{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Political Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18336", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cDuring Kubary\u2019s day, all natives lived on the southern tip of the island in a much crowded village.\u201d (Eilers, 1934, p. 198)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe head of the community is still the \u2018King\u2019 (Ariki toholiki). His family, being very old, is said to be descended from the Samoan conquerors, with Wawe being the first in the line of succession. The royal power, being representative from the beginning, embodies what is lawful by custom and tradition. Within this compass, the King is entitled to give orders and to demand obedience; tyranny is, thus, impossible. Economically, the King is not necessarily better off than the wealthy people of the island. \u2026 Next to the king, the high priest had much influence upon the administration of public affairs, which is obvious from his title ariki takatonga, or, ariki sili (sili = the more important one).\u201d (Eilers, 1934, p. 221)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10182, "valueset_pk": 10182, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10182, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nukuoro-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 115, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 115, "glottocode": "nuku1260", "ethonyms": "Nukuor", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Nukuor"]}, "id": "nukuoro", "name": "Nukuoro", "description": "The people of Nukuoro, a Polynesian outlier in Micronesia.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 3.8, "longitude": 155.0}, "name": "Nukuoro"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [155.0, 3.8]}, "id": "nukuoro"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19003", "name": "2", "description": "\"A village consists of one or more hamlets. Each hamlet normally contains from four to six dwellings, a men's house, and a feasting ground in a grove on the edge of the clearing. Hamlets belonging to the same village are traditionally separated from each other by narrow strips of bush, often nowadays reduced to a stand of areca (betel) palms or only an invisible line. Several neighbouring villages linked by paths and maintaining peaceful relations with each other form what we shall call a territory. Territories are separated by stretches of bush or climax forest without connecting paths. Relations between them used to be chronically hostile.\" (Chowning & Goodenough, 1965, p 412).\r\n\r\n\"Common interests include preservation of the equal rights of all territorial residents to hunt and gather throughout the territory, to travel within its confines unmolested, to enjoy the support of other villages in war and take refuge with other villages when attacked. The members of any hamlet or village undertaking an important ceremony expect attendance and active participation from all their territory mates.\" (Chowning & Goodenough, 1965, p. 439)\r\n\r\n\"Alone of all leaders, a valipoi was responsible primarily to the entire village, not to its separate hamlets or sibs. He also represented the village in its negotiations with others. Fights between villages could take place without a valipoi, but what his position facilitated was the re-establishment of peace. Despite his role in warfare, his principal function was to keep the peace, both with relation to other villages and within his own.\" (Chowning & Goodenough, 1965, p 460).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10185, "valueset_pk": 10185, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10185, "jsondata": {}, "id": "lakalai-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 9, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 9, "glottocode": "naka1262", "ethonyms": "West Nakanai", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["West Nakanai"]}, "id": "lakalai", "name": "Lakalai", "description": "The Lakalai are a subgroup of the Nakanai, who live on the north coast of New Britain. The name \"Lakalai\" is sometimes considered patronising, and for this reason, the Lakalai are sometimes known as the West Nakanai - however, \"Lakalai\" is dominant in the literature. Historically, the Lakalai worshipped ancestors and other spirits of the deceased. The most influential of these spirits was Sumua, who lived in the volcano that overlooked Lakalai territory and controlled its forces.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.4, "longitude": 150.4}, "name": "Lakalai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [150.4, -5.4]}, "id": "lakalai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19033", "name": "2", "description": "Codrington (1881, p. 287) claims that the Banks Islanders lack \u2018all political organisation whatever\u2019:\r\n\r\nThe great institutions of the Banks' Islands are the Suqe and the Tamate, which in the absence of all political organisation whatever, supply a certain bond of unity and order throughout the group. \r\n\r\nIt is not entirely clear why Codrington does not consider these societies to be political, since he describes high positions as conferring considerable \u2018authority\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"The Suqe is a club, the house belonging to which is the most conspicuous building in every village, and is to be found wherever there is a permanent habitation. This house, or gamal, has many compartments, each with its own oven, in accordance with the several grades in the society. Almost all the male population belong to this club, and were formerly bound to take their meals in the gamal, the women and little children alone eating in the houses. To rise from one grade to another money has to be given and pigs killed; to take the highest degrees is very expensive, and requires a certain amount of influence, social, and according to native notions, like all other powers, to some extent supernatural. On this account men seeking the high degrees fast, and perform such rites as that of the Qaranq suqe (suqe-hole) above mentioned. As admission to the highest grades depends on the good will of the few who have already reached them, and all promotion in every rank is consequently under their control, the authority of the men highest in the Suqe is very considerable indeed. It is these persons who appear to traders and naval officers as chiefs. Their position, however, is merely social, but as has been said before, the fact of their having been able to reach such a position, argues in the native mind the possession of mana, which always has some supernatural quality.\" (Codrington, 1881, p. 287)\r\n\r\n\"The members of the great Tamate indulge in much licence. When they choose to go abroad to collect provision for one of their feasts, the women and uninitiated are obliged to keep away from their paths. The warning voice of the Tamate is heard, and the country is shut up. There is also a considerable power in these societies to keep order. Each has its distinguishing leaf of a croton. When a member of any Tamate sets a tapu he will mark it with its leaf, and anyone who violates the tapu will have to do with all of that society. A man who belongs to all, or all the important, tamates will consequently have much power, and the same man will probably, almost certainly, be high also in the Suqe. He will have great personal influence and mana, and he will have the two great institutions of the country at his back. In islands where there is no political or tribal organisation, position in the Suqe and the Tamate makes the \u2018Great man,\u2019 whose authority is respected and maintains order. Some years ago men in the highest position in Mota forbade the carrying of bows, in accordance with Bishop Patteson's teaching, and when a man in anger caught up his weapon, the cry of the Tamate was heard all round the district, and the fault had to be atoned for with a pig.\" (Codrington, 1881, p. 288)\r\n\r\nIn \u2018The Melanesians\u2019, Codrington (1891) provides an account of the Tamate (pp 75-86) and Suqe society that is consistent with his earlier account. However, he also mentions a figure called the etvusmel or tavusmele (\u2018chief\u2019), whose role had previously been \u2018obscured\u2019 by the power of the Tamate and Suqe. The fact that the etvusmel was always a high-ranking member of the Suqe and the various Tamate societies makes it difficult to ascertain what powers were vested in this office specifically. In any case, the authority of the tavusmele appears to have gone no further than the village:\r\n\r\n\"At Banks' Islands the Tavusmele or Etvusmel in former days kept order, gave commands about the common concerns of the place, arranged difficulties with neighbouring villages, could order an offender (one for example who had bewitched or poisoned another) to be put to death, or to pay a fine of pigs.\"(Codrington, 1891, p. 47)\r\n\r\n\"The very great part played in the native life of the Banks' Islands by the secret societies hereafter to be described, the Suqe and Tamate, has always obscured the appearance of such power as a chief would be expected to exercise. Any man whose influence was conspicuous was certainly high in these societies, and it would be wholly inconsistent with the social habits of the people that a man whose place in the Suqe was insignificant should have any considerable power. Hence chiefs as such have hardly been recognized by the missionaries engaged in this group, though traders have found chiefs and kings. When Mala many years ago forbade the use of bows, it was taken to be done by the power he had in all the societies [55] in Vanua Lava and Mota. Still there was a name meaning chief, etvusmel, tavusmele, and a native of Motlav who resided some weeks in Florida, in the district where Takua was counted a great chief, bears witness that he saw no great difference between that vunagi and the etvusmel of his own home. The succession of the Etvusmel is declared by him to have been from father to son, as far as can be remembered, an important point to notice where descent in family goes by the mother; and it is said that the chief was always of the great clan or kin, the veve liwoa, an expression which also requires explanation. The explanation is that in practice, as in the devolution of property and in the handing on of religious and magic rites, a man always put as far as he could his son into his own place, and a rich and powerful man would secure a high place in the Suqe for his son in very early years; thus the great man's son would succeed to his place, and become to some extent an hereditary chief. The father and the son would always be of different sides of the house; and, as at Florida the chiefs were generally of the kema which happened to be most numerous at the time, so in the Banks' Islands, where the divisions are but two, and each of them in alternate generations more numerous than the other, the chief man was regularly found on the most powerful side of the house. Thus it can be said that the succession of Etvusmel at Motlav has been from father to son as long as can be remembered, and will so continue, though with lessened consequence. Besides those who were really chiefs many men were called 'great men,' and had considerable influence in their villages, men who had been [56] valiant and successful in war, and were high in the Suqe; that is to say, men who were known to have mana, for a man's charms and amulets made him the great warrior, and his charms and stones made his pigs and yams to multiply, so that he could buy his steps in the society. The cleanliness and order of a Banks' Island village are not now what they were, since the authority of the 'great men' has been diminished by the increasing enlightenment of the young people.\" (Codrington, 1891, pp 54-56)\r\n\r\nRivers (1916, pp. 61-144) provides a more detailed discussion of the Tamate and Suqe of the Banks Islands that is largely consistent with Codrington\u2019s description. There are some differences \u2013 whereas Codrington described the Tamate and Suque as independent institutions, Rivers notes that membership in the Tamate Liwoa society was necessary to advance beyond a certain grade in the Suqe. \r\n\r\nAltogether, etvusmel is the only position that appears to have corresponded to an office, viz. \u2018a standardized set of rights and duties devolving upon a person in certain defined situations\u2019 (Hughes, 1937). The rights and duties appear to have involved keeping order within a village (Codrington, 1891, p. 47). The various grades of the Suqe and Tamate societies do not quite meet this definition. There were rights associated with various ranks \u2013 for example, no one below the grade of tavatsukwe could drink kava (Rivers, 1916, pp. 126-127) \u2013 but it is not clear that they had any defined duties.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10187, "valueset_pk": 10187, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10187, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mota-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 70, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 70, "glottocode": "mota1237", "ethonyms": "Mota", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mota"]}, "id": "mota", "name": "Mota", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -13.8, "longitude": 167.7}, "name": "Mota"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.7, -13.8]}, "id": "mota"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18532", "name": "2", "description": "\"In precontact times Manam villages were politically autonomous. Each village was ruled by a hereditary chief called tanepoa labalaba, a position based on primogeniture.\" (Lutkehaus, 1991, p 168)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10190, "valueset_pk": 10190, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10190, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manam-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 10, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 10, "glottocode": "mana1295", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "manam", "name": "Manam", "description": "Manam is a volcanic island off the north coast of New Guinea. As the island's soil is poor, the people of Manam depend heavily on trade with the mainland. The people of Manam believe (and possibly still believe) that the volcano on their island is inhabited by a culture heroine called Zaria.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -4.1, "longitude": 145.0}, "name": "Manam"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [145.0, -4.1]}, "id": "manam"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19071", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018An overview of Nage social and ceremonial organization\u2019 (pp. 5-18)\r\n\r\n\u201cPossessing a \u2018head\u2019 (ulu) and a \u2018tail\u2019 (eko), Nage villages (bo\u2019a) are oriented to Ebu Lobo, the head end always pointing towards the volcano. With certain qualifications, these rectangular villages, usually consisting of two rows of houses (sa\u2019o) faving opposite across an open village plaza (nata) are the more inclusive political and territorial units known to Nage. Village houses are divided among groups named woe, which hereafter I call \u2018clans\u2019. At present in the Bo\u2019a Wae region, a village usually includes members of two or more clans, while in the past single clan villages appear to have been more common. Like villages, clans are named. The fact that often they bear the same name as a settlement in which they were formerly resident suggests indeed that clan names have regularly been derived from village names.\r\n\r\n\u201cAmong the western Nage, persons belonging to a single clan usually occupy two or more villages. People of the same clan resident in different villages commonly assist one another in various tasks, including the amassing of bridewealth. The groups that own and corporately administer land, however, are not usually whole clans but component \u2018houses\u2019, and especially houses whose independence has been formalized by their achieving the status of what I call a \u2018cult house\u2019 \u2026 Built of special materials, and constructed to the accompaniment of numerous sacrifices and other rites, a cult house serves as the ceremonial and political centre of what may be called a \u2018segment\u2019 of a clan. Being linked with individual male ancestors of just a few generations\u2019 remove, the associated lineal groups \u2013 the ones that can unequivocally claim to possess such houses \u2013 are usually not large \u2026 Matters are however, rather more complex than this may suggest. For any given time by no means all members of a clan (woe) will formally possess a \u2018cult house\u2019, which in a more general vein, the issue of cult house affiliation is subject to shifting, situational interpretations. What counts as a \u2018house\u2019 in general \u2013 a term that must be understood in a social sense, [7] since it does not always refer to a single physical building \u2013 is similarly variable, even though Nage regularly speak of \u2018houses\u2019 (including \u2018cult houses\u2019) as though they were units of asymmetric marriage alliance \u2026 While \u2018clans\u2019 might be spoken of as collections of related \u2018houses\u2019, therefore, the latter do not constitute identical segments precisely defined in terms of lineal depth or possessing equal ritual status. Indeed, it is doubtful how far a \u2018clan\u2019 can properly be called a descent group at all. All I discuss later on \u2026 Nage use the term woe as a reference to a ceremonial, especially sacrificial, co-operative at least as much as to a genealogical entity. Membership of houses, and hence of clans, is preferentially patrilineal inasmuch as it is preferred that a man pay bridewealth, thereby effecting the incorporation of children into his own group. If bridewealth is not fully paid, children are claimed by the mother\u2019s natal group, or, in some circumstances, divided between the two groups. Where no bridewealth is given, moreover, the husband can be required to reside uxorilocally \u2026 Although regarded as a major index of Nage ethnicity, forked sacrificial posts (peo) are found only in a small number of prominent villages \u2026 Sometimes, a number of houses belonging to two or more different clans are recognized as the collective owners of such a post; and all then claim the right to sacrifice buffalo there. Even so, Nage commonly speak of a single clan (woe) exclusively owning a peo post as the natural arrangement, while expressing puzzlement as to how two or more clans could even have come to possess a peo jointly (Forth 1989a). Part of the answer seems to be that such groups once shared a common village, and in the past may even have been considered as forming a single woe.