages of Kedang except Leutubung, which defended itself ingeniously ... This seems to have been their only defeat, and after twice coming to Kedang in support of Kalikur, their name became greatly feared.\" (Barnes, 1974, pp 10-12)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10230, "valueset_pk": 10230, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10230, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kedang-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 39, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 39, "glottocode": "keda1252", "ethonyms": "Kedangese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kedangese"]}, "id": "kedang", "name": "Kedang", "description": "The name 'Kedang' denotes a region on the north coast of the island of Lomblen in Eastern Indonesia, a state that encompassed this area in the past, the language spoken in this area, and the people inhabiting this area. Like a number of other Eastern Indonesian peoples, the Kedang acknowledged a high god whose name, Ula-Lojo, was composed of the words for 'Moon' and 'Sun'. Ula-Lojo was conceived as remote, and more earthly beings known as  'the spirits of the land' were the usual recipients of worship. In the late 19th century, the state of Kedang was conquered by the neighboring state of Adonara and its Dutch allies. Subsequently, most Kedangese converted to Christianity.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.2, "longitude": 123.8}, "name": "Kedang"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [123.8, -8.2]}, "id": "kedang"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17672", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Traditional political communities\u2019 (Nooy-Palm, 1979, pp. pp. 58-92)\r\n\r\n\"First and foremost an adat -community denotes an autonomous political unit which inhabits a territory of its own and has its own adat, or system of customs. Furthermore one or more rituals are celebrated collectively by all members of a given adat-community. These rituals resemble to a considerable degree the rituals celebrated in other similar communities in what is known today as Tana Toraja, Yet, there are many local variants which, on occasion, deviate from more common patterns of observance.\r\n\r\n\u201cEvery community has its own sacral artefacts ... The sacral artefacts are preserved in adat -houses (tongkonan), several of which exist in any adat-community ... Every tongkonan is the center of a specific ramage or subramage. The tongkonan was founded in the past by a leading ancestor of this marapuan or rapu and has since remained its social and religious center.\r\n\r\n\u201cAs a ramage expands it eventually undergoes segmentation. The separating subramage then builds itself a new tongkonan which, being of later origin, is of lower status. It remains, however, the tongkonan of the leading ramage (or ramages) which lends distinction to the territory as a whole. The history of the leading (sub)ramage is closely intertwined with the history of the adat-community as such. A number of important subramages can reside in an adat-community in addition to the leading one itself. More often than not these are blood relatives of the leading subramage. Furthermore, within the territorial bounds of the community families from the lower classes will also make their homes here.\r\n\r\n\u201c[60] Not only eminent ramages, but also other families as well, often have a title. The leading family has the most significant title. Titleholders each have a specific area of competence and a concomitant role to perform in ritual. Functionaries also come together on the occasion of meetings, for councils concerning war and peace. One of the titleholders (a man belonging to the most important family) is primus inter pares. His voice is usually decisive in settling legal disputes.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Toraja language has no word for denoting the concept of adat-community in general: instead they differentiate a certain rank list of communities according to size and rank. In order of ascending magnitude, adat -communities are considered to belong to one of the following four categories:\r\n\r\n\u201cbua\u2019 \u2014 or penanian (the bua\u2019 -areas, see IV.1.2); patang penanian (see IV.1.4); lembang (see IV.1.4); tallulembangna (see IV.1.7).\r\n\r\n\u201cThe village as a unit will be discussed in a separate section of the text (IV.2). Although it encompasses a territory in the traditional sense of the word, it differs in some ways from the bua\u2019-, patang penanian- or lembang -communities. The village, moreover, often coincides with a bua\u2019-community (it can also include two bua\u2019-groups; on the other hand several villages together may constitute a single bua\u2019 -community) ... A single bua\u2019 -community includes a territorial area within which the inhabitants celebrate the bua\u2019 padang -ritual together  ...[61] ... This ritual is a kind of agricultural New Year celebration with the aim of imploring the higher powers to smile on man, beast and the produce of the fields (in this instance, rice). The word penanian originally had a different meaning, for it is derived from nani (\u2018to sing\u2019); it signified the performance of choral song during the above-mentioned bua\u2019 -ritual. The term penanian is synonymous with bua\u2019 -circle; it merely depends on what area or village a person lives in which of the two terms he will happen to use.\r\n\r\n\"Here, since the bua\u2019 -feast will be described at length elsewhere (see Vol. II), I will limit my remarks about the celebration. It should be indicated, however, that the small bua\u2019 -ritual ( bua\u2019 padang ) must not be confused with the great bua\u2019 -feast, the bua\u2019 - or la\u2019pa\u2019 kasalle .\r\n\r\n\u201cWe noted that a bua\u2019 -unit can encompass half of a village, a whole one or several villages together. As opposed to the lembang, a bua\u2019 seldom has a proper name, although people sometimes refer to it by the name of the relevant village (especially where bua\u2019 and village coincide).\r\n\t\r\n\u201cAlthough I described the bua\u2019-ritual above as a kind of agricultural New Year celebration, this does not mean that the bua\u2019 padang was ever held annually ... Rather, celebration was performed on a rotation basis: village A, constituting a bua\u2019-circle, observed the bua\u2019 padang one year, village B (another bua\u2019-circle) followed suit the next, village C (with bua\u2019-circle C thus) enacted the ritual the third year, etc. ... A patang penanian is a federation composed of four penanian or bua\u2019 -units (patang = four) which, apparently, celebrate the bua\u2019 padang -feast in keeping with a cyclical arrangement like that described immediately above. Members of such a federation make up a larger administrative whole, larger than their own bua\u2019 -group. The whole is also more than the sum of its parts, for there is an adat-chief for the patang penanian as an entity ... [62] ... The members of a patang penanian observe an important ritual together, such as, for example, a merok -feast or a great bua\u2019-feast, the bua\u2019- or la\u2019pa\u2019kasalle ... A patang penanian can itself be in turn part of a larger federal union, or even of a state. Thus La\u2019bo\u2019, a patang penanian consisting of four villages (= four penanian ), Mengke\u2019pe, Marante, Tandung and Karatuan, is itself a member of the federation of Kesu\u2019.\r\n\r\n\u201cThere are also penanian -federations in the princedoms of Sangalla\u2019 and Ma\u2019kale. In the former the bond has the form of a patang penanian; in the latter, two forms of union are found, the karua penanian (\u2018the eight penanian\u2019 ) and sangpulo dua penanian (\u2018the twenty-two penanian\u2019 ). The eight members of the karua penanian are all situated in or near the village of Lemo; the twenty-two members of the other league are all clustered in the vicinity of Awa. It is not apparent to me how these smaller federations function in the context of larger socio-political units ...Lembang means proa or ship. The term is also used to denote a territory of varying compass \u2026 In these pages I will only use the word to denote an adat -community governed by a single set of laws, a group of people inhabiting a certain territory of larger dimensions than a bua\u2019 or [Page 63] penanian . Such usage is well-founded on Toraja tradition which refers to the three puang -states of Tana Toraja as the Tallulembangna (\u2018the three lembang \u2019).\r\n\r\n\u201cDuring Dutch rule, such a traditional territory was usually made into an administrative district. As a rule such a lembang can be described as a federation of different bua\u2019 -circles or of  various tondok (\u2018villages\u2019). Three to nine bua\u2019 usually constitute a lembang but the number can rise. Every lembang has a leader, an indo\u2019 lembang or ma\u2019dika lembang . Some lembang are princedoms under a puang.\u201d (Nooy-Palm, 1979, pp. 59-63)\r\n\r\n\u201cH.T. Lanting in his \u2018Nota\u2019 of 1926 has left an intriguing speculative essay on the origin and evolution of social organization higher than the tongkonan. Befitting the diversity of the Sa\u2019dan highlands, levels of social organization varied widely, as did the names for forms that were often quite similar. He distinguished five levels of social organization above the tongkonan, in order of ascending complexity. The first was the federation of tongkonan, which he also called merok communities (geemenschap), after the cycle of ceremonies by that name. [13] Each tongkonan within the community was under a tomakaka or to sugi\u2019, none of whom assumed a position of authority for the entire federation; it was thus a purely horizontal organization of equals. The second level, the bua\u2019, was a federation of tongkonan in which a federation leader emerged. The third level was a federation of bua\u2019 which, like the tongkonan federation, did not acknowledge a single head. The fourth level was the lembang, a federation of bua\u2019 in which a ruling head emerged. Finally, there was a federation of lembang, again with no acknowledged head. The only example of this last level in the Sa\u2019dan highlands was the Tallu Lembangna (three lembang) of Ma\u2019kale-Sangalla\u2019-Mengkendek in the southern Sa\u2019dan highlands.\u201d (Bigalke, 2005, pp 11-13)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10233, "valueset_pk": 10233, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10233, "jsondata": {}, "id": "southern-toraja-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 12, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 12, "glottocode": "tora1261", "ethonyms": "Sa'dan Toradja; Tae'", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sa'dan Toradja", "Tae'"]}, "id": "southern-toraja", "name": "Southern Toraja", "description": "The Southern Toraja, also known as the Sa'dan Toraja, reside in the highlands of the island of Sulawesi (formerly known as Celebes) in Eastern Indonesia. The Toraja have been largely Christian since the 1970s, but a minority continue to follow the indigenous religion, now known as Aluk to Dolo (Ways of the Ancestors).", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.1, "longitude": 119.8}, "name": "Southern Toraja"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.8, -3.1]}, "id": "southern-toraja"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17684", "name": "3", "description": "The position of jurai tue appears to have been the only public \u2018office\u2019 in Besemah society. The role of the jurai tue appears to have been primarily religious, but was also to keep \u2018order\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"Mat Nur explained to us that according to Besemah adat a village was normally divided into four jungut and that each jungut had its poyang and its own pemipin (head, leader) who could be called the jurai tue of the jungut. But, Mat Nur went on, the real jurai tue of the village as a whole, stood outside the jungut and was not a member of any of them. The true jurai tue, Mat Nur explained, descended from the single founding ancestor of the village, from the pangkal (beginning, source, root) down a straight line from eldest son to eldest son.\" (Collins, 1979, p 183)\r\n\r\n\"The feature of the jurai tue which seemed to be central both in Haji Mat Nur\u2019s description and in the picture drawn for me by most informants is that he is the wakil (agent, deputy, representative). Although no informant volunteered to go on and specify who had deputized the wakil or on whose behalf he was the agent, it is clear from what people said about the jurai tue\u2019s ideal role in his community that he can really be understood both as representative of the poyang to the people and representative of the people to the poyang.\" (Collins, 1979, p 196-197)\r\n\r\n\"Besides being considered able to draw on his knowledge of history to make authoritative pronouncements about the moral health of his community the jurai tue is also held to possess the most reliable accounts of village precendent and tradition which enables him to mediate quarrels and disputes and to organize village cooperation. The jurai tue, my informants would say, is invited to every sedekah performed in the village. No ritual, they claimed, would be complete or possible without his presence.\" (Collins, 1979, p 199)\r\n\r\nSome jurai tue had authority over multiple villages:\r\n\r\n\"In the days before the Dutch invaded Besemah, he continued, the jurai tue of Keban Agung did not just take care of his own village but had the right to regulate and supervise twelve villages in the area of Sawah Batuan. In those days, Mat Nur said, the jurai tue were the leaders and their deliberations gave rise to the rules and laws \u2026 which kept Besemah secure, calm and orderly and in accord with the aturan (order) Atong Bungsu established for Jagat Besemah.\" (Collins, 1979, p 186)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10237, "valueset_pk": 10237, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10237, "jsondata": {}, "id": "besemah-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 35, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 35, "glottocode": "cent2053", "ethonyms": "Pasemah; Pasumah, Passumah", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Pasemah", "Pasumah, Passumah"]}, "id": "besemah", "name": "Besemah", "description": "The Besemah people inhabit the southern highlands of Sumatra. Like many of their neighbours, they speak 'Central' or 'Middle Malay', and are now Muslim. Traditionally the nearby volcano Gunung Dempo was sacred to the Besemah people, and was believed to be inhabited by various supernatural agents, including the spirits of their dead.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -4.1, "longitude": 103.3}, "name": "Besemah"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [103.3, -4.1]}, "id": "besemah"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18596", "name": "3", "description": "Settlement on Aneityum was dispersed. The island was divided into 'tribes' or 'chiefdoms', each of which consisted of a number of districts. Each tribe had a 'high chief' (natimarid), and each district had a 'district chief' (natimi alupas):\r\n\r\n\u201cAs well as being responsive to population levels and structure, agriculture was organised within a social framework provided at contact by a stratified political system, reflected in a settlement hierarchy of chiefdoms or 'tribes' each divided into a number of districts. Each chiefdom had at its head a high chief (natimarid), with a number of petty or district chiefs (natimi alupas) subservient to him \u2026The districts are the basic settlement unit with the households within them in a dispersed pattern among the gardens \u2026\u201d (Spriggs, 1981, p. 55)\r\n\r\nThe power of chiefs varied according to their personal qualities. Their most important role, and perhaps their only 'de jure' role, was to organize and provide feasts. The 'principal men' of a chiefdom, which included the natimi alupas and possibly others, also had a say in some chiefdom level decisions (notably choosing a new natimi arid):\r\n\r\n\u201cAll early accounts agree as to the presence on the island of patrilineal hereditary chieftainship, tempered to some extent by the necessary approval of the 'principal men' of the group \u2026 When a successor to a natimarid was chosen these principal men would be the natimi alupas of the chiefdom  \u2026 Geddie and Inglis differed in their appreciation of the authority of the natimarid. Geddie used phrases such as 'supreme\u2019, 'arbitrary power', 'greatly dreaded', 'viewed with a kind of religious veneration while they lived and worshipped . .. after death', 'almost absolute power, and \u2018exercised their power with much rigour\u2019 \u2026 Inglis on the other hand described their authority as [59] \u2018very limited. Every man appears to do very much what is right in his own eyes'.  \u2026 These differing assessments may relate to the power-authority distinction: Inglis (ibid: item 44d) describes the northern natimarid present on his arrival as 'feeble' while those in Geddie's parish were 'men of influence and great force of character'.\u201d (Spriggs, 1981, pp. 58-59)\r\n\r\n\u201cIt is in the practice of feasting (so strongly condemned by the missionaries) that Aneityumese social structure and the position of chiefs is most clear. The central role of chiefs was in the giving and receiving of feasts, involving the appropriation of surplus food production in their own chiefdoms or districts and redistributing across chiefdom or district boundaries \u2026 A chief's relative status was shown by the quantity of food collected and this was limited by the quantity he could appropriate from his own subjects. One way of concentrating food supplies for the feasts was the imposition of a taboo on certain foods leading up to it, backed up by fear of angering the chief as possessor of malevolent powers, and of angering the spirits (natmas) in general. On occasions more directly coercive sanctions were employed to enforce taboos \u2026 [65] \u2026 this fear was tempered by an ideology of giving. Thus, 'it was one of the primary articles in the creed of heathenism, that the man who made the most costly offering to the natmasses, most effectually propitiated their favour' (App\u00b7 8: item 14) , and 'their highest ambition was to make a great exhibition of food' (ibid: item 12) \u2026 Within the district therefore, status could be assigned to the individual who produced the greatest quantity of food, successfully propitiating both chief and natmas. The chief carried this desire for status lo the inter-district arena, where an impressive display of food showed that his garden magic was more powerful therefore his propitiation of the natmas more successful, and his control over agricultural production more effective than his rivals.\u201d (Spriggs, 1981, pp. 64-65)\r\n\r\nOne source describes a 'tribal council' which is not mentioned elsewhere. This council is destribed as punishing 'all infractions of tribal law'. Although the members of this council are described as being under the 'jurisdiction' of the natimarid, his exact role in it is not clear.\r\n\r\n\"The tribal council consisted of the head men of each village\r\nor hamlet under the jurisdiction of each high chief. All infractions of tribal law were discussed, and punished by the arms being bound and the culprit left for several hours to the public gaze, also by his getting growing food uprooted to \u00b7feed the council ...\" (Lawrie, 1892, quoted in Spriggs, 1981, App. 6.15)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10238, "valueset_pk": 10238, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10238, "jsondata": {}, "id": "aneityum-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 129, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 129, "glottocode": "anei1239", "ethonyms": "Anejom", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Anejom"]}, "id": "aneityum", "name": "Aneityum", "description": "Aneityum is the southernmost island of Vanuatu. While many of Vanuatu's islands are linguistically diverse, the people of Aneityum constitute a single ethnolingustic group. Among other things, Aneityum is notable for having suffered one of the worst cases of depopulation in the Pacific following European contact.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -20.2, "longitude": 169.8}, "name": "Aneityum"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [169.8, -20.2]}, "id": "aneityum"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19267", "name": "3", "description": "The people of Ontong Java were divided into two 'tribes', each of which occupied multiple 'viillages':\r\n\r\n\u201cFormerly there were dwellings on practically all the islands, and large villages on Luangiua, Pelau, Keila, Kiloma, Kepae, Kemalu, and \u2018Avaha. The only two villages of any size to-day are on Luangiua and Pelau.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe people are divided into two tribes. The members of one tribe, the less important both socially and numerically, own the part of the atoll near the island of Pelau, while the members of the other own all the remaining islands. Each tribe has its main village, one situated on Pelau island and [94] one on Luangiua. They have no distinguishing native names, but it will be convenient to call each after its own island.\r\n\r\n\u201cEach tribe is made up of a number of joint families, groups of individuals who are closely related. The joint family forms a compact unit, for it is practically autonomous, and the members own land and property jointly. Other economic units are the canoe-owning group, the house-owning group, the gardening group and the household. The tribe as a whole combines only to carry out religious ceremonies, the most important of which centre around the sanga rites, performed for one month of every year. Each tribe has a temple in its main village, and here ceremonies were formerly carried out daily by the priests.\u201d (Hogbin, 1939, pp. 93-94)\r\n\r\n\u2018The legal system\u2019 (Hogbin, 1934, pp. 210-231)\r\n\r\n\u2018The earlier judicial system\u2019 (Hogbin, 1934, pp. 210-211)\r\n\r\nPrior to the establishment of the 'kingship', the only tribal-level functionaries besides the maakua (priests) were the polepole, a group headed by a figure called the koko'a whose role was to guard public property against theft:\r\n \r\n\u201cIf crime is defined as a specific act which is punished by society, either collectively or through its officers, we may say that in those days there was only one crime. This was the theft of coconuts from the common property or of taro from the swamps situated thereon.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe malae was limited on the north by a broad path running right across the island from shore to shore. At either end stood a building, the hale-'api. These were the houses of the polepole,' officers whose duty it was to prevent trespass on the common land and to carry out punishment on any person they discovered doing so. These polepole were appointed by the maakua and, in later days, by the king. There were about fifty of them, and they took it in [211] turns to keep a lookout. The koko'a (literally, door), almost always a member of the joint family of one or other of the major maakua, acted as their head.\r\n\r\n\u201cWhen a person was found on the common land without good excuse he was brought before the koko'a. Criminals were punished for a first offence by having their heads shaved, but a second offence led to something more serious, either exposure naked in the sun without food or water for some time, or more frequently, death \u2026 Unfortunately not possible to give details of the judicial procedure because there are to-day no polepole. It is, nevertheless, quite certain that theft from the common property did almost inevitably lead to punishment if it was discovered.\u201d (Hogbin, 1934, pp 210-211)\r\n\r\nAround 1800 a 'kingship' was established in both of the tribes:\r\n\r\n\u201cSome eight generations ago, so the tradition runs, a man named Ke hangamea organized a body of supporters into a sort of army. With the assistance of these men he set himself up as head of the Luangiua tribe and compelled all to obey him \u2026 This led to a good deal of unrest, and he was eventually murdered. Despite the end of his career, his example fired other men, and for a number of years a series of battles took place between claimants for the position. After perhaps three generations it was secured by \u2018Avi\u2019o, and descendants of his have held it ever since \u2026 The holder of the position of the head of the tribe will be spoken of as the king .His native title is heku'u, a word without any other meaning that I could discover \u2026 As time went on the kings acquired more and more power. The most powerful of them began to reign about 1878, a few years after the massacre of the crew of the first European ship to enter the lagoon. This was King Uila. He died in 1905 and was followed by Ke aepea, who lived till 1915. (Hogbin, 1934, p 224)\r\n\r\n\"The Pelau tribe has followed the Luangiua tribe in practically every detail. A kingdom was established in Pelau village at much the same time that \u2018Avi\u2019o established himself at Luangiua. In course of time the kings modified the rights of private vengeance, and the present king, Pongavalo, is the president of a court which closely resembles that of Mekaike.\" (Hogbin, 1934, p 231)\r\n\r\n\u2018Cases of judicial action by the king\u2019 (Hogbin, 1934, pp. 225-229)\r\n\r\nThe role of the king appears to have been primarily that of arbitration:\r\n\r\n\u201cAs the king became more and more powerful a change came about: the idea of the king's peace was created. In the times of the early kings the change did not progress very far. Perhaps the only noticeable difference then was the additional security which the relatives of the king enjoyed. Nevertheless, there are several recorded instances of these kings banishing relatives and cutting them off from the privileges of the joint family, because they had wantonly abused the position which their relationship gave them by committing such acts as rape and murder.