\u201d (Forth, 1998, pp. 5-7)\r\n\r\n\u201cIn order to erect a peo, a named clan (or any other aggregate of houses) must comprise at least two houses having the status of cult houses. Of these, the senior is specified as the house of the \u2018trunk rider\u2019 (saka pu\u2019u), and the junior, represented as the first to have branched off, is the house of the \u2018tip rider\u2019 (saka lobo) \u2026 As the leader of the group (clan or group of houses) that owns a forked post, the trunk rider is the \u2018possessor of the peo\u2019 (moi peo) in the most specific sense, although both trunk rider and tip rider together can be specified indiscriminately as moi peo. In other ways as well, the two functionaries are closely identified with the post \u2026 The pairing of trunk rider and tip rider, the latter described as the \u2018younger sibling\u2019 (azi) and sometimes as the deputy or surrogate of the former, provides one of the numerous instances of dualism in Nage social and ceremonial order. It should be stressed, however, that the two Nage statuses do not divide temporal and spiritual (or religious) leadership in the way characteristic of diarchic systems found for example on Timor and Sumba. In fact, in most respects the two positions, although clearly related hierarchically and in a way involving the encompassment of one status by the other, are represented as functionally identical rather than complementary. In themselves, both statuses pertain to ceremony rather than politics. Yet formally at least, the trunk rider, closely supported by the tip rider, is recognized as leader of the collectivity associated with the peo post, in all spheres of life.\u201d (Forth, 1998, p. 9)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe trunk rider, as well as the tup rider and several other named functionaries connected with peo rituals are the foremost among the class of leaders Nage designate as mosa laki \u2026 Since formally, speaking, Nage society admits just two ranks, the mosa laki, described in the national language as \u2018nobles\u2019 (\u2018bangsawan\u2019) are exhaustively opposed to a class of slaves and hereditary retainers called ho\u2019o \u2026 who are held to derive ultimately from war captives and thus to be originally non-Nage. Although debt slaves (ho\u2019o so\u2019i so) are distinct from captives and the descendants of captives, these too are outsiders inasmuch as they are required to separate from their own group and become totally obligated to their masters, at least until they are able to redeem themselves. Formally speaking, only men of mosa laki rank may contribute buffalo for sacrifice, although this rule is somewhat relaxed at present. \r\n\r\n\u201cMarriage between the two ranks is formally proscribed. As I later show, the mosa laki \u2013 or leader of high rank \u2013 is further opposed to a type of social person (and indeed as a social ideal) to varieties of mystical practitioner called toa mali. The opposition between these two, which somewhat recalls but does not actually constitute a diarchic division of spiritual and temporal authority, is most clearly expressed, moreover in their differential relation to spiritual beings, particularly as this is manifest in the context of buffalo sacrificing and other activities focussed upon the forked peo post.\u201d (Forth, 1998, p. 15)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10194, "valueset_pk": 10194, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10194, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nage-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 67, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 67, "glottocode": "nage1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "nage", "name": "Nage", "description": "The Nage live on the island of Flores in Eastern Indonesia, in the vicinity of the volcano Ebo Lobo.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.7, "longitude": 121.2}, "name": "Nage"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.2, -8.7]}, "id": "nage"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19110", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cEvery small village on St Matthias and Emir had its own chief, (bau), whose orders are carried out, generally without question. The least significant of these chiefs, furthermore, are [158] nothing more than a form of \u2018oldest person\u2019 on a farm, and there are even individual houses with their own bau \u2026 Bigger villages often have two chiefs side by side. This was the case in 1908 in Elukabiu, part of the village of Elemakunaur, where Makarinitan (Sagile), and Tuputeput were both chiefs. Makarinitan appeared to have the seniority. Any visits were made to him first. \r\n\r\n\u201cThe functions of these greater chiefs consist of dealing with other villages through their chiefs, leading the men in warfare, adjudicating between quarrelling subjects, receiving visitors to the village (to whom the bau first offers a chew of betel in the chief\u2019s house), and arranging feast. \u201c (Nevermann, 2010, p. 158)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10196, "valueset_pk": 10196, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10196, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mussau-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 114, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 114, "glottocode": "muss1246", "ethonyms": "Emirau", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Emirau"]}, "id": "mussau", "name": "Mussau", "description": "The people of Mussau and Emirau (the St. Matthias Islands)", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.4, "longitude": 149.6}, "name": "Mussau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [149.6, -1.4]}, "id": "mussau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18072", "name": "2", "description": "\"Beyond the level of the community, there is no formal political organization. This is a consequence of the villages' automomy, and of the geographical distance between them \u2026 A Kayan village is largely autosubsistent, and most of its outside economic contacts happen with people who have a different mode of life (the nomads and the Chinese traders). Consequently, most social relations take place within the community.\" (Rousseau, 1974, p 182)\r\n\r\n\"The chief plays a central role in the political life; for communal matters, he is the single most important decision maker. He is the ultimate judicial authority and solves disputes by way of adjudication, not mediation; he may initiate judicial proceedings against anyone within the community. He sets the dates of the public ceremonies and of the firing of the fields. He has the final say on such matters as the rebuilding and resettlement of the longhouse. He also keeps an almost absolute control over intercommunity matters. Because of his position, he can demand various prestations of work and goods from the members of his community.\r\n\r\n\"The office of chief is occupied by a single individual, but the Kayan consider that authority is vested in the whole maren group, and not only in one person; there is no single word in Kayan for 'chief' the nearest expression \u2018iha alang gri daha', \u2018he who leads them.\" (Rousseau, 1974, pp. 364-365)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10202, "valueset_pk": 10202, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10202, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kayan-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 38, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 38, "glottocode": "reja1241", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "kayan", "name": "Kayan", "description": "The Kayan live along a number of river valleys in northern Borneo, including the Kayan, from which they take their name. Historically, the Kayan were skilled ironworkers, and exported knives and swords to other indigenous peoples of Borneo.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 2.1, "longitude": 115.1}, "name": "Kayan"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [115.1, 2.1]}, "id": "kayan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19590", "name": "2", "description": "At the time Vanoverbergh was living among them, the Casiguran Dumagats were firmly under foreign rule. The only 'authorities' within Casiguran Dumagat society were 'presidentes' appointed by the government, of which there was one in each 'settlements'. However, many of the Casiguran Dumagats did not live in these settlements and hence were not under administrative control:\r\n\r\n\u201cWhatever I have said in my former reports about the economical, social and political life of the Negritos, might be repeated here. The only authorities among them are the \u2018presidentes\u2019, one in each settlement, who have been appointed by and receive a salary from the Director of the so-called non-Christian tribes. Negritos under the latter's jurisdiction have been gathered in some kind of settlements, but these are easily abandoned, notwithstanding Government interference and the help that is extended to the Negritos in building a better class of huts.\u201d (Vanoverbergh, 1938, p. 149)\r\n\r\nAlthough the role of 'presidente' was obviously an imposed one, many Casiguran Dumagats appear to have greatly respected their presidentes (though perhaps for their personal qualities rather than because of their office):\r\n\r\n\u201cMr. Custodio repeatedly told me that the Negrito school at Calabgan would never thrive, because it was in the immediate proximity of the Constabulary barracks, and the Negritos did not want their grown-up daughters to be at the mercy of the soldiers, who frequently abused them. He also said that, whenever their president was absent, the remaining Negritos asked him to be allowed to leave the settlement. Incidentally this goes to show that the [139] Government has done wisely in appointing Mulan president of the Calabgan Negritos. His influence among them is undeniable, and this is due to the fact that he is not afraid to state his case before anybody, even before higher Government.\u201d (Vanoverbergh, 1938, pp. 138-139)\r\n\r\nHeadland states in the Encyclopaedia of World Cultures that the Agta (including the Casiguran Dumagat) have 'no chiefs or formal leaders of any kind beyond the nuclear household':\r\n\r\n\"Like other hunter-gatherer societies, Agta political organization\r\nis weak. There are no chiefs or formal group leaders of\r\nany kind beyond the nuclear household. Organized social life\r\nis controlled primarily by the nuclear family heads (i.e., the\r\nfather and mother). Women participate equally with their\r\nhusbands in decision making. Secondarily, social organization\r\nis based on the personal kindred. Social control is therefore\r\nquite weak. Individuals tend to do what they wish. If\r\nindividuals go against the norms of the camp, or manifest disruptive deviant behavior, they will first be put in their place\r\nthrough oblique criticism, and then by ostracism. If that does\r\nnot work, families will just move away. There are no laws or\r\nfines for keeping people in line, except ostracism. Conflicts\r\nare usually resolved by one of the families moving away and,\r\nin fact, moving is the primary mechanism for resolving interpersonal problems between families.\" (Headland, 1993, p. 6)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10211, "valueset_pk": 10211, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10211, "jsondata": {}, "id": "casiguran-dumagat-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 133, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 133, "glottocode": "casi1235", "ethonyms": "Agta; Dumagat", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Agta", "Dumagat"]}, "id": "casiguran-dumagat", "name": "Casiguran Dumagat", "description": "The Casiguran Dumagat are one of the many 'Negrito' groups of the Philippines. Negritos, literally 'little blacks', share a distinctive phenotype that differs from that of the majority of other Filipinos. The Casiguran Dumagat are one of the Negrito groups often known as 'Agta'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 16.3, "longitude": 122.0}, "name": "Casiguran Dumagat"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.0, 16.3]}, "id": "casiguran-dumagat"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19231", "name": "2", "description": "Tricky, since sources are contradictory. Let us begin with Scharer.\r\n\r\n\u2018The divine order\u2019 (Scharer, 1963, pp. 39-97)\r\n\r\n\u2018Divine justice\u2019 (Scharer, 1963, pp. 98-119)\r\n\r\nTo the extent that political authority existed in Ngaju society, it appears to have been vested in groups rather than individuals. According to Scharer leaders were chosen from the 'superior' group. Specific leaders that Scharer mentions are 'adat-chiefs' (demang or kepala adat), 'judges', village elders (bakas lewu), and  'village heads' (pambakal). Of these, only judges are described in detail. Scharer notes that the role of 'adat-chief' was seen as a colonial imposition and was not particularly respected by the Ngaju. Nothing is said about military leaders beyond noting that they came from the 'superior group'. The position of 'judge' appears to have been a temporary one - a panel of judges (bakas basara), one of which was appointed 'president' (mantir basara) was assembled when a particularly important legal case (basara) needed to be heard (more routine cases were dealt with by the bakas lewu and the pambakal). Judges appear to have acted on behalf of individual villages, but were often recruited from other villages within the same 'neighbourhood':\r\n\r\n\"The superior group also possesses the position of leadership in the society. From it are selected the judges, military leaders, and the kepala adat, i.e. the adat-chiefs who see that the hadat is followed. (Sch\u00e4rer, 1946, p 41)\r\n\r\n\"The present-day damang (adat-chief), in whose election the Government has the casting vote, has nothing in common with the traditional position of judge ... It is thus understandable that the attitude of the people towards this governmental post should be passive and indifferent.\" (Sch\u00e4rer, 1946, pp 102-103)\r\n\r\n\"A distinction is made between minor and major law cases (basara korik and basara hat). The minor type of case is heard by the leaders of the village, i.e. the village headman (pambakal) and the village elders (bakas lewu). They only decide minor cases of offences against hadat, which do not bring disaster on the entire community. A case of this kind can nevertheless be regarded as an action by the whole community to the extent that each village represents totality. A minor case is not heard in the balai, the assembly-house, but in the house of the headman or of one of the village elders.\" (Sch\u00e4rer, 1946, p 103)\r\n\r\n\"If the village elders are unable to settle a feud, because the parties are not satisfied with the verdict, or if a severe offence against hadat has to be judged, the case is handed over to a consort of judges assembled from the village headmen and most respected elders of the surrounding neighborhood. This consortium, which is newly selected for each case, is called together for a session which is to be held in one of their own villages \u2026 On the day, those who have been invited come in from the surrounding villages and take their places in the balai. They are greeted there by the headman and the village elders, and after a meal the initial formalities are concluded and the trial, which must likewise be held in the balai, begins \u2026 The assembly of judges (bakas basara) select a president (mantir basara) from among themselves. Usually the choice falls on the most respected of the men gathered there. He is the representative of the godhead, which appears in him as avenger, judge and restorer of order. His function is to listen silently to how the assembly conducts the case, expressing his own view only in case of strong difference of opinion, and finally, when the case has been heard, to pronounce the verdict.\" (Sch\u00e4rer, 1946, pp 104-105)\r\n\r\nBy contrast, Miles (1970) does not mention any of these officials,or any formal leadership roles at all. In fact, Miles describes Ngaju society as consisting of largely autonomous households:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe ceremonial unit and the local group are coterminous. Every ritual enforces a sense of community on otherwise self-sufficient households and overrides differences between them.\u201d (Miles, 1970, p. 317)\r\n\r\nIt may be noted that Miles' 'Ngadju' are a broader group than Scharer's 'Ngaju', which could account for some of the discrepancies. \r\n\r\n\u201cThe word Ngadju refers to the inhabitants of upstream communities along those Borneo rivers that flow into the Java Sea \u2026 [292] \u2026 Until recently, there was much inconsistency in the terminology of ethnographic accounts about southern Borneo. Hardeland\u2019s 1859 dictionary (Daiaksch-Deutsches W\u00f6rterbuch) calls the hinterland population of the area Dayak, but the vocabulary he includes is that of people on the Kahayan River only. Later, German and Swiss missionaries (e.g. Epple 1933) referred to the language as Ngadju. In this usage, residents of other southern river systems were excluded from the Ngadju category.\r\n\r\n\u201cIn fact, Ngadju means \u2018upstream\u2019; and native speakers employ the word in a strictly local sense which embraces all Dayaks anywhere in Borneo\u2019s interior. Mallinckrodt (1924-25) partially follows the vernacular, but in order to distinguish southern-river Dayaks from others, he restricts the term to people living on rivers flowing south from the Schwaner and Muller mountain ranges. He thereby categorizes as Ngadju, the Dayaks on the Katingan, Mentaya, Kahayan, Kapuas, and Barito and excludes the Maanyaan and Siang on rivers flowing west from the Meratus into the Barito mainstream. Hudson and Hudson (1967) appear to regard these last two entities as separate from the Ngadju, rather than a subcategory. Geddes (n.d.) does the opposite and follows Kennedy (1962). I feel that the latter practice will remain the most justifiable one until the linguistic and cultural distribution map is complete.\" (Miles, 1970, p. 91)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10213, "valueset_pk": 10213, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10213, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ngaju-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 84, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 84, "glottocode": "ngaj1237", "ethonyms": "Dayak; Dayak Ngaju; Ngadju; Ngaju Dayak", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Dayak", "Dayak Ngaju", "Ngadju", "Ngaju Dayak"]}, "id": "ngaju", "name": "Ngaju", "description": "Ngaju (meaning 'upstream') is the name given to a group of linguistically and culturally similar peoples inhabiting the upper reaches of several south-flowing rivers in the south of Borneo. In the past they, along with several other peoples of Borneo, were often known as 'Dayaks'. The indigenous Ngaju religion involved a sky god, Hatalla, and an earth goddess, Jata. According to the missionary and anthropologist Hans Scharer, these two gods were manifestations of one supreme 'godhead'. Although most Ngaju have converted to Christianity, the traditional religion survives to an extent in the form of the syncretic religion Kaharingan.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.7, "longitude": 114.0}, "name": "Ngaju"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [114.0, -1.7]}, "id": "ngaju"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18818", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018General discussion of the social order\u2019 (Handy, 1923, pp. 35-36)\r\n\r\n\u2018Leaders and professionals\u2019 (Handy, 1923, pp. 36-39)\r\n\r\nExcept on Ua Pou, political organization did not extended beyond the 'tribe'. 'Tribes' could have a unitary structure, or could have 'subdivisions', each of which had its own chief. Some tribes with 'subdivisions' also had a chief with authority over the tribe as a whole, whereas in other cases the subdivisions were independent. It is unclear how common each of these arrangements was.\r\n\r\n\u201cIt has been pointed out that in some of the large valleys there were single great tribes with subdivisions, while in other places there was a number of unrelated tribes; that, beyond certain loose alliances there was no unity between different sections of islands and different valleys, and even that there was warfare within single valleys between related tribes. In other words, political organization in the Marquesas never went beyond the tribal stage.\r\n\r\n\u201cEvery tribe had its chief. When some of the great tribes were subdivided, the subdivisions had each its own chief, who was entirely independent; in other tribes the chiefs of the subtribes were under the authority of the chief of the larger group ... \r\nIt has already been pointed out that it was only on the island of Ua Pou that there was any approach to political unity on one island through dominance by a single chief: in other words, that this was the only island which had what might properly be called a king. It is my opinion, however, that it is unnecessary to dignify any chief in the Marquesas by the title, 'king,' for the political organization was always of the very simplest order, and the relationship of the haka-iki and his people was always that of a chief to his fellow-tribesmen, never approaching that of a king to subjects.\" (Handy, 1923, p. 35)\r\n\r\n'Community structures' (Handy, 1923, pp. 42-44)\r\n\r\nThe settlement pattern in the Marquesas was dispersed. The closest thing to a 'local community' appears to have been the 'tribe' or 'subtribe':\r\n\r\n\"Dwellings were not concentrated in villages but scattered throughout the length of the valley, or, in a few bays, along the shore. There seems to [43] have been little tendency toward the formation of village communities. Private establishments consisted of a large sleeping house on a stone platform, a cook house near-by, a sacred house for old men, a house for storing food, and in the near vicinity a sacred place. The chief's establishment was the community center. It included his sleeping house, which was larger and more elaborate than most private dwellings and was built on a stone platform; his cook house, storage house, the dwellings of his attendants on stone platforms; a warriors' house, also on a stone platform; a paved dance area, on which were sometimes special houses for canoes, for the preparation of feasts, or the like, with surrounding platforms for spectators, on which were erected temporary structures at the times of rites and festivals; ovens; a temple, which was usually associated with this feast place and with the chief's establishment; and a vai ke'etu, an enclosed, fresh-water basin made of cut, red stone slabs, reserved as the sacred bathing place of the chief's eldest son. In secluded and usually elevated locations there were other sacred places (me'ae), which also belonged to the chief and served for tribal ceremonial and burial.\" (Handy, 1923, p. 42)\r\n\r\nBased on these descriptions, it seems that supralocal political authority would have existed in the Marquesas on Ua Pou, and also in cases in which a tribe was split into 'subdivisions' but had a single chief. However, Thomas (1990) is emphatic that supralocal political authority only existed on Ua Pou:\r\n\r\n\"The importance of tau'a is undelrined by the fact that, while evidence for any supralocal authority in the early contact period (except on 'Ua Pou) is lacking, the potency of some tau'a was clearly recognized in more than one valley: that of Tamapuameini was acknowledged over a whole island. There thus seems to have been a crude difference between the renown of certain shamans and that of any chief.\" (Thomas, 1990, p 36)\r\n\r\n'Administration of tribal affairs' (Handy, 1923, pp. 53-57)\r\n\r\n\"In communal enterprise, whether work, war, or feasting, the chief nominally determined what should be done and when. The actual planning, organization, and execution were, however, accomplished by the administrative and industrial tuhuna under him. It was explained to me once that the chief knew nothing about the organization of industries, great festivals, and the like, but that his was the wealth which enabled him to employ those who did know. I have evidence, however, which shows that some chiefs, at least, took an active part in directing labor. For work of a less important character than that of organized industries and festivals, the chief summoned workers by blowing his shell trumpet or sending a tuhuna to secure them.\" (Handy, 1923, p. 55)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10214, "valueset_pk": 10214, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10214, "jsondata": {}, "id": "marquesas-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 118, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 118, "glottocode": "nort2845", "ethonyms": "'Enata, Marquesan, Te'enana", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["'Enata, Marquesan, Te'enana"]}, "id": "marquesas", "name": "Marquesas", "description": "The Marquesas are a group of very rugged volcanic islands in Eastern Polynesia. Rainfall is highly unpredictable in the Marquesas, and as a result famines were common, and were sometimes catastrophic. The most important supernatural agents were deified spirits of deceased chiefs and priests. Human sacrifice played an important role in Marquesan religion - for example, the deification of a deceased leader required ten human sacrifices. The victims of these sacrifices were always captives obtained in war rather than members of the group.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.8, "longitude": -139.0}, "name": "Marquesas"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [221.0, -9.8]}, "id": "marquesas"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18816", "name": "2", "description": "Political organisation in the Gilbert Islands seems to have rarely gone beyond the local community, i.e. the 'maneaba district', though 'paramount chiefs' existed on a few islands:\r\n\r\n\u2018Political structure\u2019 (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 151-155)\r\n\r\n\u201cPolitical structure in the Gilbert Group was sharply divided. In the southern islands there were democracies, with elected chiefs for purposes of war; in the north there were aristocracies founded on conquest. But such aristocracies may be again divided into two classes: those that submitted to a single overlord, or high chief, which may be called feudal systems; and those that submitted to no overlord or high chief, which we may call democratic aristocracies.\r\n\r\n\u201cIt was among the pure democracies and the feudal populations that government was most highly developed. In the former, councils of the elders known for their wisdom held the reins and punished offenders. Under high chiefs all obeyed a single voice. But among the democratic aristocracies there was no general cohesion in times of peace. Each clan, with its slaves, owed obedience to its own chief, with his councillors drawn from the clan. Every chief was equal, and a separate entity.\" (Grimble & Maude, 1989, p. 151)\r\n\r\n\"Character of democratic government\r\n\r\n\u201cIf there were no conflicting interests on an island the entire population was subject to a single council of Old Men. It is not to be supposed that this was a highly organized body, nor that its meetings were regular or periodical \u2026 [153] \u2026 Usually there were two or three different factions on an island, in which case each faction would have its own council of elders.\" (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 152-153)\r\n\r\n\"The political development of the island influenced the manner of living on the land. Under the democracies there were few villages. Landowners lived on their own land scattered about the district of the faction to which they belonged. There was a central maneaba (or council and dance house) for their faction district.\r\n\r\n\"Under high chiefs there was a royal village complete with the central [155] maneaba of the island. This village included the king's dwellings and his wives\u2019 houses, the dwellings of members of the royal blood, and the slave quarters.\r\n\r\n\"Under divided chiefs there were clan villages.\" (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 154-155)\r\n\r\n\u201cTabiteua, with over 5,000, was the most populous island; Abaiang, Tarawa, Abemama and Nonouiti all had between 2500 and 3500; Butaritari-Makin, Marakei, Beru, Nikunau and Onotoa had between 1500 and 2500; Aranuka, Kuria, Tamana and Arorare had fewer than 1500 people ... In pre-European times the Gilbertese did not live in the large consolidated villages which now characterise their islands. The basic [7] residential unit was the kainga \u2013 a hamlet, sometimes walled for privacy, within which a number of related extended families lived in separate mwenge, or households \u2026 On the bush (usually the eastern) side of the settlement there was a bangota or shrine to the ancestral gods or spirits recognised by the klinga \u2026 Although there was no defined priesthood it was customary for one family from within the kainga to lead worship and to interpret the natural signs \u2013 changes in winds and clouds, for example \u2013 which were seen as conveying messages from the gods \u2026 Each kainga had also had a totemic object \u2013 fish or birds were most common \u2013 which its members did not hunt or eat. \r\n\r\n\u201cOn all islands except Makin and Butaritari, each kainga was associated with a maneaba or meeting-house. Together with subsidiary kawa which had been established when the original settlements had become overcrowded, the kainga of a district were usually scattered along the western, or lagoon, side of an island with most being in close proximity to the maneaba. The maneaba was a large rectangular peaked roof, sometimes more than thirty metres in length and half as wide, set on low coral pillars. It was the social and political centre of its district and also served as a temporary residence for visitors who had no close kin in the district. Within the maneaba, each kainga had a defined sitting place called a boti or inaki. The oldest male of the kainga was usually its head and also its leading spokesman. Although wilful movement from one boti to another was not permitted, an individual was entitled to take his place in any boti to which he could trace his descent through the male line and, under some circumstances, could be invited into another \u2026 A man usually took his place in his father\u2019s boti, a woman in her husband\u2019s. In the southern Gilberts some boti leaders were regarded with greater sanctity than others and some kainga were, [8] at least in a practical or military sense, more powerful than their neighbours. On both these grounds the Karongoa n Uea clan which traced its descent back to Samoa often assumed, and was recognised as having, a degree of precedence. In essence, however, the various boti and the kainga they represented were seen as approximately equal, though competing, elements of a single district community. A man with military prowess might rise to a position of prominence but his leadership was transitory; there was no place for a chiefly dynasty in the southern Gilberts \u2026 When possible, disputes amongst kainga members were kept out of the maneaba but when two or more kainga were concerned maneaba involvement was usually inevitable. When participants refused to [9] accept the arbitration of the unimane, or old men, recourse to arms would follow. As a general rule, violence was more common between than within maneaba districts \u2026 In the islands stretching northwards from the equator to Marakei, the chiefly system survived the depredations of Kaitu and Uakeia although maneaba councils became an important restraint on chiefly power. In most cases one kainga in each district assumed a pre-eminent position although in practice its leader was more of a warlord than a paramount chief. The maneaba existed with a boti arrangement parallel to that of the southern islands but district government tended to revolve around the chief rather than the maneaba council. Wars in the pursuit of land and power were common and on Abemama-Kuria-Aranuka, and to a lesser extent on Abaiang, centralised leadership emerged. On Abemama and its two satellite islands, however, this authority was only consolidated by a monopoly of trade and its rewards (including firearms) in the 19th century, while on Abaiang a paramount chief did not emerge until after European contact and his power was only effective and unchallenged for brief periods.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe strong centralised chiefship that unified Butaritari and Makin was an exception in the Gilbert Islands \u2026\u201d (Macdonald, 1982, pp. 6-9)\r\n\r\nOne 'clan' (Karongoa n Uea) had ceremonial and to some extent political precedence in maneaba government throughout the Gilbert Islands, though chiefs, where they they existed, often belonged to other kin groups. However, it is not clear that members of this clan had any authority or privileges in maneaba other than those in which they resided:\r\n\r\nOn the predence of Karongoa n Uea in the Gilbert Islands:\r\n\r\n\u201cMany clans had hereditary privileges or duties connected with the ceremonial of the maneaba, which they most jealously prized and guarded. Among these, the group of Karongoa n Uea \u2018Karongoa of Kings\u2019, as its name suggests, was foremost in rank. Karongoa n Uea was king of the maneaba; at all ceremonial gatherings within the edifice, its chief man\u2014the senior descendant through eldest sons of the original ancestor\u2014assumed \u2018the first word and the last word\u2019 in debate \u2026 [220] \u2026 Attached to Karongoa n Uea was a very clear-cut doctrine of infallibility concerning certain race traditions \u2026 [221] \u2026 A Gilbertese explanation of the pre-eminence of this clan in the ceremonial of the maneaba is that \u2018it is Samoa\u2019; that is to say, it represents the victorious immigration from Samoa into the Gilbert Islands.\u201d (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 219-221)\r\n\r\n\u201cThough there can be no doubt that the people of Karongoa n Uea came as conquerors and chiefs to the group, their prestige in the maneaba is now entirely divorced from the idea of temporal power, and their privileges are largely independent of political vicissitudes.\r\n\r\n\"On Abemama, indeed, where the high chiefs belong to the clan of Kaburara, the insolently despotic Tem Binoka of fifty years ago, whose particular pleasure it was to override all Gilbertese custom and so display his power, became jealous of Karongoa's ceremonial prerogatives and deliberately assumed them to himself. Since then Kaburara has performed on Abemama all the offices in the maneaba that used to be in the hands of Karongoa n Uea \u2026  The deliberate stroke of disorganization which Binoka was obliged to effect on Abemama, in order to rob Karongoa of its precedence, only serves to throw into greater relief the durable character of its privileges, for before their spoliation they had subsisted intact through six successive generations of powerful high chiefs. Their eventual loss for political reasons was quite exceptional, being without parallel on any other Gilbert island. Elsewhere, whatever may have been the accidents of war or other material circumstances, Karongoa remained supreme in the maneaba from the time of the Samoan immigration right up to the coming of the British flag in 1892.\u201d (Grimble, 1989, p. 223)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10217, "valueset_pk": 10217, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10217, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kiribati-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 24, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 24, "glottocode": "gilb1244", "ethonyms": "Gilbertese; I-Kiribati; Tungaru", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Gilbertese", "I-Kiribati", "Tungaru"]}, "id": "kiribati", "name": "Kiribati", "description": "The Gilbert Islands, or Kiribati, are a string of atolls in eastern Micronesia. Although the people of these islands shared a common language, there were considerable cultural differences between the islands north and south of the equator, with the former being more hierarchical than the latter. A notable feature of the indigenous Gilbertese religion was the worship of the sun.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.2, "longitude": 174.7}, "name": "Kiribati"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [174.7, -1.2]}, "id": "kiribati"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "21215", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018V\u2019 [Chieftainship] (Malinowski, 1922, pp. 62-69)\r\n\r\n\u201cChieftainship in the Trobriands is the combination of two institutions: first, that of headmanship, or village authority; secondly, that of totemic clanship , that is the division of the community into classes or castes, each with a certain more or less definite rank.\r\n\r\n\u201cIn every community in the Trobriands, there is one man who wields the greatest authority, though often this does not amount to very much. He is, in many cases, nothing more than the primus inter pares in a group of village elders, who deliberate on all important matters together, and arrive at a decision by common consent. It must not be forgotten that there is hardly ever much room for doubt or deliberation, as natives communally, as well as individually, never act except on traditional and conventional lines. This village headman is, as a rule, [63] therefore, not much more than a master of tribal ceremonies, and the main speaker within and without the tribe whenever one is needed.