\r\n\r\n\u201cIn the reign of Ke ulaho, the predecessor of Uila, the change had progressed so far that we hear of persons laying complaints against offenders before him and asking for his help to secure compensation or revenge. The important groups still kept matters in their own hands and settled their quarrels without assistance, but Ke ulaho on two or three occasions seems to have arranged matters so that a wronged husband had the right of retaliation on his wife's lover without any fear of a counter attack from his relatives. This king also kept his own relatives in check so that they did not take advantage of their relationship.\u201d (Hogbin, 1934, p. 225)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10240, "valueset_pk": 10240, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10240, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ontong-java-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 58, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 58, "glottocode": "onto1237", "ethonyms": "Lord Howe islanders; Luangiua; Ontong Javanese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Lord Howe islanders", "Luangiua", "Ontong Javanese"]}, "id": "ontong-java", "name": "Ontong Java", "description": "Ontong Java, also known as Lord Howe Atoll, is a large atoll north of the main Solomon Islands chain. As it is culturally Polynesian but is considered to be geographically outside Polynesia, it is considered one of the \"Polynesian Outliers\". The name \"Ontong Java\", bestowed by Abel Tasman, is misleading - the island is far from (and geographically dissimilar to) Java itself, and the people of Ontong Java share only a distant cultural relationship (by virtue of speaking an Austronesian language) with the Javanese. The atoll is sometimes known as Lord Howe, or as Luangiua, although the latter properly refers to only one of the two islets making up Ontong Java. Ontong Javanese society differed from many other Polynesian societies in having only a weakly developed concept of hereditary rank. Religion in Ontong Java was based on the worship of ancestors - there were apparently no gods.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.5, "longitude": 159.7}, "name": "Ontong Java"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [159.7, -5.5]}, "id": "ontong-java"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17755", "name": "3", "description": "Structure of Hawaiian kingdoms:\r\n\r\n\u201cTraditional Hawaiian political and economic life was organized around a formal, nested hierarchy of units (Kirch and Sahlins 1992). Each independent kingdom \u2026 included an entire island (mokupuni), sometimes with smaller subsidiary islands, which in turn was usually subdivided into either six or twelve districts, called moku \u2026 Moku in turn were segmented into a large number of smaller territorial units called ahupua\u2019a \u2026 Ahupua\u2019a typically ran from the coast to the upland forests, crosscutting the concentrically zonated resources of an island \u2026 Although they were central to Hawaiian economic organization, the ahupua\u2019a were yet again divided into smaller segments called \u2018ihi, each of which comprised multiple households and agricultural plots \u2026 This territorial land structure corresponded to an equally precise political and administrative hierarchy of overlords, consisting of ali\u2019i of various grades, not to be confused with the hierarchical ranking system of chiefs described earlier. At the apex of the polity sat the king, the ali\u2019i nui or \u2018great ali\u2019i\u2019, sometimes called the mo\u2019i. The ali\u2019i nui ruled over the entire mokupuni, assisted by various administrative aides \u2026 The districts (moku) into which the kingdom was divided were each under the control of a major chief of high rank, called the ali\u2019i-\u2018ai-moku. The operative term \u2018ai in this compound term has the core meaning of both \u2018food\u2019 and \u2018eat\u2019 but with metaphoric extensions connoting to \u2018consume,\u2019 \u2018grasp,\u2019 or \u2018hold onto\u2019 (Pukui and Elbert 1986:9) ... In a parallel fashion, the more numerous ahupua\u2019a territories were apportioned to chiefs who were called the ali\u2019i-\u2018ai-ahupua\u2019a, the chiefs who \u2018ate\u2019 the ahupua\u2019a. Low-ranked chiefs might hold just a single, marginal land unit, but more powerful and higher-ranked ali\u2019i frequently held more than one ahupua\u2019a. ... As was common in many dynastic states (Elias 1983), the central administration was effectively one and the same as the royal household, an incipient bureaucracy embedded within the king\u2019s extended residential group. Malo (1951:187\u2013 88) lays out the dualistic structure of this administrative body, referring to the \u2018two strong forces, or parties, in the government\u2019: the kahuna nui or chief priest on the one hand, and the k\u0101laimoku , or chief councilor, on the other. The functions of the kahuna nui and other subsidiary priests will be considered in detail later. The k\u0101laimoku was charged with advising the king on all secular affairs, including war. Among his chief duties was to oversee the royal storehouses \u2018in which to collect food, fish, tapa [barkcloth], malo [loincloths], pa-u [female skirts], and all sorts of goods\u2019 (Malo 1951:195). Only the k\u0101laimoku had the regular privilege of holding secret meetings with the king, and he controlled the access of other ali\u2018i to royal audiences. As Kepelino makes clear in his own account of \u2018the government,\u2019 the Hawaiian system was highly decentralized, or distributed. While the king \u2018was the supreme head,\u2019 whose power was most clearly indicated by his ability to redistribute the moku and ahupua\u2019a land divisions to the chiefs under his rule, the daily management of these hierarchically nested lands rested largely in the hands of the konohiki (Beckwith 1932:146). \u2018The Konohiki took charge of farm lands and sought means to benefit their overlords and chiefs.\u2019. (Kirch, 2010, pp 47-49)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10244, "valueset_pk": 10244, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10244, "jsondata": {}, "id": "hawaiians-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 135, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 135, "glottocode": "hawa1245", "ethonyms": "Maoli", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Maoli"]}, "id": "hawaiians", "name": "Hawaiians", "description": "The Hawaiian Islands represent one of the most remote outposts of Polynesian culture. Pre-contact Hawaiian polities were highly complex, and have been labelled 'archaic states'. The Hawaiians worshipped many supernatural agents, of whom the principal deities were Kanaloa, Kane, Ku, and Lono.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 19.6, "longitude": -155.5}, "name": "Hawaiians"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [204.5, 19.6]}, "id": "hawaiians"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17779", "name": "3", "description": "The people of Ifaluk had '[f]rom time immemorial ... acknowledged the rule of some outside power' (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p. 22). However, they seem have had a large degree of de facto independence even at the time fieldwork was being conducted.\r\n\r\nThe island was politically unified:\r\n\r\n\"Discussion of the pattern of relationships among the people of Ifaluk may well begin with a list of the bonds that unite the whole population. This unit has all the characteristics ordinarily cited to define a society, community or tribe. In fact, few of the aggregations called by those names are held together by as many bonds as the people of Ifaluk. They share, to begin with, a common habitat and a common culture. Being so few, and confined within so little space, they are all personally acquainted by the time they grow up; though of course the degree of acquaintanceship varies widely.\" (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p 131)\r\n\r\n\u201cIn Ifaluk, matters of public concern, except for most of the religious ones, are administered by five chiefs, who hold office by virtue of hereditary rank. So government in Ifaluk might be defined as interaction between chiefs and populace, or between chiefs and commoners. It is unmistakably institutionalized, in any sense of the protean word \u2018institution.\u2019\u201d (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p 177)\r\n\r\nIfaluk was a very small island and every adult seems to have known each other personally. However, it was divided into territorial units \u2013 two islands, each of which were divided into two districts:\r\n\r\n\"Discussion of the pattern of relationships among the people of Ifaluk may well begin with a list of the bonds that unite the whole population. This unit has all the characteristics ordinarily cited to define a society, community or tribe. In fact, few of the aggregations called by those names are held together by as many bonds as the people of Ifaluk. They share, to begin with, a common habitat and a common culture. Being so few, and confined within so little space, they are all personally acquainted by the time they grow up; though of course the degree of acquaintanceship varies widely.\" (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p 121)\r\n\r\n\"The largest territorial subdivisions of the population are determined by residence on one or the other of the two inhabited islands, Fal\u0101rik and Fal\u0101lap. Although some individuals have ties on both islands, and shift their residence rather freely from one to the other, nearly everyone is clearly identified, for participation in communal activities, with one or the other \u2026 Each of the islands is further divided into two districts (gapil\u0101m). On Fal\u0101rik island these are Fal\u0101rik district, to the north households 1\u20138 inclusive), and Rauau (households 9\u201319). On Fal\u0101lap they are Ievang, to the north (the name means \u2018north\u2019\u2014households 20\u201324) and Iauru (\u2018south\u2019 households 25\u201329).\" (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p. 123)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10248, "valueset_pk": 10248, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10248, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ifaluk-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 80, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 80, "glottocode": "wole1240", "ethonyms": "Woleiai; Woleiaian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Woleiai", "Woleiaian"]}, "id": "ifaluk", "name": "Ifaluk", "description": "Ifaluk is part of the cultural and linguistic region of Micronesia known as Woleiai. Ifaluk has been of interest to ethnographers because its relative isolation meant that its indigenous religion was retained under after World War II, when the islanders began to convert to Christianity. Prior to the arrival of the colonial powers Spain, Germany and Japan in the area, Ifaluk and the other Woleiai islands were vassals of the chiefs of Yap.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.2, "longitude": 144.5}, "name": "Ifaluk"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [144.5, 7.2]}, "id": "ifaluk"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17787", "name": "3", "description": "'Tagbanuas Aparahuanos' (Venturello, 1907, pp. 515-538) \r\n\r\n\u201cThe government of the tribe rests in the hands of the superior chief, or masicampo, and the nobles who constitute a Supreme Court. Each rancheria, however, is governed by its chief, or panlima, who together with the men of authority of the rancheria hear in the first instance the cases of little moment which occur within their jurisdiction. The decision of the chief is usually respected; although there [520] have been cases in which the Htigants, not satisfied with the sen- tence pronounced by their chief, appealed to the supreme tribunal at which presides the masicampo and from which there is no appeal. This chief and the nobles possess certain life privileges. They are not ostentatious and do not have the manner of the wise and high dignitaries of the Moros, whom it is not possible to approach and to whom it is not allowed to speak without kneeling, bowing the head, and kissing the feet scarcely daring to face the interlocutor. On the contrary the masicampo, when he has to decide a question, speaks gently to the defendant and complainant, commands them to be seated before him and the nobles who compose the court, listens attentively to the complaints of each one and after due consideration of the question, pronounces sentence in conformity with the nobles, the old men, and the plebeian class who are present. The litigants receive the judgment with great humility and mildness worthy of their character.\u201d (Venturello, 1907, pp. 519-520)\r\n\r\n\u2018Social class and political structures\u2019: Fox (1982, pp. 123-139)\r\n\r\n\"Tagbanua society is stratified, class positions being determined by bilateral filiation. There are only two classes at present; the \u2018high blood\u2019 called ginu?u in Baraki or bagerar [124] in Apis, and the \u2018low bloods,\u2019 the dulu?an or timawa ... The members of the \u2018high bloods\u2019 are actually the bilateral descendants of ginu?u, that is, hereditary leaders who act either as the judges during the councils or who defend the litigants ... Limited by the above tendencies which influence succession, titles pass to the male relatives who have shown the greatest interest in and knowledge of jural procedures. Men who are eligible for a title and interested in law participate continually in the surugidin or councils, learning all the nuances of argumentation and decision making.\" (Fox, 1982, pp 123-124)\r\n\r\n\"The decisions reached in these informal councils normally represent a consensus of the opinions of the ginu?u present; decisions which have been obtained by numerous agreements. Then an older or ranking hereditary leader acting as the \u2018judge\u2019 formulates the decision.\" (Fox, 1982, p 128)\r\n\r\n\"The highest jural and political office among the Tagbanuwa is the masikampu, as I have indicated. Regardless of the Spanish origin of this term [130] and the fact that the Spaniards had no intense contacts with the Tagbanuwa until about 1872, the folk history of the Tagbanuwa indicates that the functions of this office are at least one hundred and fifty years old and probably older. Limas, who was only the seventh masikampu, ruled sometime between 1870 and 1890. According to Clemente Bulunan, the first masikampu was appointed by the Surutan (\u2018sultan\u2019) of Brunei, Borneo \u2026 However, Arngaw, the twelfth masikampu \u2026 said that the first masikampu was appointed by Surutan Rum of ?ulu (Jolo) \u2026 Both of the legendary genealogies are plausible, for the Sultans of Jolo (Sulu) once included Brunei, North Borneo, but I tend to place greater weight on Clemente\u2019s opinions.\" (Fox, 1982, pp 128-130)\r\n\r\n\"All informants agree that the minor titles held by the Tagbanuwa ginu?u were given to them by the Suluk. These were probably the Taosug, the Moros of Jolo Island ... The entire Taosug group were united in the Sultanate of Sulu, and brought under their domination large parts of Borneo and Palawan. My genealogies also show numerous recent instances in which Tagbanuwa men were given titles by Moro ambassadors of a Sultan or Datu. My genealogies also show numerous recent instances in which Tagbanuwa men were given titles by Moro ambassadors of a Sultan or Datu ... It is said that these Moro ambassadors and traders carried brass 'guns' ... The Moro ambassador placed one of these guns on the shoulder of the Tagbanuwa appointee and fired it. At the same time the ambassador announced the appointment and recited a formula: 'May your stomach burst like this gun, if you fail in the performance of your duties.' This custom was adopted and continued by the masikampu who subsequently appointed most of the minor hereditary [131] leaders ... The customary residence of the line of masikampu has been the village of Ingawan but due to the great social and cultural change there the present masikampu moved to the more conservative village of Baraki.\" (Fox, 1982, pp 130-131)\r\n\r\n\"One or more hereditary leaders of lesser rank are also found in each Tagbanuwa community. As Venturello notes, they \u2018hear in the first instances the cases of little moment which occur within their jurisdiction\u2019 ... [133] ... These numerous titles do not form any hierarchy, despite Venturello\u2019s statements (p. 519), rather each is an autonomous office. However, four titles, Maradya, Saribangsawan, Nakib, and Sabandar, are often thought of as being slightly higher than the others ... The power of a title, except that of the masikampu, resides generally in the popularity and capability of the individual who holds it regardless of whether he is a Nakib or a Pangarapan. It is for this reason that there is no real civil hierarchy below the masikampu. Unfavourable decisions by minor leaders may be appealed to the Masikampu usually though a hereditary leader other than the one who rendered the decision. In former days, as Venturello notes, the decisions of the masikampu were final.\" (Fox, 1982, pp 132-133)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10249, "valueset_pk": 10249, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10249, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tagbanuwa-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 40, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 40, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Central Tagbanuwa, Tagbanua, Tagbanwa", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Central Tagbanuwa, Tagbanua, Tagbanwa"]}, "id": "tagbanuwa", "name": "Tagbanuwa", "description": "The Tagbanuwa are an ethnolinguistic group of Central Palawan Island, speaking the Central Tagbanuwa language. They are not to be confused with a group of the same name living in the Calamian Islands to the north of Palawan.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 9.5, "longitude": 118.4}, "name": "Tagbanuwa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [118.4, 9.5]}, "id": "tagbanuwa"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17789", "name": "3", "description": "Leadership: Janowski (1991, pp. 203-207)\r\n\r\n\"Longhouse communities coalesce around one leading hearth-group focused on a couple who are fully lun merar \u2026 As has been discussed, there is an equivalence, at a [204] higher level, of the position of lun merar of a hearthgroup and lun merar of the community; at the latter level, the term lun merar was, in the past, the only term for leader. Just as the lun merar of the hearth-group are a couple, so it was the focal couple of the leading hearthgroup who were the de facto leaders of the community in terms of internal matters, although the appointment of a man as ketua kampong nowadays by the government has obscured this ... Men speak, and spoke in the past, more than women at formal meetings, but women speak as much as men at informal gatherings at which attitudes, facts and decisions are thrashed out. Formal meetings are formal statements of the situation, and forums at which consequences, decisions and punishments are finalised and made public. Although, where the lun merar of a hearthgroup are a couple, the man will speak at formal meetings, a woman will speak if her husband is dead ... Leadership of a longhouse or multi-longhouse [205] community should be in the hands of one leading hearthgroup, whose lun merar, the lun merar of the whole community, are definitely lun doo and preferably, for the prestige of the whole community in inter-community affairs, lun doo to'o. Such leadership is, on an everyday level, in the hands of both the man and the woman of this couple. The strength of character, charisma, ability to express themselves and decisiveness which they should have should enable them to lead the community in rice-growing decisions, which are the major cooperative decisions that need to be made within the community. These same qualities tend to cause people to come round to their way of thinking in the informal discussions which precede a formal meeting held to resolve a conflict within the community. Both the man and the woman will, in these contexts, persuade others to take their point of view, and at the formal meeting this will be very likely to prevail. For the sake of their credibility and prestige, it is important that the leading couple should not be seen to have varying opinions but to be in agreement substantially with each other.\r\n\r\n\"In Pa' Dalih when I was there there was no hearthgroup seen as fully qualified to lead; despite the presence of a ketua kampong, leadership appeared to be effectively shared out among a number of hearth-groups, none of whom had complete authority. The reason for this situation was probably that the hearth-groups at least some of whose members were considered to have inherited the greatest potential to be doo to'o could not provide a fully viable lun merar couple. (203-205)\r\nWhile the leadership of the community is in the hands of a couple, leadership of the community in its dealings with other communities is more in the hands of men than women. However, should a man not have a suitable wife, this would affect his position and even make it untenable, since even at this level the unity of the couple as a unit is important. It is certain men, always the male half of the leading couple of their own longhouse or multilonghouse community, who represent the community in affairs involving other communities, and who become leaders of federations of longhouses \u2026 It appears that in the recent past, before the Second [207] World War, there were, broadly, two federations of longhouses in the Kelabit Highlands proper (not including those longhouses outside the Highlands whose inhabitants had emigrated from the Highlands within the previous 100 years or so - see chapter two). These two federations might be termed northern and southern. Each had a leader, who might be drawn from any of the constituent longhouses.\" (Janowski, 1991, pp. 206-207)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10250, "valueset_pk": 10250, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10250, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kelabit-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 56, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 56, "glottocode": "kela1258", "ethonyms": "Kalabit", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kalabit"]}, "id": "kelabit", "name": "Kelabit", "description": "The Kelabit are rice farmers who live high in the mountains of northern Borneo. The Kelabit had little direct contact with peoples other than their direct neighbours until after World War II, but cultural changes as a result of external forces, such as the abandonment of headhunting, may have taken place much earlier.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 3.7, "longitude": 115.5}, "name": "Kelabit"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [115.5, 3.7]}, "id": "kelabit"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18071", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Traditional political institutions\u2019 (Parmentier, 1987, pp 55-106)\r\n\r\nVillages and larger groupings:\r\n\r\n\"Beginning with the village itself as the basic political unit, the discussion considers four levels of multivillage association: village complexes, consisting of satellite hamlets surrounding a dominant village; districts, which group together member villages around a focal capital village; subdistrict divisions within a single district; and shifting federations of villages from different districts. The system of titles and councils is then characterized as the primary means of decision making and as a clear expression of the principle of social rank.\" (Parmentier, 1987, p. 55)\r\n\r\nVillages, village complexes and districts:\r\n\r\n\"As was noted above, villages are grouped into several types of political associations which will be provisionally glossed as village complexes, districts, subdistricts, and federations \u2026  Village complexes are groups of satellite hamlets surrounding a dominant capital village. These smaller hamlets are not themselves fully autonomous villages, in that their component houses are affiliated with the principal or chiefly houses in the capital village ... These satellite hamlets are often founded by immigrant groups who are permitted to build houses in the \u2018suburban\u2019 perimeter of the capital or by overflow from overpopulated principal houses ... Districts (renged, from merenged, \u2018tie together\u2019), the second type of multivillage association, are far more important than village complexes for understanding political history, since it is at the interdistrict level that institutions such as tribute, concubinage, warfare, ceremonial dancing, and financial exchanges took place ... [61] ... Like village complexes, districts consist of dependent villages affiliated with a dominant capital village. But in the case of districts, member villages are fully distinct entities with titleholders, houses, and clubs that are not merely subservient to the corresponding institutions at the capital. Furthermore, villages in the district maintain political relationships of various sorts with villages in other districts, ties that do not necessarily pass through the capital. Kubary (1885:116\u201317) even mentions a case in which a member village kept up peaceful relations with a village in a neighboring district which was at war with its capital village.\u201d (Parmentier, 1987, pp. 60-61)\r\n\r\nSubdistricts:\r\n\r\n\u201cThis grouping of villages within a district often took the form of structured opposition between two opposed subdistricts, each controlled by a different chiefly house at the capital or by two chiefs from cocapital villages. In several cases the existence of named subdistricts points to a previous stage of political consolidation before the emergence of a single district chief and a dominant capital village. Ngerekldeu district, for example, is divided into subdistricts named Ngerusekluk or Ngos (East) and Ngeremenganged or Ngebard (West). According to one account, the chiefs Kloteraol, head of the eastern group of villages, and Rubasech, head of the western group, were in constant competition until their opposition was successfully mediated by a wise person from Oreor village, to whom they yielded overall authority and for whom they invented the new title Ibedul (Head) (Kubary 1885:68\u201369).