\r\n\r\n\u201cBut the position of headman becomes much more than this, when he is a person of high rank, which is by no means always the case. In the Trobriands there exist four totemic clans, and each of these is divided into a number of smaller sub-clans, --which could also be called families or castes, for the members of each claim common descent from one ancestress, and each of them holds a certain, specified rank. These subclans have also a local character, because the original ancestress emerged from a hole in the ground, as a rule somewhere in the neighbourhood of their village community. There is not one sub-clan in the Trobriands whose members cannot indicate its original locality, where their group, in the form of the ancestress, first saw the light of the sun \u2026 The highest sub-clan is that of the Tabalu, belonging to the Malasi totem clan. To this sub-clan belongs the main chief of Kiriwina, To'uluwa, who resides in the village of Omarakana (see Plate II and Frontispiece). He is in the first place the headman of his own village, and in contrast to the headmen of low rank, he has quite a considerable amount of power. His high rank inspires everyone about him with the greatest and most genuine respect and awe, and the remnants of his power are still surprisingly large, even now, when white authorities, very foolishly and with fatal results, do their utmost to undermine his prestige and influence.\r\n\r\n\u201cNot only does the chief--by which word I shall designate a headman of rank--possess a high degree of authority within his own village, but his sphere of influence extends far beyond it . A number of villages are tributary to him, and in several respects subject to his authority. In case of war, they are his allies, and have to foregather in his village. When he needs men to perform some task, he can send to his subject villages, and they will supply him with workers. In all big festivities [64] the villages of his district will join, and the chief will act as master of ceremonies. Nevertheless, for all these services rendered to him he has to pay. He even has to pay for any tributes received out of his stores of wealth. Wealth, in the Trobriands, is the outward sign and the substance of power, and the means also of exercising it. But how does he acquire his wealth? And here we come to the main duty of the vassal villages to the chief. From each subject village, he takes a wife, whose family, according to the Trobriand law, has to supply him with large amounts of crops. This wife is always the sister or some relation of the headman of the subject village, and thus practically the whole community has to work for him. In olden days, the chief of Omarakana had up to as many as forty consorts, and received perhaps as much as thirty to fifty per cent. of all the garden produce of Kiriwina. Even now, when his wives number only sixteen, he has enormous storehouses, and they are full to the roof with yams every harvest time.\r\n\t\r\n\u201cWith this supply, he is able to pay for the many services he requires, to furnish with food the participants in big feasts, in tribal gatherings or distant expeditions. Part of the food he uses to acquire objects of native wealth, or to pay for the making of them. In brief, through his privilege of practising polygamy, the chief is kept supplied with an abundance of wealth in food stuffs and in valuables, which he uses to maintain his high position; to organise tribal festivities and enterprises, and to pay, according to custom, for the many personal services to which he is entitled.\r\n\r\n\u201cOne point in connection with the chief's authority deserves special mention. Power implies not only the possibility of rewarding, but also the means of punishing. This in the Trobriands is as a rule done indirectly, by means of sorcery. The chief has the best sorcerers of the district always at his beck and call. Of course he also has to reward them when they do him a service. If anyone offends him, or trespasses upon his authority, the chief summons the sorcerer, and orders that the culprit shall die by black magic. And here the chief is powerfully helped in achieving his end by the fact that he can do this openly, so that everybody, and the victim himself knows that a sorcerer is after him. As the natives are very deeply and genuinely afraid of sorcery, the feeling of being [65] hunted, of imagining themselves doomed, is in itself enough to doom them in reality. Only in extreme cases, does a chief inflict direct punishment on a culprit. He has one or two hereditary henchmen, whose duty it is to kill the man who has so deeply offended him, that actual death is the only sufficient punishment. As a matter of fact, very few cases of this are on record, and it is now, of course, entirely in abeyance.\r\n\u201cThus the chief's position can be grasped only through the realisation of the high importance of wealth, of the necessity of paying for everything, even for services which are due to him, and which could not be withheld. Again, this wealth comes to the chief from his relations-in-law, and it is through his right to practise polygamy that he actually achieves his position, and exercises his power.\r\n\r\n\u201cSide by side with this rather complex mechanism of authority, the prestige of rank, the direct recognition of his personal superiority, give the chief an immense power, even outside his district. Except for the few of his own rank, no native in the Trobriands will remain erect when the great chief of Omarakana approaches, even in these days of tribal disintegration. Wherever he goes, he is considered as the most important person, is seated on a high platform, and treated with consideration.\u201d (Malinowski, 1922, pp. 62-65)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe most important chief is, as said, the one who resides in Omarakana and rules Kiriwina, agriculturally the richest and most important district. His family, or sub-clan, the Tabalu , are acknowledged to have by far the highest rank in all the Archipelago. Their fame is spread over the whole Kula district; the entire province of Kiriwina derives prestige from its chief, and its inhabitants also keep all his personal taboos, which is a duty but also a distinction. Next to the high chief, there resides in a village some two miles distant, a personage who, though in several respects his vassal, is also his main foe and rival, the headman of Kabwaku, and ruler of the province of Tilataula. The present holder of this title is an old rogue named Moliasi. From time to time, in the old days, war used to break out between the two provinces, each of which could muster some twelve villages for the fight ... The ruler of Tilataula has an intermediate rank, and outside his district he does not enjoy much prestige; but within it, he has a considerable amount of power, and a good [67] deal of wealth, in the shape of stored food and ceremonial articles. All the villages under his rule, have, of course, their own independent headman, who, being of low rank, have only a small degree of local authority.\u201d (Malinowski, 1922, pp. 66-67)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10219, "valueset_pk": 10219, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10219, "jsondata": {}, "id": "trobriand-islands-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 96, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 96, "glottocode": "kili1267", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "trobriand-islands", "name": "Trobriand Islands", "description": "The Trobriands are a group of islands off the southeast coast of New Guinea. The famous Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski conducted extensive fieldwork there during the First World War, and published a number of major works on their traditional culture. Malinowski's magnum opus 'Argonauts of the Western Pacific' concerns the traditional exchange network known as the Kula ring, in which the Trobriand Islands played a central role.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.5, "longitude": 151.1}, "name": "Trobriand Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [151.1, -8.5]}, "id": "trobriand-islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17652", "name": "2", "description": "Settlement pattern:\r\n\r\n\"The Ata Tana 'Ai live in single-family-house compounds (mobo) constructed in gardens scattered throughout the forests of the valley and the surrounding mountain slopes. Clans and clan branches construct lepo, which are larger and more permanent houses of a distinctive architectural style. Hamlets of lepo, called kloang, are traditionally the only permanent multidwelling settlements in Tana 'Ai and are ceremonial centers.\" (Lewis, 1993, p 23)\r\n\r\nSecular authority:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn contrast to many of the societies of eastern Indonesia, Tana 'Ai never had an indigenous\r\nraja, nor did the Tana 'Ai domains constitute local secular states. The pattern of a diarchical division of power and authority between a secular ruler and a ritual authority, common to other eastern Indonesian societies, is reflected in a division by which women, as the heads of clans, exercise secular authority over domestic and horticultural matters and men, as the ritual specialists of the domain, exercise sacred authority, principally in the execution of ritual \u2026 When dealing with secular matters, men are conceived as acting as the delegates of their sisters and clan or lepo mothers \u2026 In Tana 'Ai, women rule within autonomous social units and men, in whom is vested authority for the conduct of the external affairs of the group, are the \u2018glue\u2019 that binds the confederation of diverse clans and houses into the larger domain.\u201d (Lewis, 1993, p. 25)\r\n\r\nCoded uncertain because 'sublocal' might be a better designation if the domain were considered the local community and clans were localised.)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10221, "valueset_pk": 10221, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10221, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ata-tana-aai-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 77, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 77, "glottocode": "sika1262", "ethonyms": "Tana Wai Brama", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tana Wai Brama"]}, "id": "ata-tana-aai", "name": "Ata Tana 'Ai", "description": "The 'Ata Tana 'Ai are a branch of the Sikkanese people of Flores in Indonesia. Unlike the majority of Sikkanese, who have been Catholic for centuries, the 'Ata Tana 'Ai retained their indigenous religion into the twenty-first century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.6, "longitude": 122.6}, "name": "Ata Tana 'Ai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.6, -8.6]}, "id": "ata-tana-aai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "21244", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cSociopolitical organization does not extend beyond the village level, despite the existence of extensive intervillage networks of kin relationships. One lineage in a village is considered to be made up of the direct patrilineal descendants of the first settler. The members of this lineage are called the \u2018village owners\u2019 (pnuwe-nduan). In addition to the headman or the oldest male of the pnuwe-nduan lineage, who is often also nduse-nduan (\u2018lord of the area\u2019), a village also has several ambat-nduan (\u2018lords of the land\u2019), who are adat specialists of the various tracts of lineage land. Other adat functionaries in Jamdenese villages are the \u2018announcer,\u2019 or mangafwajak, the \u2018offerer,\u2019 or mangsombe, the \u2018speaker,\u2019 or mangatanuk, and the \u2018\u201dnavigator,\u2019 or sori luri. All the offices are hereditary, and the holders have traditional seats on the village stone platform (natar) at village gatherings. The \u2018announcer\u2019 is the intermediary between lineages within the village and between his own village and others. The \u2018speaker\u2019 assists him and also settles disputes (excluding disputes concerning land) among villagers. The \u2018offerer\u2019 and the \u2018navigator\u2019 direct and perform villagewide ceremonies.\u201d (Koentjaraningrat, 1972, p 113)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10222, "valueset_pk": 10222, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10222, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tanimbar-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 5, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 5, "glottocode": "yamd1240", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tanimbar", "name": "Tanimbar", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -7.5, "longitude": 131.5}, "name": "Tanimbar"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [131.5, -7.5]}, "id": "tanimbar"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18982", "name": "2", "description": "\"Nuclear families form the primary residential boat unit. Five to ten boats form a community and travel together. Communities come together annually, forming flotillas of up to thirty or forty boats.\" (Nowak, 1993, p 231)\r\n\r\n\"Boat communities are autonomous. Mergui boat communities are under the nominal direction of a headman who provides some amount of leadership to boat groups' movements and activities.\" (Nowak, 1993, p 232).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10225, "valueset_pk": 10225, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10225, "jsondata": {}, "id": "moken-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 41, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 41, "glottocode": "moke1242", "ethonyms": "Mawken; Selung", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mawken", "Selung"]}, "id": "moken", "name": "Moken", "description": "The Moken, who live in and around the Mergui Archipelago of Burma and Thailand, are one of the ethnic groups of Southeast Asia known as the \"sea gypsies.\" The Moken worshipped their ancestors, as well as believing in a remote high god named Thida.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 11.7, "longitude": 98.3}, "name": "Moken"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [98.3, 11.7]}, "id": "moken"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17731", "name": "2", "description": "For the most part, the Eastern Toraja lived in independent villages. One or two of the Eastern Toraja \u2018tribes\u2019 (of which there were between twenty and twenty-five and which consisted of multiple villages) had a \u2018paramount chief\u2019 who appears, however, to have had no authority beyond collecting tribute for his non-Toraja overlord:\r\n\r\n\"The various tribes did not form organized political units ... There was little feeling of solidarity between tribes, except in instances where the memory of a common origin was recent enough to keep them on friendly terms ... [4] ... The tribes did, however, recognize a higher authority in the rulers of the kingdoms of Luwu and Mori. The To Pada and To Pakambia (those to the east of the Jaentu River, at any rate - those to the west of it sometimes recognized Mori and sometimes Luwu) came under Mori and the rest under Luwu. Of the two the more important was the datu of Luwu, the datu ri tana of Mori having formerly been his vassal (I, 119, 129ff., 60). His authority was, to be sure, only nominal according to western standards, as he merely required a small tribute in goods every once in a while - usually at intervals of more than a year, and contributions of buffalo for court feasts. He did, however, also call on his subjects from time to time for help in wars against other kingdoms, which the Toradja were usually quite ready to provide ... The datu of Luwu gave the title of karadja or tongko (called mokole by the Toradja) to the village chiefs of Tamungku (Pebato), Towale (Wingke-mposo), Pantjawu-enu (Lamusa) and Tando-mbeaga (Onda\u2019e) with the duty of collecting tribute and transmitting it to him (I, 118). It was said that the To Onda\u2019e, alone of these tribes, had had a paramount chief before the karadja was appointed by Luwu, though there is no proof of this, the whole institution possibly having been evolved under the influence of Luwu. The karadja of Onda\u2019e came originally, according to tradition, from the village of Kodja, but their seat at the end of the last century was Tando-mbeaga. The rest of the Onda\u2019e villages considered themselves more or less subject to it, and among other things they helped build the temple there, which was particularly large and handsome ... [5] ....Although Kruyt said that the To Onda\u2019e were the only tribe having a paramount chief, he spoke elsewhere of 'the chief of the To Pada', and since they apparently had only one temple for the whole tribe, at Perere, it is possible that this held for them as well (Kruyt, 1907; 870; 1899b; 207).\r\n\r\n\"The most important unit of the tribe was the village ... They were widely separated, but the members of a single tribe saw to it that their villages were still close enough together so that they could hear each other\u2019s drums in case of need ... [6] ... Toradja society was divided into two classes, slave and free. The former were called watua , the latter kabosenja . Kabosenja means \u201cthe great one(s)\u201d and was also used for the heads of families and for the village chief (I, 113) ... The position of the village chief (kabosenja) was not hereditary. The man who best combined the qualities of courage, eloquence, generosity, organizational talent and resoluteness was accepted as such. When a chief began to get old he was not immediately replaced, but was helped by a younger man who gradually took over his duties and usually replaced him when he became too old or died (I, 114). The chief did not rule; his job was to consult with the family heads on matters which concerned the village as a whole. He did not give orders, but could only persuade (I, 115). Although the chiefs had no authority outside their own villages occasionally one of them distinguished himself by particular personal qualities and thereby enjoyed a certain degree of influence over several neighboring villages (I, 117f.).\u201d (Downs, 1956, pp. 3-7)\r\n\r\nMore detail:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe society of the Bare\u2019e-speaking Toradja knew only two social standings: free and slave. The standing of the free was indicated with kabosenja . Originally the house fathers, heads of families were referred to by this name, which means \u2018the great.