\r\n\r\nRelative looseness of district organization:\r\n\r\n\"Based on these comments on the dual structure of several districts and on the overarching control by chiefs at the capital, it is possible to overstate the level of political integration of districts. First of all, rank differentiation of capital and member villages was not accompanied by an inclusive or linear ranking of all the district's villages, nor was there a cross-district system of village rank as found, for example, in Yap (Labby 1976; Lingenfelter 1975; Schneider 1949) ... Second, there is little evidence from stories and chants that there existed a districtwide council of chiefs over and above the ruling council at the capital. In the most detailed published accounts of district organization, namely Aoyagi's study of Ngerard and Kubary's study of Ngetelngal, no mention is made of a district council ... In the modern period, however, [65] when most districts became chartered \u2018municipalities\u2019 under the Trust Territory government and then \u2018 \u2018states\u2019 under the national constitution, district councils have been created which have actually usurped most of the absolute authority of councils at capital villages.  Also, a unifying pan-Belauan council of chiefs, the Rubekul a Belau (Elders of Belau), representing all the district capitals, developed only under pressure from colonial administrations.\u201d (Parmentier, 1987, pp. 64-65)\r\n\r\n'Federations':\r\n\r\n\u201cFederations, the final type of multivillage association to be noted, consist of networks of shifting alliances among villages from several districts. Although the same term, renged, \u2018tied together,\u2019 is used for federations and districts, the diachronic stability of districts is not matched in the case of federations, which were the product of military expansion of a powerful village, the temporary solidarity of villages allied against a common enemy, or the result of kinship and marriage ties shared by local representatives of high-ranking house affiliation networks. Membership in federations involved mutual assistance in war, pooled contributions to support the financial obligations of village chiefs, and reciprocal visiting to celebrate the taking of a head trophy or to perform elaborate dances.\u201d (Parmentier, 1987, p 65)\r\n\r\nThe village council:\r\n\r\n\"The village's foreign policy (kelulau) is the total responsibility of between four and ten officeholders who sit together as the decision-making council (klobak). The title system is the most important point of articulation between the sphere of domestic activity (tekoi er a blai) and the sphere of public activity (tekoi er a buai), since titleholders are simultaneously heads of houses and members of village councils \u2026 Each title is a named office which exists independently from the person holding the position at any one time ... [68] ... Belauan titleholders resemble Tikopia chiefs more than Solomon Island big men, in that the sacredness (meang) and power (klisiich) surrounding them derive from their carrying a title which occupies a permanent position in the village's social hierarchy rather than merely from the skill, achievements, and personal charisma of individual incumbents ... The person who holds the title is called rubak... Since houses claiming titles are themselves ranked in each village, the rubak of the highest-ranking house is also the leader (merredel) or \u2018head of the village.\u2019 This position is symbolized by his assigned seat in the village meetinghouse, by his claim of precedence in ceremonial food distribution, and by expressions of respect and deference by villagers. The chief's head, the most tabooed part of his body, must never be touched; his food is served in specially covered containers; his seat in the meetinghouse must not be occupied by anyone other than his children at play; villagers must detour off the path when the chief passes; and at his death the chief receives a more elaborate funeral rite than lesser titleholders. Above all, the chief \u2018carries the voice of the village,\u2019 in that his speech has the force of law.\" (Parmentier, 1987, pp 67-68)\r\n\r\n\u201cTitleholders representing their local houses meet regularly in the village meetinghouse to discuss matters of public interest: strategies for warfare, arrangements for entertaining visiting parties, debates over the level of fines, imposition of regulations for exploiting the village's agricultural and fishing resources, adjudication of disputes over land [72] ownership, collection of money to pay for concubine groups, decisions to repair or construct a new meetinghouse, instruction in village history and traditions, and the acceptance of new members to the council. An informant summarized these various activities under the categories \u2018inventing laws\u2019 (melibech a llach), \u2018conducting foreign affairs\u2019 (oltobed er a kelulau), and \u2018keeping the village in order\u2019 (mengetmokl er a beluu).\u201d (Parmentier, 1987, pp 71-72)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10256, "valueset_pk": 10256, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10256, "jsondata": {}, "id": "palau-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 14, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 14, "glottocode": "pala1344", "ethonyms": "Belau", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Belau"]}, "id": "palau", "name": "Palau", "description": "Palau, or Belau, is a group of islands in Micronesia. Missionary efforts to Palau began in the 1890s, and since the mid-twentieth century most Palauans have been Christian. However, elements of the indigenous religion survive in the syncretic religion Modekngei, which arose during, and in opposition to, Japanese rule.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.4, "longitude": 134.6}, "name": "Palau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [134.6, 7.4]}, "id": "palau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21236", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The Corporate Communities (Haradjaon)\u2019 (Vergouwen, 1964, pp. 105-136)\r\n\r\nThe village and the tribal group:\r\n\r\n\"It is comparatively simple to describe the main features of the smallest of the Batak corporate groups, the village; and the highest, the tribal group. Below the village there is only the hamlet; above the tribal group there is only the Batak people as such. It is what lies between these two extremes that presents the difficulty.\" (Vergouwen, 1964, p. 105)\r\n\r\nThe village chief:\r\n\r\n\"The authority in the village is usually the village head who is known by various titles: radja huta being the most usual one \u2026 It is he who is charged with the management of the village and the maintenance of law and custom, order and discipline. He is the patrilineal descendant of the founder of the village who was the first radja huta. This office, if possible, is passed from father to son, or to an uaris. Formerly a village chief was required to have more qualities than at present now that peace prevails. The village head's administration is as diverse as are the aspects of village life. He is responsible for the maintenance of the village square and the walls; he regulates the alignment of the houses and controls the lands of the village. He can decide whether a small garden must be given up in order to make room for a house or whether it can remain; he guides the legal conduct of his dependents and stands by them if they have to make a claim against anyone, or in the event of their creditors making too many difficulties for them. He conducts [116] their betrothal deliberations when their children marry. He represents the interests of his village and of his lineage where there is involvement with the outside world. And, though he has been pushed into the background in recent years, he is still the authority in the village who executes the orders of the higher authority. Formerly he was responsible for the administration of justice also ... The inhabitants of the village must accept his leadership and be guided by him and as proof of this they must honour him in such transactions as marriages, the sale of cattle, alienation of land, etc., with their gifts of homage, upa radja. He, on his side, usually consults his elder subordinates, na tua-tua or pangintuai, from the foremost of whom, the namora boru, the most important man of the in-dwelling marga, he receives regular support. This is especially the case when the matter relates to a dispute between him and members of his own lineage. Nevertheless, he has the last word. And if he has to assert his chiefly authority by force in order to ensure that his orders are observed, he does so. He is the government and police in one, and in olden times he sometimes had a block standing near his house so that he could place under restraint an inhabitant who would not submit with good grace to his orders. Naturally only a powerful figure who was head and shoulders above the villagers and whose words would not be taken lightly could make a successful village head whose authority would be felt.\" (Vergouwen, 1964, pp. 115-116)\r\n\r\nThe tribal group:\r\n\r\n\"It is somewhat more difficult to present such a clear picture of the tribal group for it can cover whole valleys, large tracts of lowland and plateau, extensive mountain regions, or, half the island of Samosir in Lake Toba. The difficulty is, however, lessened a little because the boundaries between the tribal areas were clearly defined and permanently established when the contending tribal groups made peace after a war. Thus it is possible to show the individual tribal areas on a map. Such boundaries were not so necessary among the marga , marga branches and lineages, or for the groupings into which they so often united to form a more or less well-defined community. Therefore boundaries within the tribal group's area were frequently not defined, for though fighting was indeed frequent within a tribal group itself, when one faction might capture the hula of another, or some people might be driven from the place in which they lived, the contestants nevertheless belonged to one larger group and if a neighbouring group threatened to invade their territory they had to combine ... [107] ... The tribal group has only one characteristic of a corporate group: its own territory. \r\n\r\n\u201cWith regard to centralised authority, the Toba Batak preferred in the Pidari time to live in small convenient units consisting of some hundreds of people, at most a thousand, whose interests were confined to their own affairs \u2026 The tribal group can be considered in a sense as a unit: its members have a feeling of belonging together; they are of the same blood; and they have sprung from one ancestral village where a common guardian spirit is often honoured at ceremonies to which come members of the group living elsewhere. In the past its members sometimes arranged large communal offering-feasts. They feel that their security and welfare are best promoted by living together in one tribal area and by remaining together within its confines.\" (Vergouwen, 1964, pp. 106-107)\r\n\r\nThe panggomgomion ('one group governed by chiefs'):\r\n\r\n\"For a group to follow a de facto leader who is a powerful personality is rather different from following a de jure figure who has been deliberately invested with his official position by the group itself. In olden times both occurred, with, as always, their attendant phenomena. The first happened mainly where there was no durable formation of alliances with the agreements and growing usages springing therefrom. Thus in those areas where the genealogical arrangement was the prime factor in the formation of territories ... [125] ... Where a territory is a separate unit distinct from neighbouring lineages of the same or other marga [clan], even though it is also formed internally either exclusively, or mainly, genealogically...  the chief has become a more established figure for this corporate community which has had to maintain rigidly its existence as a unit ... The only point in respect of the chieftainship upon which there could be dispute was the question of assigning the chieftaincy to the rightful claimant\r\n\r\n\"Where the alliance aspect of a territory has become its predominant feature, the haradjaon = chieftainship, and its administration, panggomgomion, (from manggomgom = to rule) have been organised in a sharper and more established form. But not to the same degree or in the same manner everywhere. In Uluan, for instance, where there was not always a communal bius chief for the promotion of secular affairs concerning the whole bius, it was least apparent ... On Samosir the radja doli was recognised more clearly as the foremost chief of the bius than he was in Uluan. (Vergouwen, 1964, pp. 124-125)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10258, "valueset_pk": 10258, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10258, "jsondata": {}, "id": "toba-batak-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 73, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 73, "glottocode": "bata1289", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "toba-batak", "name": "Toba Batak", "description": "The Toba Batak are the largest subgroup of the Batak, a group of related peoples living in the highlands of northern Sumatra. Partly as a result of the mountainous nature of their territory and their fierce reputation, the Toba Batak remained independent and relatively isolated until the second half of the nineteenth century. Their indigenous religion involved a pantheon organized around the sky god Mula Jadi and the serpentine god of the underworld Naga Pahoha. Today, the Toba Batak are overwhelmingly Christian.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 2.3, "longitude": 99.0}, "name": "Toba Batak"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [99.0, 2.3]}, "id": "toba-batak"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18511", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe most apparent feature of Simbo social structure is the division of the island into a number of districts or gusu (Hocart 1922: 75-76) each of which corresponds with a partially localized butubutu. The land of the district is the property of the butubutu, and both bear the same name \u2026 The Simboese sometimes refer to their island as Mandegugusu, \u2018four places,\u2019 and Hocart and Rivers reported these as Narovo, Karivara, Ove, and Simbo (a small offshore island more properly known as Nusa Simbo). My informants confirmed this information, but I later learned that there are in fact five major butubutu and districts, for Narovo is really a part of two districts, Vunagugusu and Katapana, each controlled by a major butubutu.\u201d (Scheffler, 1962, p 137).  \r\n\r\n\u201cThe account by Hocart (1922: 75-80) of local organization in 1908 refers to the districts as villages, but he notes that they were not, except for Nusa Simbo, compact groups of houses. Rather, there were numerous hamlets consisting of a few houses, each hamlet being named and further grouped into a \u2018hamlet cluster\u2019 which was also named. Each cluster was inhabited by a number of related families, and these were spoken of, in 1960, as butubutu \u2026 These smaller units are sometimes referred to as \u2018branches\u2019 (lengana) of the major butubutu, and I therefore call them minor butubutu.\u201d (Scheffler, 1962, p 138). \r\n\r\n\u201cThe bangara or \u2018manager\u2019 of the butubutu was the custodian of its land \u2026 The bangara managed more than land; they managed men and their affairs as well, and the two roles did not always coincide in the same person \u2026 While there could be only one bangara peso \u2018manager of the land\u2019, there were usually others, known simply as bangara, who owed their status to managerial ability in revenge, warfare, and the ensuing feast exchanges.\u201d (Scheffler, 1962, p 145).\r\n\r\n\u201cAs representative of the founding butubutu Vunagugusu, the bangara of that butubutu held a nominal title to the whole of the lands of Simbo and exercised control over all uncultivated \u2018wilderness\u2019 lands. His permission was sought before one could clear any of it for gardens.\u201d (Scheffler, 1962, p 146).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10259, "valueset_pk": 10259, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10259, "jsondata": {}, "id": "simbo-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 82, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 82, "glottocode": "simb1256", "ethonyms": "Mandegugusu; Eddystone Island", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mandegugusu", "Eddystone Island"]}, "id": "simbo", "name": "Simbo", "description": "Simbo, known locally as Mandegugusu, is a small island in the western Solomons. Historically, headhunting played a major role in the indigenous religion, although its precise meaning is debated. In the second half of the nineteenth century, headhunting raids by the Simboese and their allies from Roviana led to the near-depopulation of other parts of the Solomon Islands. Soon after the British forcibly put an end to these raids, the anthropologists W.H.R. Rivers and Arthur Hocart conducted fieldwork on Simbo (then known as Eddystone), and interpreted the abolition of headhunting as having brought about cultural and demographic decline. Pat Barker's Booker-winning novel 'The Ghost Road' (1995) contains powerful passages detailing Rivers' memories of his time on this island.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.3, "longitude": 156.5}, "name": "Simbo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [156.5, -8.3]}, "id": "simbo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18101", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe earliest Western visitors to Kosrae \u2013 the French and Russian exploration ships la Coquille and the Senyavin in 1824 and 1827, respectively \u2026 described the island as politically unified with a population of no more than 3,000 people, which was divided into four distinct social strata. At the top was the paramount chief, who was both the secular and sacred head of Kosraean society and who held ultimate title to all land. Under the paramount there were about ten high chiefs, usually male relatives that were appointed by him. The high chiefs, who were obligated to live in Lelu with the paramount, controlled named land units called facl that ran from the high mountains to the reef. There were about fifty such facl  in Kosrae \u2026 Below the high chiefs were forty or fifty low chiefs who were land managers or overseers of the facl and who resided on the land for which they were responsible. Agricultural production was primarily the responsibility of the commoners, who occupied the lowest social strata. Low chiefs saw to it that needed food, labor, and tribute were provided to the paramount and high chiefs in Lelu.\u201d (Athens, 2007, p 262)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10261, "valueset_pk": 10261, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10261, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kosrae-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 102, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 102, "glottocode": "kosr1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "kosrae", "name": "Kosrae", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 5.3, "longitude": 163.0}, "name": "Kosrae"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [163.0, 5.3]}, "id": "kosrae"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18114", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Social organization and social control\u2019 (Warren, 1964, pp. 83-97)\r\n\r\nAt the time of Warren's fieldwork (1950), the Batak acknowledged a supreme leader and had done so for a 'long time', though Warren was unsure whether this state of affairs pre-dated 'Spanish contact':\r\n\r\n\"During the period of the writer\u2019s stay in Palawan, the leader of all of the Batak in Palawan was an elder named Awa. He resided in the settlement named Sumurod, and his titular position was kapitan. The other Batak kapitan are leaders of the aggregates of bands only in the local areas in which they reside.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe kapitan of the other settlements nominally receive their orders from Awa, and he tells these subordinate kapitan when to instruct their group members to go to the mountains, collect honey, plant, put out traps, and gather resins (bagtik) while others may remain in the community to plant, watch over the settlement, care for the children, etc ... [92] ... Interrogation of a number of informants revealed that a long time ago the political leader of the Batak was called tinente or kapitan. What the group leader was called, or whether there was such a position, previous to Spanish contact could not be ascertained.\" (Warren, 1964, pp. 91-92)\r\n\r\nEder (1987, pp. 28-33, 'Settlement pattern and social organization') acknowledges that their may have been local headmen (presumably corresponding to Warren's 'subordinate kapitan'), but does not even mention the possibility of there having been a supreme leader of all the Batak:\r\n\r\n\u201cAs with other bilaterally organized peoples in this part of the world, nuclear families are the basic Batak production and consumption units \u2026 At the close of the nineteenth century, approximately twenty to fifty Batak families were associated with each of the river valleys that composed their traditional territory. The inhabitants of each apparently saw themselves as some-[29] what different from the Batak of neighboring river valleys ... A headmanshiplike institution may have given some political expression to the feelings of social and cultural solidarity shared by residents of the valley.  Certain older men, by virtue of personality, emerge as natural leaders and become the focus of a residential aggregate.  The opinions of such individuals are respected but not binding; the others are free to argue or to leave (Estioko-Griffin and Griffin 1981: 98). The degree to which such leaders traditionally influenced the affairs of Batak in an entire river valley (rather than day-to-day residential clusters; see below) is unknown. Warren does speak of a Batak 'kapitan' for each river valley, but Batak political organization has been changed greatly by [30] extensive borrowings from the Tagbanua and incorporation into the modern Philippine political system (Warren 1964: 93-95).\u201d (Eder, 1987, pp. 28-30)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10263, "valueset_pk": 10263, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10263, "jsondata": {}, "id": "palawan-batak-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 20, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 20, "glottocode": "bata1301", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "palawan-batak", "name": "Palawan Batak", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 10.1, "longitude": 119.1}, "name": "Palawan Batak"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.1, 10.1]}, "id": "palawan-batak"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18515", "name": "3", "description": "Ulithians lived in small, compact villages:\r\n\r\n\"The Ulithian village is a highly nucleated subunit of the wider community ... The average size of a village fluctuates over the years, but at the time of maximum population for the atoll the number of inhabitants for a village came to eighty-eight ... Except for the island of Falalp, where there are two villages, no island has more than one village. The Falalop villages are contiguous, however, and for many purposes may be regarded as a single unit with bonds of common interests.\" (Lessa, 1966, pp 16-17). \r\n\r\nEach village was part of a district, led by a district chief. As these districts consisted of only one small village and one inhabited islet, it seems sensible to consider these districts to be extensions of the village rather than supra-village political units:\r\n\r\n\"Beyond the village, the next larger political unit is the district, of which there are eight in the atoll. The district is composed of a village and one or more lesser islands, most of them uninhabited but nevertheless economically useful.\r\n\r\n\"Each district, including some that are no longer inhabited, is headed by a chief. His jurisdiction does not extend over any village in his area but rather over the district as a whole.\" (Lessa, 1966, p 32).\r\n\r\nAlthough the entire atoll of Ulithi had a small enough population to be considered a local community itself, its geographical spread meant that its constituent islets were fairly isolated from one another, and thus could not function as one:\r\n\r\n\"Space resources are tiny, the atoll contrasting sharply with the immensity of the sea surrounding it ... At the same time its large size is a factor in making transportation and communication time-consuming and sometimes arduous, causing some islets to be relatively isolated from the others.\" (Lessa, 1966, p 2).\r\n\r\nThe district, then, is the most appropriate unit to consider the local community. Above this, with leadership over the whole atoll, was the paramount chief:\r\n\r\n\"Ulithi is under the jurisdiction of a paramount chief, referred to in a loose way by Europeans as a king ... as executive head of the atoll he exists mostly to coordinate atoll-wide affairs and preserve interdistrict harmony.