\u2019 The council of house fathers, which met in order to discuss and decide village matters, is called wa\u2019a ngkabosenja \u2018the whole body of house-fathers\u2019; but if one speaks simply of the kabosenja, this means the village chief, who bore the title of kapala after the arrival of the Government \u2026 As has already been mentioned, the family heads come together in order to deliberate on village matters and to make decisions. This takes place under the leadership and in the house of the one among them who is recognized by all as the most prominent, the Chief, the kabosenja. Everyone expresses his opinion on the matter in question, and when the Chief learns all the thoughts on the matter, he draws a conclusion from them. His whole function is characterized by the above. The Chief has nothing to do other than to carry out the will of his fellow villagers. The authority of the Chiefs was therefore the opposite of absolute; one cannot imagine more constitutional rulers than these Chiefs. The more conservative they were, the better they upheld the manners and customs of the ancestors, the higher their prestige. The Chief is therefore the adat personified, who decides the way each of his fellow villagers would decide, and who can always justify himself by appealing to the common law.\u201d (Adriani & Kruyt, 1950, pp 167-168)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10232, "valueset_pk": 10232, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10232, "jsondata": {}, "id": "eastern-toraja-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 132, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 132, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Pamona; Pomona", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Pamona", "Pomona"]}, "id": "eastern-toraja", "name": "Eastern Toraja", "description": "Eastern Toraja is the name given to the Bare'e (also known as Pamona) -speakers living in the interior of Sulawesi in Eastern Indonesia. Prior to their conversion to Christianity, the Eastern Toraja worshipped a pantheon of beings, including a high god who was believed to have created human beings using bellows.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.9, "longitude": 120.6}, "name": "Eastern Toraja"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.6, -1.9]}, "id": "eastern-toraja"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17693", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cSarawak Land Dayak villages are relatively large, a population 600 or more being not uncommon (Leach 1950: 66ff.). Nowadays, villages are located near streams, although in former times fortified settlements on hills seem to have been more common. There is a tendency to form village aggregates or clusters through a process of community fission (Geddes 1954). The village cluster appears to be the maximum socio-political unit. Hierarchies of chiefs, all with Malay titles, are found nowadays, but to what extent these are purely imposed offices is not known.\u201d (Lebar, 1972, pp 195-196)\r\n\r\n\"The government of the Hill Dyaks, excepting in the chiefs, which rule over several tribes of the Sakarrans, resembles that of these latter people, and is of the most patriarchal character. The Orang Kaya, or chief, is elected by the people, though amongst tribes, tri- butary to the Malays, the Pafigeran, or Datta, to whom the tribe pays revenue, is always required, or arrogates to himself the right of confirming or rejecting the appointment. In large tribes, two Orang Kayas are frequently foumd : but the elder one has usually a slight pre-eminence. Others of the principal inhabitants of the village, are called \u2018Panglimas,\u2019 \u2018Pangarahs,\u2019 or fighting chiefs, and these are raised to their position on account of the courage and ability in war which they are supposed to possess. \r\n\r\n\"The Orang Kaya does not appear to possess the slightest arbitrary power: the office is not hereditary, and the person filling it, is generally chosen on account of the wisdom and ability he displays in the councils of the tribe, and which appear to fit him for the duties of their representative in all their relations with their Malayan masters, or with the neighbouring villages ... [289] ...All affairs connected with the prosperity or welfare of the village, are discussed by a council of the men \r\nof the tribe, which is always held in the 'pangah,' and at which every male of the hamlet may be present, though seldom any but the opinions of the old men are advanced \u2014 the younger people paying great respect to the advice of the elders at this coun- cil. If the chief be a man of known and reputed ability, his opinion, which is generally given in a long and forcible oration, while the speaker is seated, and without much gesticulation, excepting the waving of the head, is of very great weight, and his arguments most frequently convince the assembly, unless some other opinion be advanced and supported with equal ability, when the approvers of each, in succession, address the \r\nmembers of this little parliament \u2014 a fair and impartial hearing being given to all \u2014 though the discussions are often protracted till near morning Ifrom the preceding dusk, when one party either yields its opinion to the other, or the minority is ompelled to give way \u2014 [290] these assemblies are never riotous, but always conducted in a quiet, grave, and business-like manner.\" (Low, 1848, pp. 288-290)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Land Dayaks are anarchists to the extent that no one amongst them is strong enough to force the others to do anything which they do not wish to do. In their classless society there are no true chiefs. Each village has a headman, nowadays confirmed in office by the Government, but he leads only when the people agree to be led.\u201d (Geddes, 1961, p 21)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10235, "valueset_pk": 10235, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10235, "jsondata": {}, "id": "landdayak-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 87, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 87, "glottocode": "baub1235", "ethonyms": "Bidayuh", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bidayuh"]}, "id": "landdayak", "name": "Land Dayak", "description": "The term 'Land Dayak' was coined during the Brooke era to describe certain inland peoples of Sarawak who were not 'Sea Dayaks' (Iban). As applied here, Land Dayak refers to speakers of the 15 (according to Ethnologue) Land Dayak languages. Although most Land Dayaks live in Kalimantan, almost all the available ethnographic information on this group comes from Sarawak. Most of the Land Dayaks in Sarawak belong to the 'Bidayuh' subgroup.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 0.2, "longitude": 110.5}, "name": "Land Dayak"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [110.5, 0.2]}, "id": "landdayak"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17702", "name": "2", "description": "'Tsunaun and commoners' (Blackwood, 1935, pp. 45-53)\r\n\r\nBlackwood describes three political offices at the level of the 'village or group of hamlets': 'tsunaun', head of the dominant lineage, 'kukerai', village head appointed by the colonial administration, and 'tultul', assistant to the kukerai. The office of tsunaun was clearly indigenous, but the office of kukerai had recently been imposed by the German administration. Ideally tsunaun were appointed as kukerai, but this was not always the case. There is no indication of indigenous supralocal authority operating at the time of fieldwork, but this may have existed in the past:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn each village or group of hamlets there is one lineage group which takes precedence of all the others. This lineage may belong to any clan, and the clan to which it belongs is considered the most important, and is generally the most numerous, in that village. It may be that this group originally formed the nucleus round which the village has grown. The head of such a lineage is called tsunaun.\u201d (Blackwood, 1935, p. 45)\r\n\r\n\"Some tsunaun possessed, in the olden days, authority much wider than that over their own kindred or village. This extended authority seems to be bound up with the state of sporadic warfare that existed all the time, not only between the coast people and those of the interior, but also among the coast villages themselves. [48] Certain groups joined together against a common enemy, and asked one tsunaun to lead them all. Something of this extended authority in a very attenuated condition, still survives. Pinari claimed a vague allegiance from the people of Timputs and Baniu, and said that before the time of the white man his lineage held sway over all the people living along the north coast of Bougainville and some of those of Buka. Pinari had a love of power and a somewhat exaggerated sense of his own importance, and detailed investigation in the area involved might have led to a modification of his statements, but there is no doubt that he had at one time been a tsunaun of considerable importance. He claimed that in the olden days his consent had to be asked before a fighting expedition was embarked upo... The tsunaun was supposed to go to fight with his own people and to keep them together and prevent them from fighting among themselves. If he gave orders which were not obeyed, some of his followers would kill the offenders ...Exactly what the powers of the tsunaun were in the olden days it is now very difficult, and perhaps impossible, to ascertain. The whole position has been fundamentally altered by the new system introduced by the Germans and continued by the present Government. An official, called the \u2018kukerai\u2019, is appointed for each village, or group of hamlets, who is responsible to the District Officer for the good behaviour of the villagers, but whose right to punish is limited to the imposition of a fine and, if that is ineffective, making a report to the D.O ... He has under him a subordinate officer, called the \u2018tultul\u2019, who is usually chosen because of his ability to speak pidgin-English, so that he can act as interpreter between the natives and the government officials. In appointing the kukerai, inquiries are made of the natives as to the persons they consider of importance, and if possible some one who is tsunaun is chosen, when his position as a government official is materially strengthened by the fact that his authority is already recognized in the village. But in some instances the tsunaun is either unwilling to take office under the white man, or is [49] considered by the D.O. to be unsuitable by reason of his age, degree of intelligence, or on other grounds. Some other man is then chosen at the discretion of the D.O., and though the natives are obliged to acknowledge him, he continues to rank, in their estimation, as a commoner, and his position is not an easy one, unless he is friendly with the hereditary head of the group ... In case of actual hostility between the hereditary tsunaun and the government-appointed kukerai, the position of the latter, though unassailable, would be far from enviable. The possibility was admitted and discussed, but no instances of it came under my personal observation \u2026 As a result of this substitution of the government-controlled jurisdiction of the kukerai for the traditional jurisdiction of the tsunaun, and with the passing of warfare, in which the powers and rights of the tsunaun were most clearly apparent, the original state of affairs has become so difficult to disentangle that I am not able to give a clear account of the exact position occupied by the tsunaun of the olden days. It is certain that he possessed the power of life and death over those under his jurisdiction, but I have no very clear evidence as to whether he exercised it entirely alone, or how much he conferred, in this and other matters of importance, [50] with other tsunaun or with the old men of the group. A good deal seems always to have depended on personal character. Although the fact of being tsunaun was determined by heredity, and was inalienable, certain people are remembered, while others are forgotten, and it is natural that the man of strong personality would exercise authority far exceeding that of a tsunaun who was weak or indolent.\r\nIt seems likely that the elective and purely local office of kukerai will, in course of time, entirely supersede the hereditary tsunaun, who is primarily, though not exclusively, entitled to allegiance from his own clan.\" (Blackwood, 1935, pp. 47-50)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10239, "valueset_pk": 10239, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10239, "jsondata": {}, "id": "buka-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 103, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 103, "glottocode": "solo1257", "ethonyms": "Kurtatchi; Tinputz", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kurtatchi", "Tinputz"]}, "id": "buka", "name": "Buka", "description": "Buka is an island separated by a narrow strait from the larger island of Bougainville to the south. The people of Buka and northern Bougainville speak related Austronesian languages, and are sometimes considered a  cultural unit. The primary source on this culture, Beatrice Blackwood's 'Both Sides of Buka Passage', is based largely on fieldwork carried out in the Tinputz-speaking village of Kurtatchi on the north coast of Bougainville.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.2, "longitude": 154.6}, "name": "Buka"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [154.6, -5.2]}, "id": "buka"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17712", "name": "2", "description": "\"Nearly all reports agree Chamorro societies were small. Some argue for those of district size headed by a leader or paramount chief (maga) (Thompson 1945: 12). I believe the above data make it more likely that they were village units. Larger alliances existed centred on a powerful chief, but these were allies, coming together only on certain occasions (e.g., war).\" (Cordy, 1983, p. 275)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10241, "valueset_pk": 10241, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10241, "jsondata": {}, "id": "chamorro-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 33, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 33, "glottocode": "cham1312", "ethonyms": "Tjamoro", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tjamoro"]}, "id": "chamorro", "name": "Chamorro", "description": "The Chamorro are the indigenous people of the Marianas Islands. Originally they were divided into social classes, of which the name 'Chamorro' referred only to members of the highest. Spanish colonization was highly traumatic for the Chamorro and resulted in massive population decline.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 13.5, "longitude": 144.8}, "name": "Chamorro"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [144.8, 13.5]}, "id": "chamorro"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17715", "name": "2", "description": "\"Prior to the creation of large Christian villages during the era of conversion \u2026 geographic regions with names such as 'Knabu' that refer both to place and people were significant loci of socio-political activity. Usually no more than  a few miles in size, each region was ideally inhabited by people of two exogamous and intermarrying clans \u2026 In societies as yet unaffected by the advent of church and government, ties of kinship, formed particularly by descent from matrilineal ancestors and attachments to ancestral lands, constituted the basic parameters of social life. Lineages of people who could trace descent from a common ancestress composed the primary landholding groups, as they do today \u2026 These relations of codescent and clan membership could then be extended outward through intermarriage and identifications of prominent chiefs acting as leaders of clan and regional affairs.\" (White, 1991, p 33)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe role of the chief as a proprietor of one or more ancestral shrines symbolized his status as clan head, manager of lineage lands and inheritor of the sacred relics required to communicate with ancestor spirits \u2026 Access to potent spirits reinforced the power of chiefs to speak for and regulate the use of lineage lands and properties. Lineage leaders controlled the use of land, reef waters and nut-bearing trees (almond, betel nut or coconut) by issuing chiefly edicts. By announcing that certain property was tabu ... and marking it with a visible token, a chief could declare that property off-limits. Such a proclamation would be sanctioned with the threat of spiritual retribution since transgressions were thought to invoke the wrath of the chief\u2019s ancestors (whose names probably would have been invoked in the soka or tabu).\" (White, 1991, pp 54-55)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10242, "valueset_pk": 10242, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10242, "jsondata": {}, "id": "cheke-holo-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 36, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 36, "glottocode": "chek1238", "ethonyms": "Hongrano; Maringe", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Hongrano", "Maringe"]}, "id": "cheke-holo", "name": "Cheke Holo", "description": "The Cheke Holo people inhabit the central portion of the island of Santa Isabel in the Solomon Islands. In pre-Christian times, they built megalithic shrines in honour of deceased chiefs. Between 1860 and 1899, they suffered greatly at the hands of raiders and headhunters from other parts of Santa Isabel and from other islands further to the west. As a result, most either fled to remote inland areas of the island or to Bughotu in the far south, where they came into contact with Anglican missionaries. Most converted to Christianity in the early twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.3, "longitude": 159.6}, "name": "Cheke Holo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [159.6, -8.3]}, "id": "cheke-holo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17727", "name": "2", "description": "\"The Dusun jurisdictional hierarchy is traditionally organized at the level of the local community. In the past they have given no attention to larger sociopolitical entities such as parish, district, province, or a political state. Their communities are led by males selected through an informal, community wide consensus, who hold formal office as 'headmen'(mohoingon) with wide powers.\" (Williams, 1993, p 82)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10243, "valueset_pk": 10243, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10243, "jsondata": {}, "id": "dusun-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 53, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 53, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Kadazan; Kadazan-Dusun", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kadazan", "Kadazan-Dusun"]}, "id": "dusun", "name": "Dusun", "description": "'Dusun' is derived from 'orang dusun' ('people of the orchards'), an exonym for a group of related peoples in Sabah in Northern Borneo.