\" (Lessa, 1966, pp 147-148)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10266, "valueset_pk": 10266, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10266, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ulithi-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 28, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 28, "glottocode": "ulit1238", "ethonyms": "Ulithian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ulithian"]}, "id": "ulithi", "name": "Ulithi", "description": "Ulithi is a large atoll in western Micronesia. The indigenous religion of Ulithi included a pantheon of sky gods, including a supreme god called I'aluep, the 'Big Spirit' or 'Great Spirit'. However, these gods were considered remote, and deified spirits of the dead were ritually more important. Most of the population of Ulithi converted to Roman Catholicism in the 1930s and 1940s.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 10.1, "longitude": 139.7}, "name": "Ulithi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [139.7, 10.1]}, "id": "ulithi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18132", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cEach island had a chief and council which governed its society. While Nukunono and Atafu were subject to Fakaofu, the chief of Fakaofu was the supreme authority of all the islands. He was looked upon as king by the first missionaries and referred to by this title in their writings \u2026 [50] \u2026 The high chief of the Tokelau Islands was a patriarchal head. He had full authority over all the people and established their laws, which he enforced by his power to curse any one to death.\u201d (Macgregor, 1937, pp. 49-50)\r\n\r\n\"Fakaofo exercised pule 'political control/authority' over Nukunonu. All 'laws and regulations' were decreed from Fakaofo, and Fakaofo made appointments to positions of authority within Nukunonu and assigned Fakaofo men - specifically male descendants of Pio, the son of Nau - as deputies of the Fakaofo aliki there. Though civil affairs continued to be administered by Nukunonu's elders, they were constrained by Fakaofo authority, which in turn was sanctioned by Fakaofo's privileged access to Tui Tokelau, the source of fecundity and prosperity.\" (Huntsman & Hooper, 1996, p. 137)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10268, "valueset_pk": 10268, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10268, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tokelau-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 62, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 62, "glottocode": "toke1240", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tokelau", "name": "Tokelau", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.4, "longitude": -171.2}, "name": "Tokelau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [188.8, -9.4]}, "id": "tokelau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18138", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Settlement pattern\u2019 (Ferdon, 1987, pp. 11-16)\r\n\r\n\u2018Social organization and government\u2019 (Ferdon, 1987, pp. 25-50)\r\n\r\n\"The Tongan population \u2026 was spread out over its island world in a pattern that was difficult to categorize. To better understand this situation it is first necessary to review what Mariner claimed were the three recognized geographic areas, or regions, of any Tongan island. These, at least in some cases, appear to have served as administrative districts as well. One of these was the hahake ... which was the name for the northern end of an island or, if its longer axis trended east and west, that end more toward the east. Its opposite was known as hihifo and was the southern end of an island or, if it trended east and west, the western end ... [12] The middle of an island, that is, the area between the two extremes but not necessarily the geographic midpoint, was called mu\u2019a ... At least in historic times it was in this central district that the more important chiefs maintained houses for themselves as well as for a considerable number of their retinue. These houses appear to have been in addition to their dwelling complexes within the districts, or subdistricts, they controlled ... In terms of settlement patterns, the centrally located mu\u2019a with its cluster of chiefly buildings and personnel could keep the cultural geographer from offhandedly classifying Tonga as having a universally dispersed pattern. Unfortunately, the only mu\u2019a given any attention in the early accounts was that on the north coast of Tongatapu. At the time of Cook\u2019s visits, it was the seat of government of all the Tongan islands and the home of the most sacred Tongan personage, the Tu\u2019i Tonga. This assemblage, though open in nature because of each chief\u2019s needs for fenced-in surroundings, gardens, and living quarters, was something more than just a handful of buildings. As Anderson described it, each of the chief\u2019s enclosures included numerous buildings that, according to Vason, housed attendants, wives, and children. In addition, separating [13] each chief\u2019s establishment from his or her neighbour was a public thoroughfare of varying width that some of the early Europeans insisted on calling a road. Thus, though open in plan, this assemblage of chiefly buildings with its interconnecting public pathways and, it would seem, a public mala\u2019e, or grassy assembly area, could only be regarded as a true village, although essentially governmental in purpose. Although the mu\u2019a of other islands may have been smaller by comparison, their assemblage must have been basically similar ... Except for the single governmental village in the mu\u2019a of each of the more populated islands, the settlement pattern of the Tongan islands could properly have been called the dispersed type. However, even here there must have been a differentiation in the type of scattered dwelling units. This would have resulted from the fact that not only could the chiefly class own land, but those of the mat\u0101pule and mu\u2019a as well, only the lowest, or tu\u2019a, class being exempted. Thus, rank and status probably determined the amount of land owned by an individual, and that, in turn, determined the number of attendants required to maintain and cultivate the property ... Regardless, any chief of any status maintained a number of his retinue near his dwelling, as well as his workers, who would have included craft specialists among them. This required his country estate to contain sufficient dwellings, cookhouses, and storage units to maintain the entourage. Although these larger assemblages could hardly be called villages, or even hamlets, their makeup and content would seem to have been the Tongan equivalent of the eighteenth-century baronial type of plantation described by Glenn Trewartha for Virginia. It was undoubtedly [14] these building clusters that the Malaspina expedition referred to in their mention of villages on Vava\u2019u, each with its own chief. From this more complex level the size and number of people and buildings per farm unit must have been on a declining scale, ending with scattered single dwellings on small plots of land.\" (Ferdon, 1987, pp. 11-14)\r\n\r\n\"William Mariner\u2019s summary, as published by Dr John Martin, seems to indicate that there were at least four basic classes of people. There was the \u2018eiki, or chiefly, class, followed by individuals known as matapule, others known as mu\u2019a, and at the bottom of the scale a group called tu\u2019a ... [26] ... Until Mariner recorded his knowledge of Tongan culture, there was no information on the subject of what factors allowed an individual the right to be included in the ranks of the chiefly class. According to Mariner\u2019s understanding, this governing class was made up of individuals related in varying degrees to either the presumed god personified having the title of Tu\u2019i Tonga, another individual also of presumed divine origin named Veasi ... or what was then termed the Hau, or supreme secular chief. The last-named was a relatively new position of authority that, as will later be explained, may have come into being during the last quarter of the eighteenth century.\u201d (Ferdon, 1987, pp 25-26)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe political divisions of Tonga were never described as a whole by any of the primary European observers. As early as 1773, Cook concluded that the government was made up of a superior chief with others under him serving as district chiefs, and that there was at least one other level of chiefs below them. During Cook\u2019s second visit in 1777, William Anderson noted that within Tongatapu alone there were more than thirty \u2018districts, whose names he dutifully recorded ... Regarding these districts, Anderson further noted that each was ruled over by a chief and that some chiefs were more powerful than others. By 1797, James Wilson reported that the three recognized geographic areas of the island \u2013 that is, from west to east, hihifo, mu\u2019a, and hahake \u2013 also constituted major governmental districts under the absolute control of individual chiefs. Each of these was subdivided into a series of smaller political divisions. These, in turn, were ruled by chiefs who, \u2018in some cases,\u2019 were account able to the chief of the major district of which they were a part. Why some were accountable to their superior chief and others were not was never explained. It may have had to do with comparative rank; for example, a subdivision chief who genealogically outranked his district chief may have been free of his control.\r\n\r\n\"Beyond Tongatapu proper, there are just enough scattered early references to suggest that this general pattern of chiefly control of land extended to other areas of Tonga as well. Thus, Franciso A. Maurelle referred to a chief who ruled over the forty-eight islands that make up the Ha\u2019apai group, and years later Mariner described how Finau \u2018Ululukalala assigned Tupouto\u2019a to be chief of those islands. At the same time, there were other references to chiefs of individual islands within that group, which probably constited the equivalent of the subdivisions on the larger islands. Besides the sizeable islands of Vava\u2019u and Eua, which had their own superior governing chiefs, such small islands as Atata, Pangaimotu, and Nukunuku were reported to have had individual chiefs, a situation probably holding for all of the smaller islands.\u201d (Ferdon, 1987, p 28)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10269, "valueset_pk": 10269, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10269, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tonga-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 17, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 17, "glottocode": "tong1325", "ethonyms": "Tongan; Friendly Islands", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tongan", "Friendly Islands"]}, "id": "tonga", "name": "Tonga", "description": "Tonga is a group of islands in western Polynesia. In prehistoric times, the kings of Tonga had a sphere of influence, sometimes known as the 'Tongan Empire', which encompassed many neighbouring groups of islands. Although Tonga had a close relationship with Britain during the twentieth century, it is notable as the only Polynesian nation never to have lost its sovereignty.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.2, "longitude": -175.2}, "name": "Tonga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [184.8, -21.2]}, "id": "tonga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18230", "name": "3", "description": "\u201c\"Nobles who ruled over the separate islands or large districts bore the title of 'akariki \u2026 In the time of Apeiti \u2026 the two large districts of Rikitea and Taku were each ruled by a 'akariki. Through the conquest of Taku, Apeiti became ruler over the whole island of Mangareva, but his influence extended over the other islands as well. Except for the break caused by the commoner, Teiti-a-tuou, the descendants of Ruaga ruled as 'akariki until the arrival of the missionaries in 1834.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe heir to the \u2018akariki title had to be born on the marae of Te Kehika, and the mother was accordingly conveyed there when labor pains began \u2026 On the eight day the child underwent the igogo ceremony on the marae, and the high priest fed him to bring him under the direct protection of the gods \u2026 The king was enveloped in a personal tapu due to his birth. The tapu of priests, on the other hand, was derived from their initiation as a medium of the gods. According to Laval \u2026 the king who had the secular tapu alone was termed a kuare but some few were also charged with the sacred tapu and thus had a dual power expressed by the term taura-ariki (priest and king). The sacred tapu, however, was usually conferred on some other member of the royal family who was selected to function as high priest (taura-tupua).\u201d \" (Buck, 1938, pp 151-152)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10271, "valueset_pk": 10271, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10271, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mangareva-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 60, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 60, "glottocode": "mang1401", "ethonyms": "Gambier Islands", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Gambier Islands"]}, "id": "mangareva", "name": "Mangareva", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -23.1, "longitude": -135.0}, "name": "Mangareva"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [225.0, -23.1]}, "id": "mangareva"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18249", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Social control\u2019 pp 61-69\r\n\r\n\u201cAs far as can be learned, there never existed any large political units among the Subanuns, far less any union of the whole tribe. Perhaps the nearest approach to the formation of a large unit took place around forty years ago and appears to have been due to Spanish suggestion. At that time, according to the testimony of old headmen of the Sindagan region, an agent of the Spanish Government, Alejo Alvarez, set up a certain headman named Sumusa as the war chief of all the Subanuns around the bay. On the approach of a raiding party of Lanau Moros he had authority to summon all the Subanuns around the bay to resist them. After Sumusa\u2019s death he was succeeded by a nephew, who in turn was followed by a chief now residing on the banks of the Peyo river. On the approach of a raiding party the war chief, who bore the ambitious title of \u2018Lajah Gunum\u2019 would send messengers to all the headmen of the region, bearing strips of rattan tied in knots whose number indicated the number of days which were to elapse before the date of the rendezvous, and all the chiefs, after concealing their valuable effects, would gather their young men together and present themselves at [62] the place appointed, which was ordinarily some easily defensible hill. Sometimes by the chief headman\u2019s order, the women and children also would be gathered in the stronghold, at other times he would recommend that they conceal themselves in the mountains or stay at home, according to circumstances, but when the time of stress was passed, the war chief lost his paramount authority and became a mere local chief like the rest.\r\n\r\n\u201cThis war chief controlled the largest number of Subanuns of any Subanun authority within my knowledge. He had under his orders, during the exercise of his special functions, perhaps some 3,500 or 4,000 persons, while the ordinary Subanun headman rarely had more than a few hundred. \r\n\u201cIt is proposed to write a few paragraphs regarding the rule of these ordinary headmen, having in mind throughout, as stated above, the conditions obtaining around Sindangan Bay.\r\n\u201cThe headman was known as ti-mu-ai \u2026 The office ran in families, but did not ordinarily pass directly from father to son. It was more usual for it to pass from the late holder to his brother \u2026 He had practically no way of making his decisions respected but public opinion and the backing of his relatives, so that it was useless for a man to set himself up as a headman if the people did not want him. There was usually no formal election, but the ruling headman ordinarily associated with himself, in the exercise of his functions, the man whom he wished to succeed him, so that at the death of the older man the transition to the rule of the younger one was easy and natural. If the leading men, especially the elders of the region, vigorously objected, even the preference of the late headman was overruled, and some other man \u2013 almost always related to the late headman \u2013 was chosen. Before the coming of the American regime, the consent of the agent of the Spanish Government, Alejo Alvarez, is said to have been necessary, and still earlier, that of the princes of Sibugai of the houses of the Sultans of Magindanau. This consent, however, was usually a mere form, as the Spanish or Moro overlord cared little as to whole the headmen were, provided they paid the tribute.\r\n\u201cIt will readily be inferred from the above that the power of the headman was quite limited \u2026 If he showed himself to be harsher in his punishments than the community believed was allowable under the unwritten but universally recognized law, namely, custom, he found his followers drifting away from him; this occurred by the simple process of their going into another district and placing themselves under the orders of another headman. It is, indeed, surprising that the headmen exerted as much authority as they did. It was due to the Subanun\u2019s profound reverence for custom and his dislike of the alternative of obedience, namely, running [63] away from his kinsmen, that they could punish crime by levying fines, as they undoubtedly did.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe headman was assisted by a number of men who acted as his lieutenants in outlying parts of the region under his jurisdiction and joined with him as assessors at the trial of important cases. These men were ordinarily elders esteemed for their good sense and knowledge of local custom, and were known as saililing (deputy), or masalag tau (big or important man) \u2026 The office of headman was no sinecure. Indeed, not a few Subanuns considered it to be more trouble than it was worth, and there was generally no eagerness to get it. He was held responsible by the Spanish agent Alvarex, and before him, by the Moro datus and princes, for the tributes of his locality, which he was expected to apportion among the ordinary Subanuns \u2026 Such services as the above, while probably the most irksome, were not the commonest. The headman\u2019s routine duties consisted in the allaying of disputes, the settling of marriage portions and the trying of trespasses against the customary law. In most cases the Subanun authorities were given a free hand by their Moro overlords, and later, by the Spaniards.\u201d (Christie, 1909, pp. 61-63)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10273, "valueset_pk": 10273, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10273, "jsondata": {}, "id": "subanun-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 2, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 2, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "subanun", "name": "Subanun", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.1, "longitude": 122.1}, "name": "Subanun"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.1, 7.1]}, "id": "subanun"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19019", "name": "3", "description": "The traditional view of Maori social structure is as follows:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe smallest social unit is the biological family, which the Maori termed whanau, derived from whanau, to give birth. With each generation, the number of families increased and reached such numbers that the restricted term of whanau could no longer be applied to the group. The term hapu (pregnancy) was used to denote this expanded family group for it expressed the idea of birth from common ancestors and thus stressed the blood tie which united the families for the purpose of co-operation in active operations and in defence. If all went well, the hapu expanded still further in succeeding generations making it necessary for groups to separate from the original settlement and take up land in neighbouring localities. Thus the original hapu expanded into a number of hapu, but, as numbers were important in the frequent wars which took place, the hapu still recognized their common blood descent and united when occasion arose. The term iwi (bone) was brought into current use to include all the hapu descended from common ancestors and thus related to each other by a blood tie. To denote the groupings in English, the iwi has been termed tribe and the hapu a sub-tribe.\r\n\r\n[334]\r\n\r\n\u201cSome sub-tribes remained restricted in numbers or even disappeared through ill fortune in war and other sub-tribes expanded so much that they assumed the status of a tribe and split into sub-tribes. Hence, the descendants of an original pair of ancestors became, in time, grouped into a number of tribes, each with its own sub-tribes. The connecting tie between sub-tribes was close and strong, and, though quarrels broke out between them, they were always ready to combine under tribal leadership for co-operation in tribal affairs. The tie between tribes descended from common ancestors was not so strong but it was recognized and served to bind them together loosely in a form of tribal federation. Such tribes often fought bitter wars between themselves but would unite against outside tribes for common defence or aggression. A similar sentiment would often unite tribes whose ancestors belonged to different families but who came in the same voyaging canoe. The claim for co-operation was the waka, or ancestral canoe, and an eloquent orator could arouse sentiment to the point of action.\u201d (Buck, 1952, pp. 333-334)\r\n\r\nHowever, in recent years the 'tribal' model of Maori society has been completely overturned. According to Ballara (1998), Maori in the eighteenth century lived in independent hapu, or 'communities' of hapu under a ruling chief that were always smaller than iwi. At least some of these clearly consisted of multiple local communities:\r\n\r\n\"Eighteenth-century iwi \u2013 then the widest social categories of M\u0101ori people who continued to acknowledge and sometimes utilise common origins \u2013 were of vastly differing population sizes and settlement patterns \u2026 At that time iwi did not function as political units. In terms of corporate function, such as the defence of their people or a common policy towards other groups, iwi were not operative units. Often, even usually, scattered in different locations, their people lived [125] in hap\u016b and/or communities of several hap\u016b which were often interspersed and intermarried with people of other iwi. Typically there was only tenuous, spasmodic and voluntary contact between the various descent groups which had ramified or branched off from the original founding ancestor of the iwi.\" (Ballara, 1998, pp. 124-125)\r\n\r\n\"While hap\u016b could at any time diverge from their community and act on their own, and while many hap\u016b lived and worked separately at least part of the time, most small or minor 18th-century hap\u016b resided with others in a complex relationship as part of a larger unit rather than as a single hap\u016b. This unit was often a cluster of hap\u016b living under the mana of a ruling chief. Such a unit is here called a community.\" (Ballara, 1998, p 194)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe basis of such a community was the mana of its chief over land and people \u2026 The mana of their chief was thought to \u2018rest\u2019 or \u2018lie\u2019 on or over his territory; this usually included his own ancestral lands, but also the lands and use-rights of the several hapu living \u2018under\u2019 his mana.\u201d (Ballara, 1998, p 204)\r\n\r\n\"Many small, relatively short-lived communities were formed in time of danger \u2026 More complex and longer-lasting communities which remained together over generations in peace as well as war have been described elsewhere \u2026 Another such long-lasting community was on Motutawa island in the Rotok\u0101kahi lake and on surrounding lands south of Rotorua \u2026 [209] \u2026 Over a number of generations this community was dominated by the T\u016bhourangi people together with its major hap\u016b, Ng\u0101ti W\u0101hiao \u2026 During the period that [210] is being discussed, T\u016bhourangi had other contemporary settlements centred around Te Wairoa (a village on the shore of the Tarawera lake, at Rotomahana, at Taumaihi and Okarerka, Parekarangi and Tumunui, and associated people living at Motuwhanake on the Waikto River and at Te Whakarewarewa \u2026 So Motutawa, which included several different p\u0101 on Motutawa itself, its various subsidiary k\u0101inga around the shores of Rotok\u0101kahi and its cultivations and resource areas as far as Moerangi \u2026 was only one such settlement.\" (Ballara, 1998, pp. 208-210)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10274, "valueset_pk": 10274, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10274, "jsondata": {}, "id": "maori-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 13, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 13, "glottocode": "maor1246", "ethonyms": "Tangata Whenua", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tangata Whenua"]}, "id": "maori", "name": "M\u0101ori", "description": "M\u0101ori are the indigenous people of New Zealand. New Zealand was settled from Eastern Polynesia, probably in the thirteenth century. M\u0101ori religion involved a pantheon of beings, ranging from powerful departmental gods to local spirits such as taniwha.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -39.0, "longitude": 175.8}, "name": "M\u0101ori"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [175.8, -39.0]}, "id": "maori"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18391", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Clans, houses and social organization\u2019: Ellen (2014, pp. 17-25)\r\n\r\n'Geographic deixis' (Ellen, 2014, pp. 40-46)\r\n\r\nEllen stresses the autonomy of the Nuaulu clans, but a kind of supreme 'representative' of all Nuaulu also existed:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn order to understand anything connected with ritual it is important to recognize the autonomy of the Nuaulu patrilineal clan and variations between clans in terms of demography, history and cultural practice. Indeed, in many ways, Nuaulu identity as a whole might most accurately be expressed as \u2018a consensual federation of originally separate and autonomous groups\u2019 (Valeri 2001 [1990a]:293). Throughout the period of my fieldwork there have been 12 Nuaulu clans (ipane or ipan; \u2018soa\u2019 in Ambonese Malay), all resident in the South Seram Area. At the time of my fieldwork in 1970-71, these were distributed between five main physical settlements \u2026\u201d (Ellen, 2014, p. 19)\r\n\r\n\u201cI shall have much to say regarding variation between clans in subsequent chapters, as we consider different categories of ritual \u2026 The reasons underlying different interpretation are various, from trivial cultural \u2018drift\u2019 to the ever-present tension between those Nuaulu who seek a unified settlement \u2013 perhaps even a raja of their own \u2013 and those who do not. However, the default position is the considerable autonomy that individual clans have, not only in matters regarding ritual (though particularly in regard to such matters), but in regard to other forms of social action and cultural practice as well \u2026 Each Nuaulu clan is a diarchy, ideally divided into two equal, reciprocally exchanging sections or \u2018houses\u2019, and Nuaulu religion can be summarily characterized as ancestor-worship focused on clan houses (numa). These latter are moiety-like groups based on descent and affiliation to either the numa onate (large or main house) or the numa kapitane (house of the war leader. The two houses are, therefore, simultaneously [23] complementary and hierarchic. The numa onate, alternatively called the numa maiane \u2026 takes precedence in ritual matters and is therefore senior, but only as a kind of primus inter pares \u2026 By contrast, numa kapitane is associated with the brothers of the wife and the brothers of the mother, who are outsiders to all ritual held in the numa maiane. The distinction between houses corresponds to an important distinction in Nuaulu kinship, namely that between the children of the brother and children of the sister.\u201d (Ellen, 2014, pp. 21-22)\r\n\r\n\"Not only are there differences between clans in matters relating to physical orientation, but also between groups of clans in particular settlements, and between settlements. During the long period between approximately 1880 and 1980, when most Nuaulu clans were located around Sepa, the higher, mountainward settlement of Ahusuru embodied values of ancestrality and monne, while the lower, seaward settlement of Watane embodied the specific values of ancestrality associated with each kin group. This relationship was reflected in the roles of the ia onate Matoke-hanaie (the 'male' Matoke clan chief, primus inter pares of all clan ritual chiefs, located in Ahisuru), and the ia onate aia (the head of all [44] Nuaulu in matters relating to political interaction with the outside world, located in Watane).\" (Ellen, 2014, pp.  42-44)\r\n\r\nAll Nuaulu were of course subject to the Indonesian government:\r\n\r\n\"Except for the disturbances occasioned by the Second World War (1942-1945) and the Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS) period (approximately 1950-1966), the Pax Neerlandica, followed by the effective writ of the Sukarno and Soeharto administrations, froze the distribution of clans between 1882 and the late 1980s.\" (Ellen, 2014, p. 21)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10275, "valueset_pk": 10275, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10275, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nuaulu-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 47, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 47, "glottocode": "sout2895", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "nuaulu", "name": "Nuaulu", "description": "The Nuaulu are subsistence farmers who live on the south coast of the island of Ceram in Eastern Indonesia. They are one of the few peoples in Indonesia who have retained their indigenous religion, which largely involves the worship of ancestral spirits, to the present day.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.2, "longitude": 129.0}, "name": "Nuaulu"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [129.0, -3.2]}, "id": "nuaulu"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18409", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The political life of Samoa\u2019 (Stair, 1897, pp. 83-102)\r\n\r\n\u201cTHE Samoan islands are divided into districts, which are subdivided into settlements, and these again into villages. The great divisions or districts are quite independent of each other, their boundaries being well known ... [84] ... The local affairs of each settlement were under its immediate control, and were discussed and decided upon in a public assembly composed of the leading men of each village or district. More weighty matters, such as declaring war or making peace, the appointment and installation of chiefs, or indeed any matters of general importance to the whole district, were deliberated upon in a general fono, or parliament of the whole district, composed of representatives of all the different settlements and villages of the district. Each district had a leading settlement called its Laumua.\r\n\r\n\u201cIt was the province of the Laumua to convene the fono, or general assembly of its respective districts, to a announce the object for which it had been summoned, to preside over its deliberations, to arrange disputed or knotty points, as well as to sum up the proceedings and dismiss the assembly; in fact, to sustain the office of chairman \u2026 The speakers might be either chiefs, Tulafale, or Faleupolu; the former occasionally addressing a fono, but usually the class called Tulafale were the principal speakers. Each chief had [85] generally a Tulafale, who acted as his mouthpiece; and each settlement had its Tulafale sili, who was the leading orator of the district.\u201d (Stair, 1897, pp. 83-85)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10276, "valueset_pk": 10276, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10276, "jsondata": {}, "id": "samoan-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 97, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 97, "glottocode": "samo1305", "ethonyms": "Samoan; Tagata Samoa", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Samoan", "Tagata Samoa"]}, "id": "samoan", "name": "Samoa", "description": "Samoa is a group of large, volcanic islands in western Polynesia. In pre-Christian times, Samoans believed in a range of supernatural beings. Pan-Polynesian gods such as Tagaloa, conceived as the creator of the world in Samoa, were present. Beings called aitu, which had more local powers and, according to the interpretation of Cain (1971), were the spirits of miscarried or aborted children. Today, Samoans are overwhelmingly Christian, the largest denominations being Protestant.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -13.9, "longitude": -171.8}, "name": "Samoa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [188.2, -13.9]}, "id": "samoan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18702", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Nili \u2018Wele Batai Telu, The Assembly of the Three Rivers\u2019 (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 71-89)\r\n\r\n\u2018Hena Manusa: Seven positions, seven nuru\u2019 (pp. 138-149)\r\n\r\nThe Alune lived in semi-autonomous territories called hena (domains). One of these hena, Manusa, is described in detail in the source (Boulan-Smit, 1998).\r\n\r\nIn the twentieth century hena populations were consolidated into nucleated villages, but previously they appear to have consisted of several settlements. Manusa, which had an area of 181 sq. km (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 12), consisted of several \u2018hamlets\u2019 (p 169), which were not tightly clustered (Fig. 6.1). \r\n\r\nGovernance of the hena was vested in the hena upui (\u2018grandfathers of the domain\u2019). Boulan-Smit (1998, pp. 138-149) describes seven offices:\r\n\r\n\"Seven is also the number of functions and duties which order the ancient social [138] organisation of the hena to make it a complete body. These are the positions/duties (tugas) of hena upui grandfathers / ancestors of the hena'. At the present time, the seven hena upui are recalled as follows: Latu ela mena: ('Great lord in the front'), the leader/ruler/head, upu tapele: the lord of the land, maeta'e: the ritual performer, ama lesi: the warlord, ama nili: the saniri elder, peace negotiator, alamanane: the spokesman, and ama tita: the liaison agent \u2026 Let us  examine these functions more closely.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 137-138)\r\n\r\nThe offices of Latu ela mena, upu tapele, and maeta\u2019e appear to have been the most important, since they were associated with the \u2018three latu [lords]\u2019 of the domain:\r\n\r\n\"Everybody in Manusa agrees that the three functions of leader, lord of the land and ritual performer were filled by the three latu.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 138)\r\n\r\nThe Latu ela mena ('leader') appears to have been the nominal leader of the domain. His role is somewhat obscure \u2013 in Manusa, where Boulan-Smit conducted her fieldwork, the office had long been unfilled. \r\n\r\n\"Everybody in Manusa agrees that the three functions of leader, lord of the land and ritual performer were filled by the three latu. However, in the narrative the first leader, Latuelamena, left at the foundation of the domain. Some elders support the case that he was immediately replaced by the warlord, others that his powerless representative (Tibali, nicknamed ana sosi 'the ignorant child') filled his empty seat while his function was assumed by others. This is where tradition and official history are interwoven. No one remembers [139] who (other than Latuelamena) led Manusa before 1920, when colonial interference started to be felt and was documented.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 138-139)\r\n\r\nThe upu tapele ('lord of the land') was an authority on 'customary law and land tenure' within the hena, as well as having 'privileged contact with the ancestors of the hena':\r\n\r\n\"In Manusa, the 'lord of the land' (upu tapele) is indeed knowledgeable and regarded as the one to whom to refer on matters of customary law and land tenure as long as they concern the 'land' (tapele) and the 'custom' (atate) within the hena itself. The upu tapele is the descendant of the founding ancestor of the domain. Because of this ancestry he has a privileged contact with the ancestors of the hena \u2026 However an upu is the lord, the custodian, the guardian, the person having duties and responsibilities toward something, but not its owner.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 140)\r\n\r\nThe maeta'e ('ritual performer') 'collected offerings' for domain-wide rituals and was also an officiant of the Kakehan (a ritual 'brotherhood'):\r\n\r\n\"The ritual performer collected the offerings of all the nuru for their common ritual centre on Nuruitu. He was also the ritual officiant of the Kakehan ('a'ehane) in the 'men's house' (luma tutue) before the prohibition of initiation and men's rituals in the 1920s, when the village officially converted to Christianity.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 142)\r\n\r\nThe ama lesi appears to have been some kind of shaman as well as a warlord:\r\n\r\n\"Van Wouden attributed to the malesi the role of a 'champion' but also the duties of a diviner or an astrologer, an activity he did not investigate further. Shamanism was a common practice among Alune elders before the conversion to Christianity. The shamanic aspect of the amalesi's charge applied in matters which concerned his field of specialisation i.e. warfare, head hunting, the movements of the group (he led migrations), protection or extension of the boundaries, and men's activities related to the forest.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 142)\r\n\r\nThe ama nili headed the domain council and represented the domain on larger councils. This role may have been a new (postcolonial?) introduction:\r\n\r\n\"The function I call peace negotiator is ama nili: 'saniri father'. In peace time, his role was to head the 'village council of elders' (nili) and to act as the representative of the hena in the larger saniri (nili ela) of the river batai. As head of the elders' council he was expected to be [144] knowledgeable in customary matters, more specifically in what concerned the administrative relationship with the outside, including land boundaries \u2026 For some village elders, the function is regarded as a 'new' one.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 143-144)\r\n\r\nThe roles of alamanane and the ama tita (\u2018left hand\u2019 and \u2018right hand\u2019) were clearly subsidiary. The former assisted the maeta\u2019e (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 145-146), and the latter assisted the village council (p. 146). \r\n\r\nBeyond the hena, Boulan-Smit also describes a coalition of hena within the Sapalewa River Valley, Kwele Batai, which was represented in the larger system of 'nili' councils (described below). This appears coalition appears to have been the largest political unit situated wholly within the Alune ethnolinguistic group.\r\n\r\n\u201cInland, west of the Sapalewa, was the independent coalition of the nili Kwele Batai, the Saniri of the Trunk of the Large River. It brought together the Alune mountain settlements of Rumasoal (sarimeten of Sapalewa), Riring (anakota of Sapalewa) with those of Niniari, Murikau and Lumoli, three mountain villages of the upper Eti river. This mountain/indigenous coalition had its own representatives in the large Saniri. It counterbalanced the coastal powers of Kaibobo (Eti) and Lisabata (Sapalewa), two former Muslim vassals of the Ternatan governor of Luhu in Huamual.\u201d (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 79)\r\n\r\nEvery Alune hena appears to have been affiliated with one of three 'batai' - territorial units corresponding to river valleys. Each of the three batai was multi-ethnic. All three included 'coastal Muslims', and two also included Wemale. Each batai was centred on a 'coastal Muslim' town that had nominal precedence in periodic 'assemblies' (nili). The three batai were united in a 'regional' federation called Wele Batai Telu which also held assemblies, but appears to have had no 'centre':\r\n\r\n\"West Seram was a densely forested area at the periphery of a large trading operation controlled by the northern Sultanates and later by the VOC. Ternate had a Gubemur in Huamual and several vassal settlements on the south and north coasts. The interior was occupied by small rival groups, scattered along the valleys of the main rivers. Small scale warfare and head-hunting was current both in the mountains and at the coast, and everybody lived in mutual suspicion. Yet exchanges were vital and alliances, even temporary ones, were indispensable. Periodic assemblies of the elders, called nili, facilitated the relationships between various units. This widespread institution, which assembled the elders in each domain, also met at river and regional level. Although every small unit remained fiercely independent, these councils maintained some communication and coordination between the various coastal and mountain groups of the region. The oral tradition confirms the ancient existence of these nili assemblies in west Seram. They gathered the representatives of small and large units at the level of domains (nili hena), river valley (nili ela) or region (nili 'wele batai telu or saniri hutu). (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p 72)\r\n\r\n\"The nili was primarily an assembly where conflicts between domains were brought for arbitration. The parties in conflict were helped to reach an agreement which was witnessed by the representatives of the whole region. The assembly acted as peace keeper and negotiation facilitator for various matters related to secular power. The core group of the assembly, the niliwei, the 'source/base' of the Saniri, arbitrated these large conciliatory coastal meetings. The nili of a river was the point of convergence for mountain and coastal groups of the same valley to meet, interact and debate, reinforcing regional cohesion \u2026 When they are greeted in front of the whole assembly, the domains are positioned within the batai in a precedence ordered from coast to mountain \u2026 In each batai the senior representative was a powerful coastal Muslim domain allied to Ternate. This coastal centre (the inama latu), was the niliwei the 'core', the 'base', 'the source of continuity' of the nili of its river and, as such, was given ultimate precedence. (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 83)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Alune population living in the valley of the Eti river in the south west belongs to the Eti batai. In the south-east, several groups of Wemale and Alune people share the Tala batai. In the north the Alune living in the valley of the Sapalewa belong to the Sapalewa batai. When large meetings (nili ela) were held, the Wemale of the north eastern Uli river batai joined with the Sapalewa batai.\u201d (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 101)\r\n\r\nNOTE: The following makes it clear that the Muslim coastal villages were not Alune:\r\n\r\n\"Alune and Wemale are Reformed Christians (GPM) while the coastal population is predominantly Muslim with a minority of different Christian affiliations.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p 10)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10279, "valueset_pk": 10279, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10279, "jsondata": {}, "id": "alune-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 131, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 131, "glottocode": "alun1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "alune", "name": "Alune", "description": "The Alune are a language community living in western Seram. Like many peoples of the Central Maluku area, they traced their origins to the mythical 'Nunusaku' tree.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.1, "longitude": 128.5}, "name": "Alune"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [128.5, -3.1]}, "id": "alune"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17655", "name": "3", "description": "Tricky because of variation.\r\n\r\nThe Atayal lived in villages (karan), loosely grouped into 'tribes' (leliyong). Tribes are described as 'rarely political entities', an important exception being the Kalaisan tribe, who were organized as a 'superconfederacy' with two levels of jurisdiction above the local community:\r\n\r\n\"Approximately 40 of these so-called tribes were identified by Japanese ethnologists for the Atayal as a whole ... Chinese ethnographers have concentreated on the largest of these 'tribes,' the Kalaisan (Nanao) in the extreme east of the Atayal area, and specifically on the ethnically mixed village of Nanao, nowadays numbering some 1,200 people and located on the coastal plain in close proximity to lowland Chinese (cf. Li et al. 196). [Mabuchi 1960, 1966; Wei 1963; Ho 1956).\" (Lebar, 1975, p. 143)\r\n\r\n\"For defense against headhunting, the villages in a drainage area have tended to form loosely organized, named federations of 'tribes,' termed by Atayal qotox leliyung (leliong), 'those of the river'. These so-called 'tribes' were rarely political entities, and member villages usually retained political autonomy, with 'tribal' chiefs emerging only in war-[147] time and then only temporarily (Mabuchi 1966). For the Nanao Atayal, however, Li et al (1963:147ff.) describe a rather elaborate structure of villages organized into regional federations and these in turn into a single superconfederacy, with chiefs and sub-chiefs at all levels.\" (Lebar, 1975, pp 146-147). \r\n\r\nMore on the K\u0259laisan Federation:\r\n\r\n\u201cRelating local deviations from the norm of traditional Atayal mortuary customs to different descent and/or ethnohistory in cases where the sources permit such an attempt, is not feasible in this context. However, a glimpse of the complexities of descent and ethnohistory, both in consequence of the expansion and subsequent intrusive colonial policies, may be of interest. The ethnohistory of quotux l\u0259liyun K\u0259laisan (one river, meaning a defensive league of villages in the drainage area of one river/creek), the so-called K\u0259laisan Federation, although probably the most complex of all, is a case in point.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe 13 original qalan (villages) of the K\u0259laisan Federation were situated at altitudes above 1,000 m on the upper and middle reaches of the [274] Hoping River. K\u0259laisan is a collective name given to them by other Atayal groups. Their self-appelations are, depending on descent, k\u0259na-xaqul, M\u0259beala, Manebo, and Tausa respectively. Their ethnic composition, therefore, includes members of all three subgroups Sqoleq Ts\u2019ole and Sediq who in rapid succession left their respective former homes and joined newly founded villages, although by different routes and way-stations \u2026 UTSURIKAWA Nenozo, MABUCHI T\u00f4ichi and MIYAMOTO Nobutu (1935:32) stated that the original K\u0259laisan villages of T\u0259piaxan, Gogot, Pi\u0259\u0259xau, Tal\u0259nan, R\u0259ginox Kiniyan, Babo-lelao, R\u0259ger\u0259x, Xaga-paris, Tubulag, Moyau, Babo-kaikai, and L\u0259yoxen consisted of approximately 220 households (34.9%) of M\u0259beala, 280 households (44.4%) of K\u0259na-Xaqul, 90 households (14%) of Tausa and 40 households (6.3%) of Manebo descent.\u201d (Kaneko, 2000, pp. 273-274)\r\n\r\nAccording to Okada (1959, cited in Lebar, 1975, p. 145), mean household size was 4.8 for the Atayal as a whole (6.6 for the Tse'ole subgroup). The 630 households of the K\u0259laisan Federation would imply a total population of about 3,000 if they were of average size. According to Alvarez (1927) the Atayal population was estimated to be 27,766 in 1910, so the Kalaisan would have made up not much more than 10% of the total. \r\n\r\nThe rest of the Atayal appear to have lived in independent villages. Some villages were coextensive with 'ritual groups' (qotox gaga), whereas other villages were divided into separate ritual groups, and some ritual groups encompassed whole 'tribes'. Ritual groups were headed by a figure that Lebar calls the 'gaga chief'. The role of the gaga chief appears to have been primarily religious. It is unclear whether gaga chiefs also had secular power, though the fact that their responsibilites included 'public affairs' suggests that they may have been. Whether centralized political authority aside from that of the gaga chief existed at the village level prior to colonisation is unclear from the following excerpt. In the village of Nanao the gaga chiefs formed a council that had 'real power' and a nominal leader, but it is unclear how typical this was:\r\n\r\n\"The basic unit in Atayal society is the so-called ritual group (qotox gaga), an organization of patrilineally related persons observing a common set of taboos and ritual procedures (gaga) inherited from a common set of ancestors in order to maintain the spiritual protection of those ancestors. A gaga 'owns' its ancestral spirits (rutux) and shares in the communal eating of its sacred millet (gaxak), the latter under the protection of the gaga chief/priest, a person skilled in memorizing prayers and ritual sequences, reciting tribal history, and conducting public affairs (Li et al. 1963:204) ... In some areas, ritual group equals village, whereas in others a village may be composed of several ritual groups. In like manner the village-cum-ritual group may in some cases correspond to the hunting group or a feast group, in others not. In the southwest 'homeland,' an entire village federation or 'tribe' may comprise a single ritual group (Mabuchi 1966L 112; Kojima 1915-22:1,57). [Li et al. 1963:90-91, 121-65, 204; Yuan 1964:153; Wei 1958a: 34, 1963; Kojima 1915-22:1,57-58) ... By all accounts the local settlement was originally a cluster of neighbouring hamlets whose inhabitants constituted a localized kin group functioning as a single riitual group ... Modern administrative villages ... with village headmen and other functionaries, were created by successive Japanese and Chinese governments in an effort to gain political control in tribal areas (Okada 1959). For the village of Nanao, Li et al. (1963:121-64) describe a village chief (meraho galang), elected from among village gaga heads. The latter, as 'keepers of the holy millet', hold real power, exercised in a village council. The position of village chief tends to be hereditary within a prominent or 'founding' patrilineage, and by primogeniture (Wei 1958a, Li et al. 1963: 142ff) ... [147] ... Headmen and councils judge serious cases and impose fines, the amount of which is usually arbitrated by influential persons representing the two sides. The chief mechanism of social control is, however, the informal working of collective responsibility within the ritual group.\" (Lebar, 1975, pp. 146-147)\r\n\r\nKaneko certainly implies that village chiefs and councils pre-dated Japanese colonisation:\r\n\r\n\u201cA few aspects hint at an incipient meritocracy in Atayal society. Successful warriors, hunters and headhunters, respected gag\u00e2-chiefs, influential men and great orators, and women who were skilful weavers enjoyed great prestige and displayed the insignia of their respected status, such as tattoos, shellbead-embroidered or red ceremonial garments and copper bracelets. Men of great achievement were elected to the office of chief of the village council, or leader of war, headhunting, or hunting parties, but these functions usually ended with the specific task at hand. In some villages of the colonized area, the position of village chief was hereditary in the patrilineage of the village founder. Considerable friction was caused by the fact that the permanent chiefs appointed by the police did not necessarily coincide with the men the Atayal considered leaders.