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 5.7, "longitude": 116.4}, "name": "Dusun"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [116.4, 5.7]}, "id": "dusun"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17758", "name": "2", "description": "\"No sooner had he arrived than James Brooke set about to learn something of the people living near Sarawak ... He spent two days with the 'Sebuyau Dayaks,' an Iban sub-group who lived at Stunggang on the Lundu River, west of the Sarawak River and Kuching. The Stunggang longhouse, located about eighteen miles upstream from the sea, was surrounded by a \u201cslight stockade,\u201d Brooke reported ... [3] ...Brooke went on to describe all the essential aspects of Iban culture, and his account makes pleasantly familiar reading for anyone who has enjoyed the hospitality of a modern Iban longhouse. He observed that the 'front room, or street' (ruai) and the open verandah (tanju) sections of the longhouse were 'the resort of pigs, dogs, birds, monkeys and fowls,' presenting 'a glorious scene of confusion and bustle.' He counted two hundred men, women and children in these portions, and concluded that the total population of the house could not be less than 400.\" (Pringle, 1968, pp. 2-3)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe basic unit of Iban social and political organization is the elementary family, superficially little different from the modern Western family, consisting of a married couple, their children, and normally some of their parents. Such a family group occupies one room (bilek) of a longhouse, and Freeman has termed it \u2018the bilek family.\u2019 \u2026 The bilek family unit holds rights to hill rice land which are established, as in many Southeast Asian societies, by felling virgin jungle. It carries on most farming operations, holds certain types of cherished heirloom property, and maintains the vitally important strain of sacred rice (padi pun) which is the focus of the padi cult. Because it is a continuing social organization with central functions in Iban life, the bilek family is what social anthropologists call a corporate group. \r\n\r\n\u201cThe most significant political feature of Iban society is not the bilek family, however. It is the absence of equally [35] definable institutions at any higher level. Contrary to popular impression, an Iban longhouse, far from being a communal structure, is no more than a loose aggregation of bilek families.  Each family owns not only its own bilek room, but the adjoining section of the longhouse verandah (ruai) and open drying platform (tanju) as well. One narrow passageway (tempuan) adjacent to the verandah is the only communal portion of the house, and it is exactly analogous to a village street \u2026 In pioneer areas, the Iban longhouse is anything but a stable social unit. Community quarrels often result in partition or even fragmentation, with individual families joining other houses or starting new ones \u2026 [36] \u2026 Some authorities have written of Iban \u2018tribes,\u2019 implying the existence of broader political units above the longhouse level. Usually these are said to correspond to rivers, between which, in long-settled areas, there are still marked variations in language accent, ritual practice and customary law. Freeman refers to tribes \u2018such as the Skrang, the Lemanak, the Ulu Ai Dayaks etc.,\u2019 as \u2018conglomerations of kindred which formed the basis for a loose tribal organization.\u2019 He then goes on to define an Iban tribe as \u2018a diffuse territorial grouping dispersed along the banks of a major river and its diverging tributaries. Formerly it was a grouping whose members did not take one another's heads....\u2019 But on one notable occasion in pre- [37] Brooke Iban history the population of one river split into two warring factions, with a third faction unhappily caught in the middle, following an insignificant dispute. Moreover, after the Brookes arrived, they made a common practice of enlisting downriver Ibans to fight rebellious Ibans living in the upper portions of the same river system. There is no evidence whatever that in so doing they violated any traditional concept of tribal unity. In most areas, during the period covered by this study, Iban population was shifting and mingling too frequently as the result of constant migrations to allow the development of any consistent, meaningful tribal political units \u2026 In the field of individual leadership, as in other areas of Iban life, there were few clearly defined institutions above the level of the bilek family. The longhouse headman (tuai rumah) filled a number of important functions. He served as [38] the custodian of the customary law; he was an arbitrator between the various family groups; and in recent years he has been the intermediary between his longhouse community and the Government. Aside from these roles, \u2018his authority is negligible and he is in no sense a chief.\u2019 ... The Brookes created superior headmen (penghulu), who they hoped would exert authority over many longhouses throughout whole river segments, but their performance was frequently disappointing to the Government. Iban society was indeed capable of producing powerful leaders who exercised influence over wide areas, but such ability was entirely a function of individual performance and reputation. Achievement in pioneering, oratory, and above all in warfare enabled a man to attain high political stature. To be considered a war leader, an individual had to possess not only a reputation for leadership ability, but for a necessary range of personal religious experience as well. Such a leader -- one who had dreamed the necessary dreams -- was said to be \u201cable to attack\u201d ( tau serang ), and once a man achieved this label he could count on a following. Nevertheless, some [39] of the most famous Iban rebels and warleaders, including Bantin, were not tau serang , indicating that this religious qualification was not a rigid requirement. The son of a famous leader enjoyed a head start toward achieving fame and influence himself, but, without the necessary personal qualities, no amount of hereditary position, much less Government support, could make him an authority.\u201d (Pringle, 1968, pp. 34-39)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10246, "valueset_pk": 10246, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10246, "jsondata": {}, "id": "iban-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 54, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 54, "glottocode": "iban1264", "ethonyms": "Sea Dayaks", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sea Dayaks"]}, "id": "iban", "name": "Iban", "description": "The Iban are an ethnolinguistic group that now live primarily in Sarawak, but are believed to have migrated from the Upper Kapuas region of Kalimantan within the past few hundred years. In the nineteenth century they were notorious for headhunting and resistance to colonial control. The principal Iban god was Sengalang Bulong, who manifested himself in the form of a Brahminy Kite.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.2, "longitude": 111.6}, "name": "Iban"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [111.6, 1.2]}, "id": "iban"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17646", "name": "2", "description": "\"Ami society appears to be characterized by what might be termed a dualistic power structure. Secular authority seems clearly based in the male age-grade system, with women expressly excluded from age-graders and men's houses (the educational and administrative centers of the village) and thus from political life. At the same time, it seems evident that ritual authority has its basis in the female-oriented matrilineage system, although here again it is the brothers of lineage women who actually function as priests. In retrospect, the age-grade system has the appearance of having been superimposed on an original kin-based society, with positions of leadership grounded in (largely) ritual status derived from the genealogical nearness to an original 'founding' line. The result has been a kind of split between secular and ritual leadership ... According to C. L. Chen (1965), political power in northern ... Ami villages is vested in a 'chiefs assembly', composed of men chosen from among the papuro'ai (lit.: 'one who speaks\"), leaders or monitors of the mature age-grades. A man who seeks this office must be an eloquent speaker, skilled in ritual and hunting, and wealthy enough to sponsor a feast and display his wealth before all other papaur'ai. A speaker, elected by the chiefs' assembly is the 'high chief' in the village, although hunting, warfare and headhunting are the responsibility of another high chief , who is elected from among the warrior chiefs of the various age-grades. Other assemblies or councils (of elders, of all males, of all age-grade monitors) mitigate to some extent the power of the chief's assembly. A somewhat similar system of secular 'chiefs' (saparangau), leaders of proven ability chosen from the ranks of the more mature age-grades, is described by Chen and Coe (1954) for the central Ami village of Tavarong. Political power here is in the hands of these older men, who are seated at important ceremonies in order of their rank (Furuno 1945:285ff.) ... The situation in the central Ami village of Vataan, most fully described of all Ami villages, is apparently somewhat atypical. Here the village (niaroh) is divided into hamlets or sections (kuan), each with a headman and a representative (kakisowal, 'eloquent speaker'). From among the kakisowal are elected the members (komod) of a village council, administrators of fishing and hunting rights and other village-owned property. From among the council membership, in turn, there is chosen a 'high chief' (sapalungau), a genealogical/ritual specialist who sets the dates for major festivals and presides over meetings and ceremonies ... As summarized by by Liu et al. (1965:169-88, 265-167), leadership in Vataan is in the hands of a high chief, assisted by hamlet headmen and age-class leaders, with the high chief acting additionally in the capacity of a chief priest. This kind of political hierarchy, with its by-passing of the traditional rights of the kakitaan priestly families, has progessed farthest in Vataan - probably as a consequence of Taiwanese acculutrative pressures.\" (Lebar, 1975, p 120)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10247, "valueset_pk": 10247, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10247, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ami-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 22, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 22, "glottocode": "amis1246", "ethonyms": "Amis", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Amis"]}, "id": "ami", "name": "Ami", "description": "The Ami or Amis are the largest Taiwanese aboriginal ethnic group. Their homeland is in the east of the island, between the Taitung rift valley and the Pacific Ocean. Unlike most other Taiwanese aborigines, the Ami have a myth describing their migration from overseas.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 23.4, "longitude": 121.4}, "name": "Ami"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.4, 23.4]}, "id": "ami"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17859", "name": "2", "description": "'Social organization': Scott (1994, pp. 127-146)\r\n\r\nVisayan 'communities' were led by a datu, who had very clear authority within the community. There is no clear evidence for supralocal authority. Groups of communities formed 'federations' around a particularly powerful datu, which Scott calls 'chiefdoms', but in fact they appear to have had no institutionalised power over their subordinate datu:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe head of a Visayan community was a datu, what the Spaniards called principal, chief or a \u2018lord of vassals,\u2019 and kadatoan were those datus regarded as autonomous. The word meant both a political office and a social class, both an incumbent ruler and all members of the ruling class of either sex ... There was no word for a primary datu or paramount chief, but those recognized as primus inter pares were known as pangulo, head or leader; kaponoan, most sovereign \u2026 or makaporos nga datu, a unifying chief. Those who controlled seaports with foreign trade generally took Malay-Sanskrit titles like Rajah (Ruler), Batara (Noble Lord), or \u2018Sarripada\u2019 (His Highness). Magellan met three chiefs called \u2018rajah\u2019 \u2013 Awi of Butuan,  Kolambu of Limawasa, and Humabon of Cebu \u2013 a title Spaniards always translated as king, though Magellan learned too late that they had neither kingdoms nor power over other datus ... [129] ... These datus were part of what social anthropologists call a chiefdom -  a loose federation of chiefs bound by loose ties of personal allegiance to a senior among them. The head of such a chiefdom exercised authority over his supporting chiefs, but not over their subjects or territory, and his primacy stepped from his control of local or foreign trade, and the ability to redistribute luxury goods desired by the others ... [130] ... A datu was expected to govern his people, settle their disputes, protect them from enemies, and lead them in battle. He was assisted by a considerable staff....\u201d (Scott, 1994, pp 128-130)\r\n\r\n\"A datu\u2019s following was his haop or dolohan, Visayan terms to which Tagalog barangay was added after Manila became the colonial capital. These terms all referred to the people themselves, not the place where they lived \u2026 and they ranged in size from thirty to a hundred households ... The village and towns where one or more haop lived were bongto or lungsod; and hamlets or neighbourhoods were hamuro, a cluster of houses within earshot. Community decisions affecting more than one haop required datu consensus, and so did alliances between settlements. But there were no formal confederations, for which reason Spanish explorers always made blood compacts with more than one chief, from chiefs of Samar hamlets too small to be seen from the coast to those of large communities like Cebu spread out for several kilometres.\" (Scott, 1994, pp 135-136)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10251, "valueset_pk": 10251, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10251, "jsondata": {}, "id": "visayans-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 111, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 111, "glottocode": "butu1244", "ethonyms": "Bisaya; Cebuano; Boholano; Ibabao, Samareno", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bisaya", "Cebuano", "Boholano", "Ibabao, Samareno"]}, "id": "visayans", "name": "Visayans", "description": "Visayans or Bisayans are the indigenous people of the Visayan Islands. They speak many languages, of which the largest in terms of number of speakers today is Cebuano. According to Ethnologue there are 25 Bisayan language, although at least one (Tausug) is spoken by a group considered to be outside the Visayan culture area.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 11.2, "longitude": 122.4}, "name": "Visayans"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.4, 11.2]}, "id": "visayans"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18065", "name": "2", "description": "Settlement: Most Lau lived in very small, densely populated 'artificial islands' (fera) in the lagoon that would seem to have constituted 'local communities' (ndeed, one meaning of 'fera' is 'village'. There were also a few villages onshore (Ivens, 1930, pp. 48-50, 81-81). \r\n\r\n'Social organization': Ivens (1930, pp. 75-92)\r\n\r\nFera had 'chiefs', but there is no mention of any chiefs with authority over multiple fera. There was a lagoon-wide office called 'Aofia' whose role was to be 'the embodiment of peace', but this office was only filled very irregularly, and in any case appears to have involved no authority. \r\n\r\n\"Each island is an entity in itself, a fera, and each person on the island who is of the family, is spoken of as \u2018aei fera (belonging to the fera). The word fera denotes primarily a village, and is a common Mala word. In Lau, as is natural, fera bears the additional meaning of artificial island \u2026 \" (Ivens, 1930, pp 80-81)\r\n\r\n\"The Lau chiefs are chiefs by virtue of their birth, and not because of any prowess which they may manifest, or any wealth which they may amass, or any spiritual power which may manifest itself in them. Their functions are distinct from those of the priests, who are of the same lineage with them; but on given occasions they have the right to sacrifice to their ancestors. The phrase fisi kwau (top branches), which is used of chiefs, is an evidence of how chiefs are regarded in Lau. Little actual government, as we understand the term, was exercised by them in the past.\r\n\r\n\"They were not the dispensers of justice for their people. Indeed, there was nothing in the life or conduct of the people that would create any necessity for such administration of justice. Everything was ruled by custom and convention, and all breaches of it were condemned by public opinion.\" (Ivens, 1930, p 84)\r\n\r\n\"The Government had a difficult task in the pacification of the Mala peoples, and in the carrying out of the enactments which they drew up for the administration of the islands. There were no paramount chiefs with whom to confer, no council of elders in the various places who could be entrusted with the establishment of law and order.\" (Ivens, 1930, p 86)\r\n\r\n\"The chiefs in Lau are still responsible for the carrying out of the big feasts, and these feasts are the most important things that occur in the social life of the communities as a whole. The fishing grounds are the property of chiefs, as also are the fishing-nets. Technically, the garden ground is also their property; but in practice the family of a given chief is free to work the garden ground \u2026 The chiefs are wealthy members of the community. In Lau they amass money through their ownership of fishing nets.\" (Ivens, 1930, p 87)\r\n\r\n\"It was the chiefs in Lau who decided upon the waging of war, or the making of reprisals for any insult offered to them or their people. They themselves accompanied war parties and fought with them. In the event of blood-money being offered for the killing of a person, the provision of such moneys was the business of the chiefs.