\" (Kaneko, 2000, p. 254)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10281, "valueset_pk": 10281, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10281, "jsondata": {}, "id": "atayal-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 31, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 31, "glottocode": "atay1247", "ethonyms": "Tayal; Taiyal", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tayal", "Taiyal"]}, "id": "atayal", "name": "Atayal", "description": "The Atayal live in the mountains of northern Taiwan. They were notorious for headhunting, and were among the last group of Taiwanese aborigines to be brought under Japanese control.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 24.4, "longitude": 121.3}, "name": "Atayal"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.3, 24.4]}, "id": "atayal"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18918", "name": "3", "description": "'Lifou' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 351-545)\r\n\r\n'We\u1e6d' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 352-455)\r\n\r\n'Gai\u010da' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 455-477)\r\n\r\n'L\u00f6si' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 478-544)\r\n\r\nThere were three 'chiefdoms' or 'districts' on Lifou: We\u1e6d, Gai\u010da, and L\u00f6si. \r\n\r\nAll three consisted of multiple villages:\r\n\r\n\u00ab La disposition des villages de We\u1e6d, autour de la plaine de Wanaham, et l\u2019evolution particuli\u00e8re de leur organisation, \u00e0 tous les nivaux, permet d\u2019adopter ici pour l\u2019expos\u00e9 un plan fonctionnel. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 352)\r\n\r\n(The arrangement of the villages of We\u1e6d, around the plain of Wanaham, and the particular evolution of their organization, at all levels, makes it possible for us to present here a functional plan.)\r\n\r\n\u00ab Le district de Gai\u010da, district central, est le moins \u00e9tendu en superficie. Le plus faiblement peupl\u00e9aussi, puisqu\u2019il ne comprenait que 1 162 habitants en 1954, r\u00e9partis en quatre villages. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 455)\r\n\r\nList of the thirteen villages of L\u00f6si: Guiart (1963, p. 538)\r\n\r\nThe high chieftainship of We\u1e6d belonged to a kin group called Wenedhia. The Wenedhia had originally installed as the chiefs by groups called the Atesi and the Haeta, who still had special privileges:\r\n\r\n\u00ab La grand chef actuel, Pascal Sihaze, \u00e9crivait \u00e0 notre usage:\r\n\r\n\u00ab \u2039 La famille actuelle du grand chef de We\u1e6d sort de la souche de Wenedhia, du clan, Gala. Ce sont les Atesi et les Haeta qui ont \u00e9lu primitivement Wenedhia au tr\u00f4ne de la chefferie de Hnupel. Une c\u00e9r\u00e9monie coutumi\u00e8re comm\u00e9more cet \u00e9v\u00e9nement, encore de nos jours, par le champ d\u2019ignames de Keny que le grand chef doit cultivar pour en donner la r\u00e9colte aux Atesi et aux Haeta.\u203a\r\n\r\n\u00ab Cette version, simple et vraisemblable, se pr\u00e9sente comme l\u2019expression d\u2019une verit\u00e9 officiell. Nombreux sont les informateurs qui, de mani\u00e8re plus ou moins hardie, plus ou moins precise, d\u00e9sirent y apporter des complements, si ce n\u2019est que par allusions. \u00bb (Guiart, 1956, p. 352)\r\n\r\n(\"The current high chief, Pascal Sihaze, wrote for us:\r\n\r\n\"'The family of the current high chief of We\u1e6d belong to the stock of Wenedhia, of the clan Gala. It was the Atesi and Haeta who first elected Wenedhia to the throne of the chiefdom of Hnupel. A customary ceremony commemorates this event, even today, by the yam field of Keny which the high chief must cultivate to give the harvest to the Atesi and Haeta.'\r\n\r\n\"This version, simple and plausible, is presented as the expression of an official truth. There were many informants who, more or less boldy, more or less precisely, wished to add to it, if only by allusions.\")\r\n\r\nThe high chieftainship of Wenedhia appears to have been mostly nominal. Secular authority largely appears to have been shared by various officials within the wider Gala clan to which Wenedhia belonged:\r\n\r\n\u00ab Les \u2039 sujets \u203a du grand chef Ukeines\u00f6 sont les gens dit Angete Gala, membres du m\u00eame clan, dont le premier chef connu, Wenedhia, fut intronis\u00e9 grand chef de We\u1e6d. WA\u1e0cAWA DHOXU, chef de la branche des Api Wathodh\u00e8, est consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme le chef du clan (tixei angete Gala), second en autorit\u00e9 \u00e0 nul autre qu\u2019Ukeneis\u00f6 lui- m\u00eame.\r\n\r\n\u00ab C\u2019est lui qui ordonne les travaux \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de la chefferie. Il peut d\u00e9l\u00e9geur cette fonction, mais seulement \u00e0 titre temporare, \u00e0 Hno, chef de la branche de Gala dite des Api Gwiet, ou \u00e0 \u010co, chef des Api \u1e0cawan.\r\n\r\n\u00ab HWENEGEI, de \u010ciole (Kirinata), autre personage Api G\u1e85iet, est le hwat e Gala: il parle pour le grand chef quand celui-ci re\u00e7oit le hw\u00e9m\u00e9k, le don de bienvenue pr\u00e9s\u00e9nt\u00e9 par un autre grand chef en visite; si le grand chef se d\u00e9place, il l\u2019accompagne afin de parler au nom de tous les Angete Gala; cette function fait qu\u2019il ne doit pas le ho\u1e6d \u00e0 son chef de clan, mais donne une offrande, dite xeninehlapa, au grand chef pour le [361] terrain de Geigei, o\u00fa ce dernier envoya r\u00e9sider ses anc\u00eatres ... HNO, chef des Api G\u1e85iet, est plus particuli\u00e8rement le chef de guerre de Wet. Son clan repr\u00e9senterait une branche a\u00een\u00e9e par rapport \u00e0 celle m\u00eame d\u2019Ukeines\u00f6. \u00bb (Guiart, 1956, pp. 360-361)\r\n\r\n(\"The 'subjects' of the great chief Ukeines\u00f6 are the people known as Angete Gala, members of the same clan, whose first known chief, Wenedhia, was enthroned great chief of We\u1e6d. \r\n\r\n\"WA\u1e0cAWA DHOXU, head of the Api Wathodh\u00e8 branch, is considered the head of the clan (tixei angete Gala), second in authority to none other than Ukeneis\u00f6 himself.\r\n\r\n\"It is he who orders the work inside the chiefdom. He can delegate this function, but only temporarily, to Hno, head of the Gala branch known as the Api Gwiet, or to \u010co, head of the Api \u1e0cawan.\r\n\r\n\"HWENEGEI, from \u010ciole (Kirinata), another Api G\u1e85iet character, is the hwat e Gala: he speaks for the great chief when he receives the hw\u00e9m\u00e9k, the gift of welcome presented by another visiting great chief; if the great chief moves, he accompanies him in order to speak on behalf of all the Angete Gala; this function means that he does not owe the \u1e25o\u1e6d [tribute] to his clan chief, but gives an offering, known as xeninehlapa, to the great chief for the land of Geigei, where the latter sent his ancestors to reside ... HNO, chief des Api G\u1e85iet, is more particularly the war leader of Wet. His clan represents an elder branch than that of Ukeines\u00f6 itself.\")\r\n\r\nSecular authority in L\u00f6si was structured as follows: \r\n\r\n\u00ab Au sommet de la hi\u00e9rachie nous avons donc:\r\n\r\n\u00ab BULA, descendant de Wahemunem\u00e8; c\u2019est l\u2019angaghoxu(e), le grand chef.\r\n\r\n\u00ab Puis, tout d\u2019abord les dhin, dont le chef est GOP(\u00c9) ANGADHOXU(E) dit pour cela tixe i ange \u010dipa; il est la \u2039bouche du chef\u203a, celui qui transmet les ordres au peuple; de m\u00eame que, semble-t-il, l\u2019ex\u00e9cuter des hautes oeuvres et le champion du L\u00f6si \u00e0 la guerre, role o\u00f9 il avait un partenaire \u2026 Hnaxu(e) Viliamo est plus simplement la t\u00eate de lign\u00e9e des ANG API \u010cO, celle des ANG API KAI \u00e9tait le grand chef lui-m\u00eame, Henri Bula \u010cakin(\u00e8). \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 536)\r\n\r\n(\"At the top of the hierarchy we have therefore:\r\n\r\n\"BULA, descendant of Wahemunem\u00e8, he is the angaghoxu(e), the high chief.\r\n\r\n\"Then, starting with the dhin [commoners?] whose chief is GOP(\u00c9) ANGADHOXU(E), said to be 'tixe i ange \u010dipa'; 'the mouth of the chief', it is he who transmits orders to the people, as well as, it seems, the initiator of public works and the champion of L\u00f6si in war, a role where he has a partner ... Hnaxu(e) Viliamo is most simply the head of the ANG API \u010cO lineage, that of ANG API KAI is the high chief himself, Henri Bula \u010cakin(\u00e8).\"", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10282, "valueset_pk": 10282, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10282, "jsondata": {}, "id": "lifou-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 42, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 42, "glottocode": "dehu1237", "ethonyms": "Lifuan; Lifou; Lifouan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Lifuan", "Lifou", "Lifouan"]}, "id": "lifou", "name": "Lifou", "description": "Lifou is one of the Loyalty Islands north of New Caledonia. Information on the indigenous religion of the island comes from missionaries. Lifouan religion was apparently based around ancestral spirits and culture heroes believed to have lived in the distant past. Magic, centred around objects called \"hazes\" was also important.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.0, "longitude": 167.2}, "name": "Lifou"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.2, -21.0]}, "id": "lifou"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17658", "name": "3", "description": "'The political system of Insana' (Schulte Nordholt, 1971, pp. 186-231)\r\n\r\n'The system of the political community in Timor, summary' (Schulte Nordholt, 1971, pp. 368-391)\r\n\r\n\r\nSchulte Nordholt (1971, pp. 186-231) provides a detailed description of the organization of one Atoni princedom, Insana, which was somewhat atypical since it was never part of the realm of Sonba\u2019i. The author also provides a survey of various others, and discusses the similarities and differences (see p. 381 for a summary). A simplified summary follows. Everywhere the ruler of the princedom was called the atupas. In Insana and possibly Beboki (also outside Sonba\u2019i) the atupas was assisted by a figure called the kolnel (Portuguese \u2018colonel\u2019), though this figure did not exist further west. Below the atupas (or the atupas-kolnel in the east) were figures called usif. In Insana and Beboki there were four, each associated with a \u2018quarter\u2019 of the princedom, whereas elsewhere there were only two and they were not linked to territorial units. At the same hierarchical level as the usif were the amaf naek (\u2018great fathers\u2019). In Insana and Beboki they each headed a \u2018quarter\u2019 (the same as were headed by the usif), and also played the role of tobe naek.  This quadripartite division also seems to have occurred elsewhere, though it is not clear quite how widespread it was. At a lower level were village elders (amaf or amnasi), each of which represented a particular lineage (ume) localised in one of the hamlets (kuan) which made up a village (also called kuan). \r\n\r\nSchulte Nordholt (1971, pp. 326-367) describes the \u2018functioning of the political community\u2019 in some detail. The three basic functions he mentions were warfare, administration, and \u2018administration of justice\u2019.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10283, "valueset_pk": 10283, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10283, "jsondata": {}, "id": "atoni-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 32, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 32, "glottocode": "uabm1237", "ethonyms": "Atoni Pah Meto; Pah Meto; Dawan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Atoni Pah Meto", "Pah Meto", "Dawan"]}, "id": "atoni", "name": "Atoni", "description": "The Atoni occupy large parts of Western Timor as well as the East Timorese enclade of Oecussi. Atoni lived inland and were historically noted for their aversion to the sea. This is reflected in one of their ethonyms, Atoni Atoni Pah Meto, which means 'People of the Dry Land'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.7, "longitude": 124.3}, "name": "Atoni"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [124.3, -9.7]}, "id": "atoni"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18947", "name": "3", "description": "Chapter XIII - Government (Ellis, 1838A, pp. 341-386)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe office of sovereign in Madagascar, though main- tained with considerable pomp and barbaric splendour, has no common measure of toils, anxieties, and difficulties. The monarch may consult with whom he pleases ; and he is in the habit of assembling his people under the pretext [346] of consulting them, and laying before them plans \u2014 from which, however, they never dissent \u2014 but the final responsibility of the affairs of government rests with himself. He is the father of his kingdom, and its numerous and diversified officers are under his independent control. He is invested with the legislative and executive authority. All laws emanate from him. The army is raised, and its officers are appointed by him. Peace and war are made by him. All important civil cases are finally decided by him ; and death can be inflicted or remitted only by his decree. In some instances he goes out to war in person, and then takes as a right the command of the army.\u201d (Ellis, 1838A, pp. 345-346)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe greatest national council in Madagascar is an assembly of the people of the capital, and the heads of the provinces, districts, towns, villages, &c. These are held in Andohalo : Radama usually presided in person, taking his place on a platform on an elevated spot situated near the centre \u2026 [379] \u2026The next council to this was the assembly of the heads of provinces, districts, and towns only, when the judges and military officers were deputed as the king's commissioners, to make known his will; and the judges carried back to the king the opinion of the assembly, again receiving orders from the king, which they were to make known to those over whom each presided. After the formation of a dis- ciplined army, however, these councils of the nation became less frequent, and are now mere matters of form.\u201d (Ellis, 1838A, pp. 378-379)\r\n\r\n\u201cAs the country is divided into provinces, districts, &c, there is, belonging to each, a principal town or village, in which stands a government-house, called Lapa, and opposite to this house is a sacred stone, by the side of which sacrifices are offered. In each of these towns or villages are appointed ten farantsa, or magistrates, whose office is to govern the district, arrest transgressors, execute the king's orders, take care that the tenth of the produce is gathered [381] in taxes, and to decide in judgment between contending parties. But if they are unable to adjust such differences, the action must be brought before the judges at the capital, and from that court there is no appeal. The farantsa perform nearly the same duties in the country as those at the capital, acting both as magistrates and judges. Under them again are the Loholana, or the heads of the villages in a district.\u201d (Ellis, 1838A, pp. 380-381)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10287, "valueset_pk": 10287, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10287, "jsondata": {}, "id": "merina-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 52, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 52, "glottocode": "plat1254", "ethonyms": "Hova; Malagasy", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Hova", "Malagasy"]}, "id": "merina", "name": "Merina", "description": "The Merina are one of the indigenous peoples of Madagascar, now known as Malagasy. Although Madagascar is geographically far closer to Africa than to Asia, the cultural and genetic origins of the Merina and other Malagasy peoples lie in Indonesia. During the nineteenth century the Merina became the dominant ethnic group in Madagascar, conquering most of the island before being unseated by the French, who invaded the island in 1895.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -18.9, "longitude": 47.5}, "name": "Merina"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [47.5, -18.9]}, "id": "merina"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18950", "name": "3", "description": "'Minahasa explored' (Schouten, 1998, pp. 11-38)\r\n\r\n\"The smallest territorial unit, the village (in Tontemboan ro'ongi or wale), consisting of at most a few dozen households, constituted a cultic unit.  This was reflected in rituals...\" (Schouten 1998, p 17)\r\n\r\n\"Settlements were not autonomous in the seventeenth century, but formed part of a larger political and ritual units, the walak, ranging from a few hundred to several thousand souls ... There was constant contact between the component settlements of the walak.  One of the villages \u2013 usually bearing the same name as the walak \u2013 was the main settlement and point of reference; this was the 'mother village' from which all the other villages were believed to have been founded ... The walak dominated the village above all in the political respect.  The location of a new village was decided (or, at least, needed approval) at walak level, and the walak\u2019s political and ritual leaders attended the most important of the founding ceremonies.  The authority to exercise control over land, especially unreclaimed land, was also vested in the walak \u2026 The walak was endogamous and virtually self-sufficient; peaceful contacts outside it were rare.\" (Schouten, 1998, p 19)\r\n\r\n\"The most forceful of the male political entrepreneurs, those who could call upon a wide network of followers, were accepted, or appointed, as leaders of an entire walak or village community \u2026 But to keep their position, leaders were expected to continuously manifest their virtues, and therefore, leadership was potentially ephemeral \u2026 [36] ... Moreover, in the case of a headman of a village or walak, the degree of real power was limited. This was already evident in the priocess of decision-making as described by Padtburgge. The over-rigter (presumably the head of the walak) summoned, via the uitroper (a sort of caller), \u2018all other headmen and all the village folk\u2019 for a meeting. There, the headmen discussed the issues \u2026 \u2018The peasants and the common men, after the headmen, also take the questions into consideration and deliberation, and the affair is decided on by a majority vote, without respect of persons.\u201d (Schouten, 1998, pp 35-36)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10288, "valueset_pk": 10288, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10288, "jsondata": {}, "id": "minahasa-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 8, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 8, "glottocode": "tont1239", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "minahasa", "name": "Minahasa", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.3, "longitude": 124.9}, "name": "Minahasa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [124.9, 1.3]}, "id": "minahasa"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "20953", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The pre-contact period\u2019 (Facey, 1982, pp. 38-54)\r\n\r\n\"Nguna is divided today into a number of \u2018dominions\u2019 (this word being the translation of namarakiana which denotes \u2018that which. is ruled or led\u2019, each of which is an area defined by common boundaries that it shares with. its neighbouring dominions \u2026 [39] ... The \u2018village\u2019 as we know it today - a highly nucleated aggregation of dwellings inhabited by people of whom many are not consanguineally related to each other - had not yet come into existence in the 19th century. Today dominions and villages are in a one-to-one relationship, so that one may cite one village and thereby imply the entire area to which its members lay claim. This was not true in the past ... Within any given dominion there were once various numbers of dispersed hamlets or villages, each composed of smaller groups of houses \u00b7inhabited by extended families. Guiart (1973: 3381. describes each such cluster of houses, called varea, as a patrilineal, patrilocal unit. My own investigations indicate that this was a residential rather than a descent unit.\" (Facey, 1982, pp. 38-39)\r\n\r\n\"The political norm within a dominion was cooperation with a strong sense of identification ... Contrasting sharply with this: intra-dominion ethos was inter-dominion hostility ... [42] ... Guiart describes the traditional political system as \u2018hierarchical\u2019 (ibid:408). In each varea only one man was designated by the term nawota which is translated as \u2018chief\u2019 ... He was considered titular ownerof that varea's men's house and dancing-ground. Several other men in each varea bore titles, too, but theirs were of a lower order than that of the chief. The entire area defined as a \u2018dominion\u2019 was presided over by one of the chiefs who, in contrast to all the other varea-chiefs (or \u2018small\u2019 chiefs) was known as the \u2018big\u2019 or \u2018high\u2019 chief ... Of these various title-holders only the latter, in any given dominion, would be involved in such relationships with. men of other dominions or even other islands.\u201d (Facey, 1982, pp. 41-42) \r\n\r\n\u201cDuties of the chief concerned dominion-welfare: war-making; peace-making; resource-management (through the application of taboos to certain crops or areas to ensure a sufficiency for special feastsl; and the appropriate allotment of land for everyday gardening needs throughout his dominion.\r\n\r\n\u201cEverything in his dominion, including the people, was the chief's. Periodically tokens were presented to him by each. household declaring precise. numbers and kinds of pigs, yams, kava and mats which. were his to command. He would then be able to decide how he might best utilize these resources in political display and exchange, particularly on the inter-dominion level. In the meantime, his people stored or, in the case of livestock, continued to care for their pledged contributions until the chief should need them.\u201d (Facey, 1982, p. 48)\r\n\r\n\"So far I have spoken of \u2018small\u2019 and \u2018big\u2019 or \u2018high\u2019 chiefs; but one \u2018higher\u2019 than these is in existence today. He is the grandson of Matokoaale to whom Milne referred many times as \u2018head-chief\u2019 [53] of Tanoropo and as the \u2018highest chief on Nguna\u2019. Matokoaale is said to have been a descendant of a supernatural female being who was captured on Efate and married to a man of Siviri village on the North coast of Efate. This quasi-woman had two sons, one of whom crossed to Nguna and was given land and a people to rule by chief Masekaau of Raitoa [see Appendix II). In due time this newcomer, whose chiefly name was Taripoaliu, became high chief over that whole dominion as well as four others. He initiated the slaughter of an unheard-of number of pigs \u2013 1,000 - at his investiture, earning the name \u2018head of a thousand\u2019 (napau ni manu}. Thereafter at the investiture of other \u2018big\u2019 chiefs within his newly-created realm 50 rather than 100 pigs were sacrificed.\r\n\r\n\u201cThis is said to have taken place many generations ago. Matokoaale held this. position in 1870, but the chiefly name, Taripoaliu, had already been officially passed to another man \u2026 Although the origin of the first Taripoaliu and the line of descent linking Matokoaale with him remain relatively obscure, it is clear that Matokoaale was more powerful than the other \u2018high chiefs\u2019 with whom he was allied.Milne cites an incident in which Matokoaale had the high chief, Masekaau [also known as Masikailapalapal, killed. [54] In Milne\u2019s words this was\r\n\u201c\u2019\u2026[for] becoming rich and ambitious. He owned many pigs and he wore very broad armlets and, in his arrogant belief that no one dare interfere, he had misconducted himself with the wife of a Tanoropo man.\u2019 (In Don 1927: 151)\r\n\r\n\u201cParsonson's research further illuminates this event. He has suggested (per letter: Dec. 5, 1980) that Masekaau was \u2018... a high chief in his own right, if not sometime head of one of the confederacies on the island\u2019. Moreover, he adds this crucial bit of information: the heir to the murdered Masekaau made claim to the title of Taripoaliu in 1936 and the then incumbent (Suasavil) Taripoaliu offered to stand down in his favour. This was never effected, but it strongly indicates that the murder of Masekaau was not a jural act to punish sexual \u2018misconduct\u2019, as Milne interpreted it. It was, rather, the calculated removal of a real or potential rival to Matokoaale. Matokoaale was able to maintain his position thereafter, but Parsonson points out that he left soon after that incident to teach on Emae. This does not sustain the image of a man in a supreme position, a \u2018paramount chief\u2019. It has more the character of a flight from retribution on the part of a \u2018big man\u2019 who has overstepped his authority and fears that his own life may be in jeopardy.\u201d (Facey, 1982, pp. 52-54)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10290, "valueset_pk": 10290, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10290, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nguna-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 45, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 45, "glottocode": "nort2836", "ethonyms": "Ngunese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ngunese"]}, "id": "nguna", "name": "Nguna", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -17.4, "longitude": 168.4}, "name": "Nguna"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [168.4, -17.4]}, "id": "nguna"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18549", "name": "3", "description": "The butubutu:\r\n\r\n\"Tribal groups (butubutu) in Roviana are headed by chiefs (bangara) and at the village level, elders (palabatu), who exercise control over access to land and sea resources within ancestral estates (pepeso). Conceptually these estates consist of property domains extending from the mountains of the New Georgia mainland down to the barrier islands and out to sea, ending halfway to Rendova (Aswani 1997:143). As a central place, Nusa Roviana is a grounded axis marking some of the more important territorial divisions. The island is divided into three major districts \u2026 The outer seaward coast is Vuragare and is historically associated with the near coast of Rendova and the barrier islands lying on the reef heading west. The inner lagoon side of the island is Kalikoqu, and has given its name to one of Roviana\u2019s largest tribal areas, encompassing the lagoon and coastal mainland up to the barrier reef village of Baraulu. The northwest promontory of Nusa Roviana is named Kokorapa, and is associated with territory on the mainland opposite and towards Munda. Kokorapa is the site of the present day village, which itself is further divided into hamlets composed of descendants of different ancestors. Likewise, Vuragare and Kalikoqu are also further divided into sections corresponding to the sites of hamlets, mostly now abandoned.\" (Thomas, 2003, p. 58)\r\n\r\nOverview of leadership:\r\n\r\n\"Following Keesing (1985), Roviana leadership can be thought of in terms of three dimensions of control: ability in managing a ritual sphere of communication with ancestral spirits; demonstration of power through violence; and ability in social management and wealth accumulation, Keesing argues that in Malaita, these elements were idealised types of paths leaders might fit or follow \u2013 a successful person could become a priest, a warrior, or an entrepreneur depending on their natural disposition and persona choice \u2026 The Roviana case seems similarly to revolve around these dimensions, with established positions of hiama (priest), tie varane (warrior), palabatu (village heads or elders) and bangara. However, heredity seems to have been the guiding principle in determining  which persons were actually eligible for leadership status \u2026 So far, I have used the term \u2018bangara\u2019 as equivalent to \u2018chief\u2019 and this is how it is glossed in Pijin. But, in relation to the \u2018big man/chief\u2019 opposition of earlier anthropology, the translation does not sit well. It is clear that bangara status was not realized according to strict rules, but instead could arise through various combinations of achievement, personality, and inheritance \u2026 the title itself applied to the ceremonially installed (vabangaria) head of a butubutu, and so had some genealogical basis \u2026 Appointment was ideally based on formal selection from close descendants of ancestral bangara or nomination by a predecessor before death. However, actual public acceptance of bangara status was decided by the community\u2019s judgement of an appointee\u2019s performance [104] and character. (Thomas, 2003, pp. 103-104)\r\n\r\nRole of the bangara:\r\n\r\n\"The \u2018boys\u2019 referred to here are the retinue of followers a bangara could expect to lend aid during headhunting raids and attendant practices. But this can be extended to all members of the butubutu able to help in communal enterprises such as building, or gardening \u2026 Hocart\u2019s informants held that an ideal bangara was \u2018strong \u2013 they possessed enough shell valuables to support bonito fishing, head-hunting raids and frequent large feasts; they controlled garden lands, pigs and Canarium but trees; and some held ritual knowledge of spells \u2026 For the community as a whole, such a bangara was the moral epitome of benevolence, generosity and strength \u2013 they promoted peace and prosperity (White 1991:10-2) \u2026 It was the bangara who negotiated the sacrifices, punishments and compensation payments (hinere) necessary when community members committed adultery or murder. As with opposite-sex siblings there was a supernatural bond between the behaviour of commoners and the fortune of the bangara \u2013 unpunished adultery led the sickness or death of the bangara, and murder resulted in the extinction of a family or decimation of the district by tomate ta sekena or boso lau (spirits of murder victims) \u2026 The latent violence derived, in part, from the role of bangara as sponsors of headhunting expeditions (qeto). As noted above, success in headhunting was a material proof of having [107] been blessed by ancestral mana \u2013 bangara, as descendant representatives of the ancestors, were the managers of these practices and recipients of blessings (which by extension transferred to their followers within the butubutu). Consequently, headhunting can be thought of as a form of ancestor veneration that was both dependent on bangara and enhanced their authority to rule.\r\n\r\n\"It was the sole responsibility of bangara to decide when to confuct a raid, usually on specific occasions of inauguration or transition for which enemy headswere ceremonially required. Such occasions included the inauguration of skull shrines, communal houses (paele), ritual structures (zelepade), and tomoko [war canoes]; the death of a bangara; and the release the mourning widow of a bangara from confinement (Hocart, 1931: 303).\" (Thomas, 2005, pp. 106-107)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10292, "valueset_pk": 10292, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10292, "jsondata": {}, "id": "roviana-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 15, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 15, "glottocode": "rovi1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "roviana", "name": "Roviana", "description": "Roviana is the name given to a large lagoon on the south coast of New Georgia in the Western Solomon Islands, to the people living on the shores of this lagoon, and to the language spoken to these people. The people of Roviana were one of the few peoples in the Solomon Islands to practice headhunting. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the Roviana and their allies conducted extensive headhunting raids upon islands to the east, resulting in widespread depopulation.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.1, "longitude": 157.5}, "name": "Roviana"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [157.5, -8.1]}, "id": "roviana"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21188", "name": "3", "description": "\"At the time of O'Connell's arrival, the chiefs dominated Pohnpeian society. Indeed, their status was now the single most important organizing concept around which Pohnpeian society revolved. Pohnpeians knew themselves through their relationships with with the chiefs, who linked the people with the land, with their past, and with thieri gods. Two distinct chiefly lines governed each of the four states or chiefdoms then existing on Pohnpei ... In addition to the four principal chiefdoms of Madolenihmw, U, Kiti, and Sokehs, there were smaller autonomous areas such as Awak and Palikir ruled by two lines of chiefs, but with different titles and having different traditions.\r\n\r\n\"Each wehi 'chiefdom' was composed of smaller sections of land called kousapw; these kousapw, in turn, consisted of individual farmsteads or pieces of land called peliensapw. Each kousapw possessed two governing lines of titles that mirrored those of the the larger chiefdom. Originally called meseni en keinek when the clans served as the principal units of social organization, the section leader, by O'Connell's day, had come to be known as the soumas en kousapw.\r\n\r\n\"When addressing the nahnmwarki, the people used the third person plural and spoke in a special language of respect to honor both the man and the spirits about him. A serious infraction of his will could lead to banishment or death. All land and all things produced from it belonged in principle to the nahnmwarki; this control over land provided the basis for his more worldly power. All the lesser chiefs and kousapw heads held their land in trust from the nahnmwarki; the common people, in turn, received their rights to individual farmsteads from these leaders. Thus all of the people lived and worked upon the land at the nahnmwarki's pleasure. It was he who gave and he who took away.\" (Hanlon, 1988, pp 39-40)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10293, "valueset_pk": 10293, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10293, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Pohnpei-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 81, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 81, "glottocode": "pohn1238", "ethonyms": "Ponape", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ponape"]}, "id": "Pohnpei", "name": "Pohnpei", "description": "Pohnpei is a high island in Micronesia. It is famous for its enormous megalithic structures, which were formerly religious sites. The most impressive of these had, however, been abandoned by the time the islanders came into regular contact with Europeans. Pohnpei is believed to mean 'upon a stone altar', a reference to the myth that the founding settlers had built up the island, with the help of the gods, from an enormous altar.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 6.9, "longitude": 158.2}, "name": "Pohnpei"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [158.2, 6.9]}, "id": "Pohnpei"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21030", "name": "3", "description": "\"Until 1918, when the Dutch united the separate domains under a single radja, each domain was ruled by a \"radja\" (dou ae), and his complement, a \"fettor\" (mone weto), both of whom were assisted by a number of \"village heads\" (temugu or temukung)... Within a domain, law cases were settled by radja, fettor, and temukung, with the approval of the pu lodo, the traditional judge, in cases of customary law.\" (Fox, 1972, p 79)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10294, "valueset_pk": 10294, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10294, "jsondata": {}, "id": "savu-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 18, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 18, "glottocode": "sabu1255", "ethonyms": "Savunese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Savunese"]}, "id": "savu", "name": "Savu", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.5, "longitude": 121.9}, "name": "Savu"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.9, -10.5]}, "id": "savu"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21248", "name": "3", "description": "\"Mabuchi describes the Northern Tsou as made up of four 'tribal' territories, each with a chief living in a head village (hosa) that is genealogically and ritually senior to a varying number of branch settleement. The \u2018tribe\u2019 comprises a single ritual group, wherein branch villages observe the same rituals and taboos as the head village, and wherein the \u2018tribal\u2019 chieftain is both secular and religious leader. The senior village men's house serves a combined administrative, military, and ritual center for the entire complex. Chieftainship is in principle hereditary within chiefly patrilineages, and heads of satellite settlements are likely to be paternal relatives of the 'tribal' chief. These chiefly lines do not, however, constitute a privileged aristocracy as among the Paiwan-Rukai farther south. [Mabuchi 1952, 1960, 1966). The above account is given added historical depth by Kojima, who describes what appear to have been river drainage districts or domains, each controlled by a hereditary priest-chief (peonshi), who might at the same time function as war leader (ijomu) ... Peonshi were entitled to wear distinctive head gear, but they received no tribute and worked their own fields (Kojima 1915-22:4, 238-258).\" (Lebar, 1975, p. 141)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10295, "valueset_pk": 10295, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10295, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tsou-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 4, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 4, "glottocode": "tsou1248", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tsou", "name": "Tsou", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 23.4, "longitude": 120.7}, "name": "Tsou"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.7, 23.4]}, "id": "tsou"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21256", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Administrative Structure\u2019 (Hicks, 2004, pp. 14-16)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Province of Timor is divided into ten concelhos or \u2018districts,\u2019 each of which is governed by an administrator who reports to the governor at Dili, the provincial capital. These districts had replaced the former circunsci\u00e7\u00f5es. Each district consists of several postos or \u2018subdistricts,\u2019 each administered by a chefe de posto or subdistrict commissioner. One of these subdistricts (the posto sede or \u2018subdistrict seat\u2019) serves as the seat of administration for the entire district, and this is where the administrator resides. Within it he also functions as subdistrict commissioner. Each subdistrict consists of a constel [15] lation of units called sukus, each administered by a chefe de suku or liurai who, as the chief of the suku, reports to the subdistrict commissioner. Each suku consists of a varying number of povoa\u00e7\u00f5es or villages \u2026 each governed by a chefe de povoa\u00e7ao or village headman. In the region where I carried out my fieldwork most villages consist of a varying number of dispersed settlements, consisting of anything up to a dozen or so houses (uma), known as knuas \u2026 or hamlets, which are set apart from their neighbours by savanna and woodland. The liurais, and to a much lesser degree the headmen, represent the Portuguese administration to the local Timorese populace, and although the villagers elect them, their appointment must be ratified by the administration before they can assume office.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe term suku is a Malay word that is used throughout the archipelago, but with different, albeit overlapping, meanings depending upon locality. In Timor, as we have seen, it is a territorial unit within the Portuguese administrative system of governance, but the term also refers to a collection of clans that share the same traditions. The term is used throughout Timor, but in some regions the local population may employ alternative designations derived from their particular languages. In Caraubalo, one of the seven sukus making up the subdistrict seat of Viqueque district, this local alternative is fukun ... There is no self-evident English translation of either fukun or suku, but in view of the fact that the indigenous unit denoted by these terms is a sub-unit of the traditional kingdom, the term 'princedom' would seem as apt as any, and I shall adopt it here \u2026 With the dismantling of the kingdoms the sukuas that composed them were left intact, and in many cases it was the traditional liurai families who came to occupy the new office of chefe de suku that the administration created to run the suku. Today, the title liurai is used all over Portuguese Timor, but now it does not denote the head of a kingdom, that is, a confederation of sukus, but the more limited position occupied by the chief of a suku. Even so, the superior education of liurai families and the traditional prestige in which they are held typically means that a scion of liurai lineage usually occupies the influential position of chefe de suku, and while their influential range is limited to the suku rather than the kingdom (rai), liurais \u2013 or rather, liurai families \u2013 continue to exercise political influence among the local population \u2026 In Viqueque kingdom, before the office of chefe de suku had ever come into existence, Caraubalo suku was governed by a pair of indigenous figures known as the makair fukun (Mane Hat village) and the dato ua\u2019in (Mamulak village). They were [16] said to govern the suku jointly \u2018as husband and wife govern the household, loving their dependants and respecting each other.\u2019 Both were also headmen of their respective villages, and their offices have endured, with some erosion of their traditional authority, which has been arrogated to some degree by the Portuguese-backed office of chefe de suku.\u201d (Hicks, 2004, pp. 14-16)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10297, "valueset_pk": 10297, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10297, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tetum-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 71, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 71, "glottocode": "tetu1245", "ethonyms": "Teto; Tetun; Belu; Belunese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Teto", "Tetun", "Belu", "Belunese"]}, "id": "tetum", "name": "Tetum", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.3, "longitude": 125.2}, "name": "Tetum"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [125.2, -9.3]}, "id": "tetum"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17764", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Government \u2013 Titles and power of chiefs among the Rejangs\u2019 (Marsden, 1784, pp. 172-177)\r\n\r\n\u2018The setting: The context of structural change\u2019 (Jaspan, 1964, pp. 1-88)\r\n\r\nMarsden describes the Rejang as living in villages ('doosoon'), each headed by a 'dupatty'. Within the same river valley or 'district', certain 'dupatty' bearing the title 'proateen' met in council in a 'legislative or judicial' capacity. The proateen in a river valley (or in members of the same tribe living in the same river valley) acknowledged a head called a 'pambarab'. The authority of all of these leaders was very limited. The 'Pangeran' at 'Soongey-lamo' claimed nominal authority over all Rejang, and enjoyed some real authority over those in his immediate vicinity. The Rejang as a whole were also divided into 'tribes', of which there were four principal tribes and several 'inferior' ones. The four principal tribes were united in a 'league offensive and defensive':\r\n\r\n\u201cThe inhabitants of the Rejang country live in villages or doosoons, each under the government of a magistrate styled Dupatty. His dependants are termed Ana-booa, and in number seldom exceed one hundred. A certain proportion of the duppatties belonging to each river, the villages being always situated by the water side, are chosen to meet in a legislative or judicial capacity, at the qualloe or river\u2019s mouth, and these are distinguished by the name of Proatteen. The Pangeran or prince of the country, presides over the whole. I would point out in what consists the fealty of a dupatty to a pangeran, and of his ana-booa to him, but so very little is to be observed in either case, that it is not an easy matter to describe it. Almost without arts, and with little industry, the state of property is nearly equal among all the inhabitants, and the chiefs scarcely differ but in title, from the bulk of the people. Their authority is no more than nominal, being without that coercive power, necessary to make themselves feared and implicitly obeyed.\u201d (Marsden, 1784, p. 173)\r\n\r\n\"Those [175] doosoons which are situated nearest to the residence of the pangeran, at Soongey-lamo, acknowledge somewhat more of subordination than the distant ones, which, even in case of war, esteem themselves at liberty to assist or not, as they think proper, without being liable to consequences. In answer to a question on this point, \u2018we are his subjects not his slaves,\u2019 replied one of the proatteens. But from the pangeran you hear a tale widely different. He has been known to say, in a political conversation: \u2018such and such doosoons, there will be no trouble with: they are my power and shot;\u2019 explaining himself by adding, that he could dispose of the inhabitants, as his ancestors had done, to purchase ammunition in time of war.\" (Marsden, 1784, pp. 174-175)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Rejangs are distinguished into tribes, the descendants of a different pooyang or ancestor. Of these there are four principal tribes ... said to derive their origin from four brothers, and to have been united from time immemorial in a league offensive and defensive: the permanency however of this bond, may be conjectured [177] to have been owing to the expediency resulting from their situation, rather than their consanguinity, or any formal compact. There are also several inferior tribes.\r\n\r\n\u201cEach river or district (for it is by the rivers the parts of the country influence of are distinguished) and indeed each doosoon, is independent of, though not unconnected with, its neighbours; acting in concert, only by specific consent. On every river there is at least one Pambarab or superior proatteen, who differs from the rest, in the right of presiding at those suits and festivals, in which two or more doosoons have a common concern, with a larger allotment of fines and provision. If more tribes than one are settled on the same river, each has usually its pambarab, who is chosen by the respective proatteens: these are chosen in like manner by the dupatties, but with the concurrence of the elders of the doosoon. If the choice displeases any of the inhabitants, they agree among themselves what chief they will follow, and remove to his doosoon. There is no restraint or compulsion in the case. Sometimes a few families separate themselves, and elect a chief, but without contesting the title of him whom they leave. The chiefs do not however assume the title of dupatty, without being confirmed by the pangeran, or by the Company's Resident, who in truth exercises many of the functions of sovereignty.\" (Marsden, 1784, pp. 176-177)\r\n\r\nAs Jaspan (1964, p. 24) notes, Marsden translated Rejang terms into Malay. This makes it somewhat difficult to compare Marsden's description Rejang sociopolitical organization with Jaspan's. However, the two descriptions seem reasonably consistent.\r\n\r\nThe Rejang were divided into four 'patriclans' (Marsden's 'principal tribes') and a number of 'subclans' (presumably Marsden's 'inferior tribes'). The 'league offensive and defensive' that united the four patriclans was called the Djang Tiang Pat (Rejang Four Pillars'):\r\n\r\n\"Prior to the conquest of Lebong in 1859-60 by a Dutch military expedition sent for that purpose from Padang, (van Rees 1860) there was a confederation of four patriclans known originally as the Redjang Four Brothers (Djang Pat Petulai) and subsequently as the Redjang Four Pillars (Djang Tiang Pat). Marsden (1811:209) described the Redjang as 'descendants of ... four brothers ... united from time immemorial in a league offensive and defensive'. The Four Brothers are said to have been Buddhist monks or bhikkus (bikau) descended from 'the king of Majapahit' in Java. The four bikau were Bedjenggo, Bembo, Bermano and Sepanjang Djiwo (see Pedigree 1). Each of these bikau is regarded as the apical ancestor of one of the four 'pillars' or clans: Slupua, Djikalang, Bemanai and Tubeui.\" (Jaspan, 1964, p. 24)\r\n\r\n\u201cOutside the epicentre or heartland there was a larger area settled by Redjang emigrants and cognate peoples, mainly the Lembak and Ampat Lawang, to whom a Redjang origin was ascribed by the people of Lebong. This outer territory is described as 'the land of the scattered fragments, the end of the smoke trail' (tan\u00eba kepetjua' sumbing, mar udjung aseup) \u2026 [28] \u2026 The archaic metaphors of the k\u00e9tj\u00e9 symbolise both the common origin of all Redjang subclans and the derivative character of the peripheral regions from the land of the original four pillar clans.\u201d (Jaspan, 1964, pp. 27-28)\r\n\r\nThe leader of each patriclan was called an adjai (possibly this corresponds to Marsden's 'pambarab'), and had a 'capital village'):\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Tubeui clan was at a subsequent period divided into two moieties known as Sukau VIII and Sukau IX. Each clan had a leader called an adjai who was, except in the Tubeui clan, a descendant in the male line from the founding bikau. The Tubeui bikau, Sepanjang Djiwo, is said to have returned to Majapahit after quarreling with the other three bikau. The chieftainship of Tubeui then passed to Radjo Mawang, a descendant of Bundo Kandung, the Empress of the Radjo Alam realm of Minangkabau ... [26] ... After the conversion of the Redjang to Islam the adjai was called a pesir\u00eba (In. pasirah) on the analogy of parish (marga) chiefs elsewhere in South Sumatra.... The cradle of the Redjang Four Brothers polity was Lebong and in the adjacent (present day) marga of Slupua Djang in the Upper Musi Valley, Each clan was territorially localised: Tubeui in North Lebong, Bemanai in central Lebong around Lake Tes, Djikalang in South Lebong and Slupua in the adjacent part of the Upper Musi Valley, in country called Butau Lib\u00eba after its chief village. Each clan had a capital village from which successive adjai and later pesir\u00eba dispensed justice.\u201d (Jaspan, 1964, pp. 25-26)\r\n\r\nThe Four Pillars confederation functioned as follows:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe constitution of the confederation is unwritten but recounted in a number of k\u00e9tj\u00e9. By comparing and analysing the archaic metaphors of these k\u00e9tj\u00e9 it becomes evident that the Four Pillars were equally represented at a Long Council House (Baleui Panjang) where the adjai, clan shamans (duku'en mergo), village headmen (ginde) and patrilineage elders (tuai-tuai djueui or sukau) assembled as occasion demanded to resolve difficult or long-standing conflicts and to conciliate the opposing parties. The rule of procedure at the Long Council was joint deliberation (baseun) and the attainment of unanimous consensus (daseun). The term daseun (and its synonym dekemoi) also implies action taken as a result of joint public deliberation and decision, and is used by Redjang with a modern education to translate the term democracy.