\" (Ivens, 1930, p 88)\r\n\r\nAngasi kao, the present head chief of Sulu Vou, after a quarrel with one of his fellow chiefs, went off in a fit of sulks to Ngwalo with his wives and a few of his people \u2026 During his absence the other chiefs remained at Sulu Vou. (Ivens, 1930, pp 88-89)\r\n\r\n\"An instance of the general peaceable character of the Lau is afforded by the appointment of one of the chiefs to be Aofia ... The Lau Aofia was a man of chiefly rank, an actual chief at the time of his appointment, or the son of a chief, who was formally dedicated to be the embodiment in himself of peace ... The motive underlying the appointment of an Aofia was that there should be present among the Lau peoples one whose influence was exercised to keep the peace. The succession does not appear to have been maintained regularly, but at least four men have occupied the position since the days of Leo of Sulu Vou ... Doubtless his efforts would be directed mainly towards the maintenance of peace between the Lau peoples, who felt themselves to be all one family. The opposition of the ancestral ghosts would not be likely to manifest itself in the case of war between Lau and Tolo. It was the introduction of firearms that caused a break in the succession of the Aofia, and set the Lau peoples fighting among themselves.\" (Ivens, 1930, pp 90-91).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10254, "valueset_pk": 10254, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10254, "jsondata": {}, "id": "lau-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 29, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 29, "glottocode": "lauu1247", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "lau", "name": "Lau", "description": "The Lau people historically lived on artificial islands made of coral in the Lau lagoon of northern Malaita. The Lau economy centred around resources from the sea, but the Lau also practiced agriculture on land they owned on the mainland. Lau religion centred around on the worship of ancestral beings, some of whom took the form of sharks. In the 1980s, the Lau were the subject of a documentary involving the decline of their indigenous religion due to Christianity and forces of modernity.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.3, "longitude": 160.8}, "name": "Lau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.8, -8.3]}, "id": "lau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17649", "name": "2", "description": "Settlement pattern:\r\n\r\n\"Dwellings are distributed in a somewhat ragged line along the island's southern shoreline. The closest the Anutans have to a term for 'village' is noporanga, which literally means 'dwelling place.' Villages are not demarcated by any physical boundary.\" (Feinberg, 1991, pp. 13-14)\r\n\r\nChiefs:\r\n\r\n\"Anuta is a small-scale Polynesian chiefdom \u2026 Anuta is divided into four ranked \u2018clans\u2019 (kainanga). The two senior kainanga are led by chiefs (ariki); the remaining two are not. The senior chief is known as Te Ariki Mua (\u2018The Chief in Front\u2019) or Tui Anuta; the junior chief is Te Ariki Muri (\u2018The Chief in Back\u2019) or Tui Kainanga.\" (Feinberg, 1991, p. 15)\r\n\r\n\"Chiefs in theory, and to some degree in fact, exercise dominion over all land and natural resources. Because they are considered to be descended from the premier deities, they acted as high priests in the traditional religious system. Even today they are endowed with awesome mana by the Christian God, and they are expected to utilize their mana to protect the community's wellbeing. They organize public works activities, control the ritual cycle, place taboos on crops or parcels of land, and are presented with tribute in the form of first fruit payments and highly esteemed fish. These goods are often redistributed either informally or at feasts. In addition, reciprocity, combined with a sense of noblesse oblige, leads the chiefs to redistribute much of their own garden produce.\" (Feinberg, 1988, p. 293)\r\n\r\n(Coded uncertain because either the noporanga or the island could be considered the 'local community'. I opted for the former based on the very small size of the island and the fact that settlement appears to have been continuous.)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10257, "valueset_pk": 10257, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10257, "jsondata": {}, "id": "anuta-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 104, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 104, "glottocode": "anut1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "anuta", "name": "Anuta", "description": "Anuta is one of the islands traditionally known as the 'Polynesian Outliers'. Now politically part of the Solomon Islands, it is noteworthy for being one of the smallest inhabited islands in the Pacific. Its people constitute a single ethnolinguistic group.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -11.6, "longitude": 169.8}, "name": "Anuta"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [169.8, -11.6]}, "id": "anuta"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17709", "name": "2", "description": "Two leadership positions existed at the local level, though Huang implies that they involved little power:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe settlement was traditionally an important and autonomous socio-political unit. Beyond the settlement, there were only temporary alliances among settlements for defense against their common enemy. The domestic unit was the basic social unit within the settlement, and there was no formal intermediate institution connecting the two levels. There were two formal socio-political offices through which some people could take charge of the social order: the lisigadan lus-an and the lavian. The lisigadan lus-an was in charge of the social order within the settlement; the lavian dealt with relations with other Bunun settlements and other tribes \u2026 The Bunun lacked a formal process for denominating these offices \u2026 Traditionally, intra- and intersettlement conflicts were resolved by the lisigadan lus-an and the gavian. In fact, this mechanism was grounded in common beliefs and customs, through which a consensus could be created by way of social pressure on the deviant.\u201d (Huang, 1993, p 57)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10260, "valueset_pk": 10260, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10260, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bunun-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 34, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 34, "glottocode": "bunu1267", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "bunun", "name": "Bunun", "description": "The Bunun live in the mountains of central Taiwan. Traditional Bunun religion has been described as 'atheistic', a reference to the fact that it centred on impersonal supernatural forces rather than supernatural beings. They converted to Christianity from the 1960s onwards, but the version of Christianity that they practice is notably syncretic.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 23.5, "longitude": 120.5}, "name": "Bunun"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.5, 23.5]}, "id": "bunun"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "20793", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018Social regulations. Divisions of the people. Kinship and Marriage connexion\u2019 (Codrington, 1891, pp. 20-45)\r\n\r\n\u2018Social regulations. Chiefs.\u2019 (Codrington, 1891, pp. 46-58)\r\n\r\n\u201cFlorida, and the parts of the Solomon Islands adjacent to it, afford an example of the division of the people into more than two exogamous kindreds. In Florida these divisions are six, [30] called kema, and each has its distinguishing name.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 29-30)\r\n\r\n\u201cThese divisions, kema, are not political divisions. It is not, as in the Banks' Islands where every house must needs contain members of both divisions, that every kema will be represented in every village, for one or two of the smaller may have no member there; but every man's wife, or wives, and all his children, must needs be of a kema different from his own, and every village must have its population mixed. The property of the members of each kema is intermixed with that of the others. In a considerable village the principal chief is the head of the kema which predominates there, and he exercises his authority over all, while the principal men of the less numerous kema are lesser chiefs. It is evident that the predominance of any kema cannot be permanent. A chiefs sons are none of them of his own kin; and, as will be shewn, he passes on what he can of his property and authority to them. If then in a certain district one kindred is now most numerous, in the next generation it. cannot be so, for the children of those now most numerous will be naturally many more in [34] number, and will none of them be of kin to their fathers.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 33-34)\r\n\r\n\u201cIT has been shewn that the social structure in these Melanesian islands is not tribal, and it will have been observed therefore that there can be no political structure held together by the power of tribal chiefs ; but chiefs exist, and still have in most islands important place and power, though never perhaps so much importance in the native view as . they have in the eyes of European visitors, who carry with them the persuasion that savage people are always ruled by chiefs \u2026 [47] \u2026 A Florida Vunagi kept order in his place, ' directed the common operations and industries, represented his people with strangers, presided at sacrifices and led in war. He inflicted fines, and would order any one to be put to death.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 46-47)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe hereditary element is not absent in the succession of chiefs in other islands, though it is by no means so operative as it appears to be \u2026 [51] \u2026The most conspicuous chief in Florida at the time and in the place in which Europeans became acquainted with that island was Takua of Boli, whose position it may be safely said was never so exalted in the eyes of the natives as in the eyes of their visitors. He was not a native' of Florida but of Mala, and his greatness rested in its origin on a victory in which as a young man he took a principal part, when a confederation of enemies attacked the people of Ta na ihu in Florida, where he was then staying. His reputation for mana or spiritual power, was then established; and from that, as a member of a powerful family of the Nggaombata, with his brothers Sauvui and Dikea, his [52] influence increased. Thus according to a native account of the matter \u2018the origin of the power of chiefs, vunagi, lies entirely in the belief that they have communication with powerful ghosts, tindalo, and have that mana whereby they are able to bring the power of the tindalo to bear\u2019. A chief would convey his knowledge of the way to approach and to use the power of the tindalo to his son, his nephew, or grandson, to whom also he bequeathed as far as he could his possessions. Thus he was able to pass on his power to a chosen successor among his relations, and a semblance of hereditary succession appeared. A man's position being in this way obtained, his own character and success enhanced it, weakness and failure lost it. Public opinion supported him in his claim for a general obedience, besides the dread universally felt of the tindalo power behind him.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 52-53)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe power of a chief naturally diminished in old age, from inactivity, parsimony, and loss of reputation ; and, to the credit of the people, also if, like Takua when he took the daughter of one who was already his wife, he did what was held by them to be wrong. In any case some one was ready, it might be by degrees, to take the place of one whose force was waning. A chief expecting his death prepared his son, nephew, or chosen [54] successor, by imparting to him his tindalo knowledge; but this could not always be done, or the choice made might not be acceptable. The people would then choose for themselves, and make over the dead chief's property to their chosen head. Sometimes a man would assert himself and claim to be chief, on the ground that the late chief had designated him, or because he had already a considerable following \u2026 or boldly standing forth and, crying out to the people that he was chief. Without a chief a village would be broken up.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 53-54)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10262, "valueset_pk": 10262, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10262, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nggela-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 127, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 127, "glottocode": "gela1263", "ethonyms": "Gela", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Gela"]}, "id": "nggela", "name": "Nggela", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.1, "longitude": 160.2}, "name": "Nggela"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.2, -9.1]}, "id": "nggela"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18116", "name": "2", "description": "\"A Paiwan village, qinalan, can be defined primarily in residential and territorial terms. The traditional village is inseparable from Paiwan chieftainship.\" (Matzusawa, 1989, p 63)\r\n\r\n\"The firstborn chief of the village, whether male or female, usually appointed one or more elders as advisors after discussions with influential villagers ...The elders managed intra-village and inter-village politico-jural affairs under the chiefs authority (as a couple) to maintain peace. Ideologically, all villagers including the siblings of a chief, were subject to control by the chief. Whatever announcement the chief made was expected to be enforced. In practice, however, an elder could exercise more power in political affairs, particularly so if he were trusted by the chief (see Kojima:32) ... Elders assumed leadership, mobilizing villagers for community enterprises such as building a new chief's house or repairing the chief's house. They put up shelves for heads, and made village roads, doing all sorts of tasks concerned with community feasts or farming for the chief's household. Usually the elder(s) collected tribute gifts for the chief and supervised the presentation of the gifts. If there were a dispute between villagers, they settled the dispute and negotiated compensation although the final decision was announced by the chief. The elder(s) took charge of actual leadership under male chiefs for communal headhunting or for large hunting expeditions, both organizing and directing the group of village men. In inter-village disputes over hunting grounds or in offenses resulting from headhunting, an elder was sent to the chief of aligned villages or to the village involved to find some procedure in reconciliation.\" (Matzusawa, 1989, pp 206-207)\r\n\r\n\u201c\u2026it is a fact that many Paiwan villages (particularly those in the western area) were jointly ruled by a single chief.  In a few cases, there were major differences or exceptions, such as: 1) one village including several chiefs, or 2) one chief ruling over several villages, or 3) one or two chiefs in a village controlling several other villages.\u201d (Matsukawa pp. 214-215)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10264, "valueset_pk": 10264, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10264, "jsondata": {}, "id": "paiwan-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 59, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 59, "glottocode": "paiw1248", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "paiwan", "name": "Paiwan", "description": "The Paiwan inhabit the southern tip of Taiwan. They are known, among other things, for their belligerence towards occupying powers - subjugation of the Paiwan by the Chinese and Japanese was a long and bloody process. Historically, they worshipped a number of supernatural beings, the most important of which were ancestral spirits. Some of these spirits were believed to inhabit sacred knives and swords.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.5, "longitude": 120.9}, "name": "Paiwan"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.9, 22.5]}, "id": "paiwan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18118", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018Chieftainships, - Social Classes. - Villages, Habitations, and Temples. - Furniture.\u2019 (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 38-55)\r\n\r\nThe settlement pattern on Rennell was dispersed:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe introduction of Christianity has recently caused a change in the type of settlement. As NORTHCOTE DECK has it: \u2018The result has been a wonderful revolution in their social life. For whereas before, they lived scattered about in the bush, just one or two families together, so great has been their desire to be taught of God, that the whole population \u2026 has come together in about ten large villages\u2019. Whether the good missionary\u2019s enthusiasm is legitimate from an economic point of view is, perhaps, questionable, and in actual fact it is somewhat exaggerated. There are still but three or four villages with more than about 50 inhabitants such as Lavanggu, which is a quite modern creation due to the anchorage in Kanggava Bay \u2026 Other fairly large villages are Te Avamanggu in the western part of the island, Hutuna on the southern shore of the lake, and Tingoa at its eastern extremity. But in many cases people still live in small clusters of houses scattered over the island near the lake and along the fertile zone. The greatest number of dwellings originally observed by NORTHCOTE DECK in a single place was eight.\u201d (Birket-Smith, 1969, p 45)\r\n\r\n\u2018Chieftainships\u2019 (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 38-41)\r\n\r\nThe island was divided into six more or less geographically defined 'chieftainships' or 'districts', one of which was considered 'superior':\r\n\r\n\"As previously mentioned the native name of Rennell is Munggava or \u2018the large island\u2019, in contradistinction to Munggiki, [39] \u2018the small island\u2019, also known as Bellona. Tradition tells us that originally both islands were ruled by a common chief who lived on Bellona, but sixteen or seventeen generations ago the [40] Bellona chief, Taupongi, was killed and his four sons separated. One of them, Manu, stayed on Bellona; another one, Sao-e-mangongena, was killed like his father and his people scattered, whereas Uaimango and Maitongo went to Rennell and settled at Lake Te Nggano. Up to the present day Te Nggano is considered the principal chieftainship, and its head occupies a position superior to that of the other chiefs of the island. Around Kanggava Bay, immediately west of Te Nggano, is the chieftainship of Te Mungginuku; it is also known as Te Manggavai, which is, however,more or less a nick-name. Then follows Banggikanggo, the principal settlement of which is Te Avamanggu, Te Tuakoi, and Taungganggoto with Hatanggoa as the main village, and farthest to the west Senggema, where the largest village is Kanggoa \u2026 LAMBERT has indicated the position of the chieftainships on a map, but as both the outlines of the island and the names are inaccurate, it is not very reliable. Moreover, the boundaries between the chieftainships are rather vague and do not follow definite lines.