\" (Jaspan, 1964, p. 31)\r\n\r\nThe 'Pangeran' of 'Soongey-lamo' that Marsden describes can clearly be identified with the 'Radjo' at 'Sungei Lemeuw' described by Jaspan. This ruler indeed claimed hegemony over all Rejang, but this claim was only accepted by the coastal Rejang. Some of the highland Rejang accepted the nominal overlordship of another ruler:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn order to establish a more effective system of conciliation and adjudication of disputes, the Four Pillars are said to have sent a courier to the Radjo Alam ruler of the Minangkabau kingdom at Pagar Rujung, with a request that she send a deputy who could be their supreme judge and ensure peace among the four clans. The Redjang of Lais, and especially the Semitoa non-pillar clan at Sungei Lemeuw a few kilometres to the north of Bencoolen, claim that the deputy sent from Pagar Rujung was Sri Maharadja Sakti who landed at Sungei Lemeuw and established a court at Balai Buntar nearby. According to his descendants, who still bear the title of radjo, Sri Maharadja Sakti's pre-eminence was recognised by the Four Pillars, and henceforth the Redjang polity was referred to as 'Four Redjang Pillars, Five with the Radja' (Djang Tiang Pat, lemo ngen radjo). This claim is not conceded by the main body of Redjang in the Highlands. The Redjang of the Upper Musi recognised no overlord, whilst those in Lebong admitted only a nominal jural supremacy to the pesir\u00eba of the Sukau IX moiety of the Tubeui bang mego. The pesir\u00ebas of Sukau IX claim descent in a direct line from Bundo Kandung, Queen of the Alam Minangkabau realm \u2026 [48] \u2026 It is doubtful whether the pesir\u00eba of Sukau IX ever enjoyed any real authority over the Four Pillars. The institution of radjo appears to have been at attempt by Minangkabau rantau emigrants to establish a hegemony over Redjang society in the manner of their overlordship of other societies in Central Sumatra and Djambi, In this the northernmost Redjang seem to have acquiesced nominally but the essential features of the egalitarian Four Pillar system continued unchanged. The Minangkabau immigrants, on the contrary, were gradually assimilated into Redjang society, their matrilineal institutions being replaced by the Redjang rule of patrilineal descent, patrivirilocal marriage and male primogeniture.\" (Jaspan, 1964, pp. 47-48)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10299, "valueset_pk": 10299, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10299, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rejang-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 61, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 61, "glottocode": "reja1240", "ethonyms": "Redjang", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Redjang"]}, "id": "rejang", "name": "Rejang", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.4, "longitude": 102.8}, "name": "Rejang"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [102.8, -3.4]}, "id": "rejang"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18545", "name": "3", "description": "'Traditional social and political organization' (Erb, 1987, pp. 41-52)\r\n\r\n\"In the noble class were the dalus, who were the rulers of a large region, and their representatives in smaller village clusters called the gelarang. In the territory in which he was living, a dalu acted as the local gelarang leader, and although gelarangs were responsible to the dalu, within their own territories they had the same power as the dalu did within his local area (Coolhaas 1942: 337).\" (Erb, 1987, p 41). \r\n\r\n\"The establishment of the wider system of political organization, where several gelarangs were united under one daly, and then several dalus were responsible to one raja, probably only came into existence after outside powers entered the area and were interested in collected taxes. An organization larger than a village or a few villages seems unlikely to have existed in Manggari before outside domination.\" (Erb, 1987, p. 49)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10300, "valueset_pk": 10300, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10300, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manggarai-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 43, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 43, "glottocode": "mang1405", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "manggarai", "name": "Manggarai", "description": "Manggarai is the name given to a region in western Flores, to the people inhabiting this area, and to their language. Prior to the advent of Christianity, the Manggarai practiced a religion based on ancestral spirits. A supreme being was present in Manggarai religion, but was believed to involve himself in human affairs only rarely.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.6, "longitude": 120.4}, "name": "Manggarai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.4, -8.6]}, "id": "manggarai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21433", "name": "3", "description": "\u2039 CULTURE MAT\u00c9RIELLE. L\u2019HABITATION \u203a (Dubois, 1984, pp. 107-122)\r\n\r\n\u2039 LA VIE POLITIQUE ET SOCIALE. LA CHEFFERIE. LA TENURE DU SOL. LA GUERRE. \u203a (Dubois, 1984, pp. 219-262)\r\n\r\nThe basic social unit on Mar\u00e9 was the 'clan' (guhnameneng). Each clan had a chief (toka-guhnameneng):\r\n\r\n\u00ab Le clan, la famille \u00e9largie, est la cellule de base sociale. Avec la Christianisation, la famille biologique prend de plus en plus d\u2019autonomie. Mais autrefois, l\u2019autorit\u00e9 sur ses membres \u00e9tait le fait des chefs de clan, toka-guhnameneng. Ceux-ci \u00e9taient, en principe, les a\u00eenes des clans a\u00eenes. \u00bb (Dubois, 1984, p. 219)\r\n\r\n(\"The clan, the enlarged family, is the basic social unit. With Christianisation, the biological family gains more and more autonomy. But in the past, authority over its members rested with the clan-chiefs, toka-guhnameneng. These were, in principle, the elders of the eldest clans.\")\r\n\r\nClans appear to have been localised. It seems likely that they corresponded to what are called 'villages' elsewhere in the source, though this is not stated explicitly:\r\n\r\n\u201cL\u2019habitat est hna-menang, de memeng, ou sa forme inverse mengen, signifient demeurer et s\u2019asseoir. Le clan est \u00e9tymologiquement la portion de pays, de gens vivant dans le m\u00eame lieu, le gu-hna-meneng.\u201d (Dubois, 1984, p 107)\r\n\r\n(\"The habitat is hna-menang, from memeng, or its reverse form mengen, meaning to abide and sit. The clan is etymologically the portion of the country, the people living in the same place, the gu-hna-meneng.\")\r\n\r\nClans belonged to larger 'chiefdoms', pa-doku, centering on a 'chief' (doku). The role of the chief appears to have been largely ceremonial. Leadership of more practical activities appears to have been in the hands of other clans:\r\n\r\n\u00ab La chefferie, pa-doku, dans l\u2019esprit de gens, est l\u2019extension du clan guhnameneng. En fait, les choses sont plus complexes. Selon le mod\u00e8le th\u00e9oretique, un clan autonome guhnameneng devient une chefferie padoku \u2026 En r\u00e9alit\u00e9, une chefferie est l\u2019association de plusieurs guhnameneng ayant comme centre de cohesion un individu du nom de re-tok ou doku, qui est, th\u00e9oriquement mais non obligatoirement, l\u2019a\u00een\u00e9 tok du clan dominant ... [220] ... La traduction fran\u00e7aise \u2039 chef \u203a est un trahison. Le chef mar\u00e9en n\u2019est pas une \u2039 caput \u203a. Son r\u00f4le n\u2019est pas tellement de penser et de commander, boen qu\u2019il le fasse, mais de recevoir les presents remis \u00e0 la chefferie. \u00bb \r\n(Dubois, 1984, pp. 219-220)\r\n\r\n\"The chiefdom, pa-doku, in the minds of the people, is an extension of the clan (guhnameneng). In fact, the matter is more complex. In theory, an autonomous clan constitutes a chiefdom. In reality, a chiefdom is an association of many guhnameneng centred on an individual called the re-tok or doku, who is, theoretically but non necessarily, the eldest tok of the dominant clan ... The French translation \u2018chief\u2019 is misleading. The Mar\u00e9an chief is not a \u2018caput\u2019. His role is not so much to think and to command, if he does so, but to receive the gifts given to the chiefdom.\")\r\n\r\n\u00ab La place d\u2019honneur du chef est la derni\u00e8re. Quand le chef se pr\u00e9sente \u00e0 la guerre, il est \u00e0 la queue de ses troupes \u2026 Les chefs si Gureshaba faisaient exception \u00e0 cette r\u00e8gle, car ils \u00e9taient aussi chefs de guerre, toa-eat. \u00bb (Dubois, 1984, p. 221)\r\n\r\n(\"The chief's place of honour is at the back. When the chief goes to war, he is at the rear of his troops ... The chiefs of si Gureshaba were an exception to this rule, for they were also war-chiefs, toa-eat.\")\r\n\r\n\u00ab Chaque clan avait sa sp\u00e9cialit\u00e9, cultuire de telle igname, de tel taro, de telle plante alimentaire, la p\u00eache \u00e0 tel poisson, [233] la fabrication de tel filet, de telle nasse, la construction de pirogue, soigner telle maladie, la possession de tells invisibles, mo-yaac lutins (maica), faire la pluie, le soleil, le brouillard, fair la famine, etc., etc \u2026 Si la sp\u00e9cialit\u00e9 exige le concours de toute la population, p\u00eache, guerre, etc., il y a un chef de cette sp\u00e9cialit\u00e9, qui est toka- (chef de-); toka-ruac = chef de travail, toka-koe = captain de bateau; ou toa = ce qui soutient, toa-eat \u2013 chef de guerre. \u00bb (Dubois, 1984, pp. 232-233)\r\n\r\n(\"Each clan has its specialty, cultivation of a given yam, of a given taro, of a given food plant, catching a given fish, making a  given net, a given trap, the construction of canoes, curing a given disease, possession by given invisibles, moy-yaac elves (maica), making rain, sun, fog, famine, etc., etc. ... If the specialty requires the support of the whole population, fishing, war, etc., there is a chief of this specialty, who is toka (chief of-); toka-ruac = chief of work, toka-koe = boat captain; ou toa, he who sustains, toa-eat - war-chief.\")", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10302, "valueset_pk": 10302, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10302, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mare-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 48, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 48, "glottocode": "neng1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "mare", "name": "Mare", "description": "Mare is one of the Loyalty Islands north of New Caledonia. What little is known of religion on Mare suggest an ancestor cult. Ancestors were venerated through objects connected with the deceased, such as fingernails.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.5, "longitude": 168.0}, "name": "Mare"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [168.0, -21.5]}, "id": "mare"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21411", "name": "3", "description": "'Social organization' (Linton, 1933, pp. 132-146)\r\n\r\n'Government' (Linton, 1933, pp. 147-158)\r\n\r\nThe local community was the village:\r\n\r\n\"All the Tanala lived in villages of from fifty to eighty families ... The village was divided into wards, each the property of a lineage.\" (Linton, 1933, p 135). \r\n\r\nVillages were part of larger units called 'gentes' by Linton, each headed by a chief:\r\n\r\n\"The gens was the largest social or governmental unit recognized by the primitive Tanala. All larger groupings are directly traceable to outside influences. There was no native name for this unit, but each gens was named and considered itself a separate entity. The members of a gens always occupied a continuous territory, the limits of their land being marked by various natural boundaries such as rivers, ridges, etc. Trespass on this territory by members of another gens was cause for war ... [137] ... Each gens was composed of from one to fifty villages all of which recognised the domination of a single chief.\" (Linton, 1933, pp. 136-137)\r\n\r\nIn both of the main subgroups of the Tanala (Ikongo and Menabe) there was at one time or another also a larger unit that Linton calls the 'kingdom', but this institution was far more entrenched among the Ikongo:\r\n\r\n\"In describing Tanala government it is necessary to treat the Menabe and Ikongo divisions separately. Until about one hundred years ago the Menabe had no political or governmental unit larger than the gens. Later, with the aid of the Imerina empire, the Zafiakotry gens succeeded in bringing several other gentes under its domination and a kingdom was established. This kingdom tried to copy the organization of the Imerina kingdom, but it never became well integrated or thoroughly organized. The Ikongo, on the other hand, had kingdoms of long standing and had developed a stable system of government with officials of varying rank.\" (Linton, 1933, p 147)\r\n\r\nThe Menabe kingdom was abolished by the French:\r\n\r\n\"After the Zafiakotry conquered the neighboring gentes their Anakandriana was recognized as a king, Mpanzaka. At first he seems to have been chosen by the gens alone, like any other Anakandriana. Later he was chosen by the Anakandriana of all the gentes, the only prerequisite for office being that he must belong to the Zafiakotry gens. Still later the royal power was strengthened and it became possible for the king to nominate his successor. The king Rainilevola had children by eight of his wives and before his death indicated the succession for twelve places. Lemangivy, a son, was designated to succeed him, then Iovana, a daughter, then Raindriamanava, a son, and after him nine other sons. The mother of Raindriamanava was of ndevo caste, but his right to the succession was never questioned. During the reign of Queen Iovana he was the most influential man in the kingdom. He never became king because the French abolished the office.\r\n\r\n\"I was unable to get any coherent account of the exact powers and functions of the Menabe kings, or of their regalia, or of the ceremonies performed when they were inducted into office. No two informants were in agreement on these points and apparently they had never become formalized. The kingdom was short lived and constantly subject to Imerina influences.\" (Linton, 1939, p. 149)\r\n\r\nPresumably this was also the case among the Ikongo, since the institution of kingship is only described in the past tense.\r\n\r\nKingship among the Ikongo:\r\n\r\n\"The village government was essentially the same as the Menabe. There was an elected chief, usually not a noble, who acted as executive, and a Fokonolona ('council'). Each gens had a chief called the Mpanzaka who was elected from the members of the Hova caste ... The Mpanzaka was chosen by the village chiefs and Notables of the entire gens, irrespective of caste, and could be deposed at will ... Kingdoms arose, as among the Menabe, through one gens acquiring domination over others. The king, also called Mpanzaka, was chosen from among the hova of the dominant group.\" (Linton, 1933, p 150).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10303, "valueset_pk": 10303, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10303, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tanala-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 30, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 30, "glottocode": "plat1254", "ethonyms": "Menabe; Ikongo; Malagasy", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Menabe", "Ikongo", "Malagasy"]}, "id": "tanala", "name": "Tanala", "description": "Tanala is the name given to an inland region in the south of Madagascar, and sometimes to the people who live there. Prior to the French conquest of 1895, Tanala was divided into two regions - Ikongo, which had a king, and Menabe, which was divided into much smaller polities. The American anthropologist Ralph Linton wrote a detailed ethnography of the Tanala based on fieldwork he conducted in Madagascar in the 1920s.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -20.9, "longitude": 47.6}, "name": "Tanala"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [47.6, -20.9]}, "id": "tanala"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19241", "name": "3", "description": "The largest political unit on Nias was the \u00f6ri (federation of villages). Loeb implies that all villages in Nias belonged to an  \u00f6ri, but also stresses the relative independence of villages within an \u00f6ri:\r\n\r\n'Government and classes' (Loeb, 1935/1974, pp. 141-143)\r\n\r\n\"The north and south of Nias was populated from the center. At the time of Marsden (1811) the population was already established over the entire island, and was divided into about fifty small districts. Each district was under a chief, and these were at constant war with one another. Schroder writes that there are at present thirty-seven districts and fifteen hundred and twenty-six villages in Nias.\r\n\r\n\"The district (ori) was not the oldest unit of Nias government, but, as elswhere in Indonesia, was doubtless due to Hindu influence. The government of the district actually rests in the hands of the village chief, and thus the village is the center of Niha rule ... The laws and regulations of the island are in part determined by the district and in part by the villages. The district determines the ranking order of the village chief, the measures to be used in the region, the size of bride-prices, and the relative worth of gold, pigs, and rice ... For practical purposes, the highest unit of government is the village, with its own rule, laws, and property. The heads of the villages are called si ulu in the south and salawa in the north and [142] center.\" (Loeb, 1935, pp. 141-142). \r\n\r\nIn contrast, later sources make it clear that the \u00f6ri was far from universal, and that many villages were independent:\r\n\r\n\"Many areas had traditional federations of villages (\u00f6ri), which legislated on rates of exchange and interest on loans, and within which headhunting and war were prohibited ... Prior to the Dutch 'revival' of the \u00f6ri system, there was no political unit above village-level in the center; nor was there a paramount chief until the Dutch imposed one. Leadership in the village was informal and unstable as the prominent men of each lineage vied for supremacy. In the south the traditional ruler is the senior nobleman, the balo zi'ulu, who rules in concert with his councillors or elders. The status and functions of traditional chief and government headman overlap to some extent.\" (Beatty, 1993, p. 193)\r\n\r\n\u201cNias has never been united as one political unity or kingdom, but has always been a multitude of more or less independent village communities \u2026 [54] \u2026 Later on, some villages merged, forming a union of several villages (\u00f6ri).\u201d (Hummell & Telaumbanua, 2007, pp. 53-54)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10305, "valueset_pk": 10305, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10305, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nias-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 51, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 51, "glottocode": "nias1242", "ethonyms": "Niasan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Niasan"]}, "id": "nias", "name": "Nias", "description": "Nias is a large island off the west coast of Sumatra. Despite its long history of interaction with the Islamized peoples of Sumatra, the people of Nias maintained their indigenous religion, as well as their political independence, until the early twentieth century. However, Nias religion has identifiable Hindu elements, presumably dating to the time prior to the Islamization of Indonesia. The high god of Nias was called Lowalangi, and was conceived as a cosmic herdsman who kept human beings as his pigs.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.2, "longitude": 97.5}, "name": "Nias"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [97.5, 1.2]}, "id": "nias"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17706", "name": "3", "description": "\"Information concerning the former social and political organization is conflicting. We were told by the people in Central Bukidnon that before the coming of the Spaniards they had a principal ruler or dato who had the same power as is now exercised by the American governor \u2013 \u2018when he gave orders all people obeyed.\u2019 Each section also had its petty dato, who had a large house near which the people built their homes and had their fields. In this house lived a number of retainers and fighting men in addition to the family of the ruler. In times of danger of ceremony all the people assembled there. They worked the lands of the dato, but he afforded protection, and when they were assembled at his place, they were fed from his stores \u2026 The datos claimed the special protection of a group of spirits \u2013 Omal\u00e1gad, Pamah\u00e1ndi, Tomanod, Molin-olin and Ibabas\u00f3 \u2013 who aided them in their duties. The datos were important functionaries in in the ceremonies and were judges in all matters of dispute. If the case was a difficult one, the dato called in the headmen of the region and discussed it with them, and it is said that at times the dispute might go to the head dato. The procedure in a case is described as follows. The evidence was heard and a penalty assessed. Then the culprit and the accuser were directed to take hold of the ends of a piece of rattan, while the dato besought the spirits to watch. Next he directed the accused person to cut through the rattan with a single blow of his bolo (knife). If he failed it was a sign that he still had an evil mind and was unrepentant and deserving of additional punishment. If he succeeded the accuser was directed to cut the rattan. [80] Failure on his part indicated that he was not satisfied with the judgement and ultimately would avenge himself.\r\n\r\n\"When the datos were assured that justice had been done, they directed the two parties to exchange head-cloths as a sign that they agreed with the verdict. This done, the dato took the rattan and holding it in his hands addressed the Magbabaya, gimokod and other spirits, asking them to take notice that the parties had accepted the judgement and invoking their aid in punishing whichever one might break his promises \u2026 Some informants insisted that the office of dato was hereditary, but others stated that it only tended to be so, and that a strong leader might be chosen by the men, even though unrelated to the ruler. It does seem certain that in the Central area the children of the dato were under the protection of particular spirits and made special offerings. Polygyny was allowed to all Bukidnon but seldom practiced except by the datos. They also had more slaves than others.\u201d (Cole, 1956, pp 79-80)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10306, "valueset_pk": 10306, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10306, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bukidnon-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 130, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 130, "glottocode": "binu1244", "ethonyms": "Binokid; Binukid; Higaonan; Higaunen", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Binokid", "Binukid", "Higaonan", "Higaunen"]}, "id": "bukidnon", "name": "Bukidnon", "description": "'Bukidnon' was originally an exonym meaning 'mountain people' in Cebuano, but it was subsequently adopted by one of the mountain peoples of Mindanao to refer to themselves. Until the late nineteenth century, when they were converted to Christianity, the Bukidnon worshipped a range of supernaturals including ancestral spirits, nature spirits, and a high god.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 8.2, "longitude": 125.0}, "name": "Bukidnon"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [125.0, 8.2]}, "id": "bukidnon"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18538", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe most traumatic of the changes brought about by the occupation of Karoland was the wholesale administrative reorganization of all the Karo territories \u2026. As in other territories they preferred to exercise indirect rule \u2026 But in Karoland they faced the impossible task of entering into relations with the 250 recognised village heads each of whom presided over an autonomous democratic entity. To complicate matters further real authority in some crucial matters, such as land title, lay not with the village (kuta), but with the ward (kesain). There were 500 wards on the plateau, each of these also a distinct entity. Each chief, whether of a ward, village or of a union of villages (urung, of which there were fifteen on the plateau) was joined in governing by his anak beru and senina advisers. Not all villages belonged to an urung, a union of ten to twenty neighbouring villages all having the same village lineage and all related to the same parent village ... The urung chief (raja urung or sibayak perbapan urung, chief of the parent village), who in Karo eyes was at most primus inter pares with the other chiefs who sat with him in the Urung Council (Bale Urung), was transformed into a 'ruler' to meet the needs of the colonial regime.\" (Rae, 1994, p. 85)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10307, "valueset_pk": 10307, "domainelement_pk": 273, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 273, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "150-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10307, "jsondata": {}, "id": "karo-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 79, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 79, "glottocode": "bata1293", "ethonyms": "Batak Karo; Karo Batak; Karonese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Batak Karo", "Karo Batak", "Karonese"]}, "id": "karo", "name": "Karo", "description": "The Karo or Batak Karo are one of the ethnolinguistic groups of Northern Sumatra considered to belong to the wider 'Batak' people.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 3.5, "longitude": 98.3}, "name": "Karo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [98.3, 3.5]}, "id": "karo"}]}