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 38-40)\r\n\r\n'Intertribal relations' (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 116-117)\r\n\r\nIt is not clear whether the 'paramount' chief at Te Nggano had any direct authority over the other chiefs - the following suggests that the high chief was at best a 'primus inter pares':\r\n\r\n\"Bellona was the only island with which Rennell had regular intercourse, though not always of a peaceful character. The same is true of the districts on Rennell itself. LAMBERT emphasizes the jealousy between Te Nggano, the original population centre, and Te Mungginuku- or, as he calls it, Kolugu - around Kanggava Bay, which acquired added importance in modern times on account of the anchorage there, and says that it resulted in a war when the ancestors of that chief settled in the latter place three generations ago. It was quite evident, also when we visited the island, that relations were rather strained between the old high [117] chief, Taupongi, and Tahua, the chief of Te Mungginuku. As a rule, however, the three eastern districts, Te Nggano, Te Mungginuku, and Banggikanggo were allied against the westernmost ones, Taungganggotu and Senggema. Thus, for instance, was the state of affairs during the last war on the island. The central chieftainship, Te Tuakoi, was connected by family ties to both sides and joined sometimes one and sometimes the other of the fighting parties and enjoyed the doubtful privilege of being the habitual battle field.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 116-117)\r\n\r\nOn the other hand, Birket-Smith does describe the incumbent chief of Te Nggano as having been formerly the 'high chief of the whole island', and as having 'no little authority' in more recent times:\r\n\r\n\"For administrative purposes Rennell is divided into three districts, Te Nggano, Kanggava, and Te Manggihenua. Each district has a headman who is appointed by the Governmcnt with the common consent of the people and is paid a salary af \u00a32 a month. During our sojourn the headmen were the three chiefs, Taupongi. Tahua, and Tigesua, but it must not necessarily be a chief. Both Taupongi and Tigesua were dignified old gentlemen, and Taupongi in particular, who was the old high chief of the whole island, possessed no little authority \u2026  Tahua was somewhat younger and not very popular.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, p. 18)\r\n\r\nThe following description of chiefly powers pretty clearly describes the 'district chief' rather than the 'high chief'. \r\n\r\n\"To some extent the chief possessed judicial power. If a man was wronged he might claim damages from the offender, or he might ask the chief for his assistance. The chief was entitled to have a breaker of the customary laws beaten or even put to death, or he might order his gardens to be destroyed. Blood revenge was common in case of murder. If, however, a murder was committed in the district of a friendly chief, the latter might approach the chief of the murderer and insist on compensation. Even marriages were subject to the approval of the chief, who in such cases laid claim to gifts. On the other hand the chief had no right to special shares of tile yield of horticulture and fishing. The most important of his privileges was, however, his right to impose taboo. Before the ripening of the crops. or if a ceremony demanding an abundance of food was forthcoming, he would make use of his power, but he might also abuse it in order to appropriate the belongings of his subjects.\u201d (Birket-Smith, 1956, p. 44)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10265, "valueset_pk": 10265, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10265, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rennell-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 19, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 19, "glottocode": "renn1242", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "rennell", "name": "Rennell", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -11.6, "longitude": 160.3}, "name": "Rennell"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.3, -11.6]}, "id": "rennell"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18126", "name": "2", "description": "\"THE PEOPLE LIVING ON THE ATOLL form a single community despite the natural division into the four occupied islets at the center of the arc ... The center of the community is Touhou islet.\" (Emory, 1965, p 80)\r\n\r\n\"Formerly, a hereditary chief, tangata e putu tana henua (one who looks after his people), ruled over the secular affairs in conjunction with an elected religious chief, the ariki, who ruled in religious matters, assisted by a panel of priests.\" (Emory, 1965, p 94).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10267, "valueset_pk": 10267, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10267, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kapingamarangi-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 76, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 76, "glottocode": "kapi1249", "ethonyms": "Greenwich Island; Kapinga; Kiriniti", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Greenwich Island", "Kapinga", "Kiriniti"]}, "id": "kapingamarangi", "name": "Kapingamarangi", "description": "The tiny atoll of Kapingamarangi is one of the islands traditionally labelled 'Polynesian Outliers'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.0, "longitude": 154.8}, "name": "Kapingamarangi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [154.8, 1.0]}, "id": "kapingamarangi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18518", "name": "2", "description": "'The creation of leadership positions' (Gustafsson, 1992, pp. 51-97)\r\n\r\nGustaffson describes Titan villages as divided into \u2018house groups\u2019 (tali), each of which consisted of a large house (also called 'tali') and a number of subsidiary households (um). The tali was headed by a lapan, who lived in the dwelling of the same name:\r\n\r\n\"Earlier we said that the word tali is a Titan word meaning house, or family. The smaller houses occupied by a domestic community were referred to as um, while the large house where the lapan lived was referred to as tali.\" (Gustafsson, 1987, p. \r\n\r\n\"Each tali was organized along hierarchical lines, each family having their own rank. The high ranking families were the lapan and the low ranking ones were known as lau. Rank depended upon the family's relationship to the founder of the tali, and their relationship to the present lapan. The man holding the title of lapan, his sons, his brothers and his [Page 79] brother's sons, who were all the potential successors of the old lapan, were seen as high ranking families. Other families more remote in relationship to the founder and to the lapan were of low rank and could therefore not claim the title of lapan. With the lapan title followed certain privileges \u2026 Furthermore the lapan alone, with the consent of the spirits of the former lapans, had the authority to give permission to other members of the tali to use the alakeu [ceremonial platform] for distributions of wealth (p. 205) \u2026 A lapan inherited certain skills and knowledge from the ancestors, but he was not authorized to demand obedience from other members of the tali.\" (Gustafsson, 1992, pp. 78-79)\r\n77)\r\n\r\n\"A man was appointed to the lapan title; still he had to earn the confidence of other members of the tali, he had to gain a reputation for being a humble and generous man and a man to whom other members of the house community could come for advice \u2026 Apart from being a good listener and adviser, the most important task for a lapan was to organize ritual performances [Page 82] and the large-scale distributions of wealth that followed upon rituals \u2026 The lapan was not responsible for ensuring that other members of the house community succeeded in collecting enough wealth. His only responsibility was to organize the occasions when the distributions were to be made. (Gustafsson, 1992, pp. 81-82)\r\n\r\n\"A lapan, we said, did not have authority to demand obedience from other members of his tali and, if he constantly failed to support them he might, in the end, even if he did not formally lose his title, be replaced by another man who took over the responsibility of organizing the activities of the house community. Although a lapan was appointed to his position, this, as we have already seen, was not sufficient if he wanted to consolidate his position. Rights to leadership through succession served as a foundation only, and, in order to gain popular support, he would constantly have to prove himself in a way which resembles the strategy of a \u2018Big Man\u2019.\" (Gustaffson, 1992, p. 82)\r\n\r\nWithin a village, each tali had certain functions. Whether or not lapan-ship is considered an office, these functions could be considered offices for groups if not individuals. The tali responsible for leadership in warfare was usually the dominant tali of the village:\r\n\r\n\"So far we have been discussing the organization of the tali, every village, however, was inhabited by several talis each of them represented by their own lapan. The different talis were hierarchically ranked in relation to each other, according to a particular area of knowledge, which each tali had made its own speciality. Every lapan was thus credited with [Page 84] certain knowledge of his own which he had received from his ancestors. One lapan, for example, was held to possess knowledge in organizing large scale fishing expeditions, while others possessed knowledge in such areas as organizing peace ceremonies, warfare or trading voyages. Every tali leader, thereby, had a special kind of knowledge of his own which, in spite of his affiliation to a particular tali, authorized him to organize intra-village activities. However not all activities were organized by these \u2018experts\u2019. If one house community, for example, was at war with another, it might not have obtained support from the lapan who was the expert on warfare, and instead be obliged to fight its own war. Equally, all the individual lapans organized activities, as for example fishing, for their own talis. It was only when the village as a whole was to carry out an enterprise on a larger scale, involving several house communities, that the lapan who possessed the special skill demanded for the occasion exercised his authority as leader. Should another man take over, then the project would be deemed to fail.\" (Gustafsson, 1992, p. 84)\r\n\r\n\"In the traditional village organization, as we said earlier, every village was inhabited by several talis, and, in every village, one of these was always ranked higher than the others. This tali, at least among the Titan, is today the tali of peace, but in the old days, as it seems, it was the tali of war. The Australian administration when they appointed the luluais, usually did so with the consent of the villagers. In consequence it was often the leader of this tali, the highest ranked lapan in the village, who was appointed luluai. The tultul, as a rule, was a younger man belonging to one of the lapan families, who had been trained to succeed the luluai. A luluai thus, was often a tultul before he became a luluai. The new leadership, thereby, was transferred into the traditional organization, and the luluai came to function much like a traditional leader.\" (Gustafsson, 1992, p. 100)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10270, "valueset_pk": 10270, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10270, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manus-titan-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 44, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 44, "glottocode": "tita1241", "ethonyms": "Titan; Manus; Manus True", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Titan", "Manus", "Manus True"]}, "id": "manus-titan", "name": "Manus (Titan)", "description": "Manus is the largest of the Admiralty Islands off the northern coast of New Guinea. However, the name Manus is also an ethnonym given to the speakers of the Titan language, a specific group living on and around the southern coast of the island. To distinguish the Titan-speakers from other peoples of Manus, they are sometimes known as \"Manus True\". Manus religion, which  the worship of spirits of deceased fathers by their sons, was studied in detail by Fortune (1935).", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -2.2, "longitude": 147.2}, "name": "Manus (Titan)"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [147.2, -2.2]}, "id": "manus-titan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18241", "name": "2", "description": "Tricky. Cauqueline says little about any supralocal authority, but indicates that it existed in the past at times among some Puyuma. \r\n\r\nThe Puyuma were divided into two subgroups, Katipul and Puyuma proper (Cauqueline, 2004, p. 1). Katipul consisted of a number of villages (eight in the twentieth century), but it appears that Puyuma consisted of only one (Cauqueline, 2004, pp. 25-28). \r\n\r\nIn the eighteenth century Pinadai, a man from Puyuma, proper was appointed governor over most of southern Taiwan. Many descendants of Pinadai became village chiefs, but it is not clear that any of them enjoyed the supralocal authority that he had.\r\n\r\n\"Leaving aside the mythological and legendary accounts and concentrating on history, Imperial Court hagiographers inform us that, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, a certain Pinadai, a man of the Raera household, settled in the village of Fangliao, located in the Kaohsiung and Chaoshan region \u2026 In the sixtieth year of emperor Kanghsi\u2019s reign in the Ch\u2019ing Manchu dynasty (1722), troubles fomented by Su Yi-kuei \ufb02ared up, and two of the instigators of these revolts, Wang Chong and Hsiang Chin-yi, took refuge in Taitung. The Emperor requested the help of Pinadai to capture these two outlaws. Immediately, Pinadai, whose reputation had already crossed the Puyuma boundaries, ordered each chief of the seventy-two surrounding aboriginal villages to catch the two fugitives. After their capture, the Emperor, very satis\ufb01ed with Pinadai\u2019s help, accorded him the title of \u2018great king of Peinan\u2019, and gave him the attributes of this rank: clothes, hats and shoes. The court also named him governor of the region extending from Sui Wei to Takang, i.e. from south of Hualien to Balangaw, in the suburbs of Taitung, and invested him with the power of levying taxes on all the peoples of the east coast: Amis, Paiwan and Rukai. \r\n\r\n\u201cRegarding relations with the Paiwan, we can distinguish two different periods of Puyuma hegemony over this people: the \ufb01rst narrated in the stories of Valikai and Taylor, and also mentioned by Mabuchi; and the second, later, period of Pinadai the \u2018king of Peinan\u2019. In Ferrell\u2019s (1977: 92) Paiwan dictionary we \ufb01nd the word \u2018 kaderunan: tribute gifts formerly given to Puyuma chiefs yearly \u2026 and this term is also found among the Puyuma: Kadununan. Each year, at harvest time, the populations subject to the \u2018great king of Peinan\u2019 had to pay their tribute in rice, wine and pork. When the \u2018great king of Peinan\u2019 travelled in person to a region, all the inhabitants had to give him the best wines and the tastiest dishes. Each village was governed by a chief, a vassal of the \u2018great King of Peinan\u2019. Gradually, the villages were obliged to pay all the expenses of the extraordinary ceremonies performed in the family of the \u2018great king of Peinan\u2019. This is an example of the Imperial Court of China\u2019s policy of \u2018governing barbarians by barbarians\u2019 and extortions similar [36] to those demanded by the \u2018native chiefs\u2019, tu si , from the populations of south China. An analysis of the consequences of this nomination is given in Figure 1.2, but, according to the Puyuma, a great many village chiefs have been elected from the Raera household since this period.\u201d (Cauquelin, 2004, pp. 34-36)\r\n\r\nIn the late nineteenth century, most of southern Taiwan was allegedly ruled by a chief called Karitag or Takitok:\r\n\r\n\u201cTaylor (1885\u2013 6: 195) writes a chapter about a group named the Tipuns. These are Puyuma from the village of Katipul, \u2018those of Tipul\u2019 \u2026 He notes that the Tipuns reign over the whole of the south, and mentions the name of their chief, Takitok, probably the famous Karitag.\u201d (Cauquelin, 2004, p. 18)\r\n\r\nAccording to another source, however:\r\n\r\n\u201cAccording to Mabuchi (1960), villages tend strongly towards local endogamy and political autonomy.\u201d (Lebar, 1975, p 124)\r\n\r\nPolitical organisation within the village:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe age-system is at the heart of politics, since it is where men\u2019s work is done. This role is particularly apparent in the relations linking it to another elementary division in society, that of the division of the village into moieties ... [147] ... We must also mention the existence of a village chief, even if his role is a secondary one. This personage does not belong to the age-set of Elders, he [148] is a \u2018virile-warrior\u2019; his status is not hereditary. According to the Puyuma, he was formerly chosen from the men of the founding household of the upper moiety, the founders of the community. According to eighteenth century historical chronicles, the Imperial Court nominated Pinadai, a Raera, \u2018great king of Peinan\u2019. His power, acquired from the Chinese administration, was strengthened by the Japanese, but, according to Fuijisaki (1928: 194), \u2018The power of the chiefs is very limited\u2019 \u2013 today his role is that of mayor in relation to the Taiwanese state, and he is always seconded by a civil servant ...The Elders did not transfer their powers to the chief, and his presence, apparently, did not change the various functions of the council of Elders; their power is pre-eminent, even though it is not a gerontocracy \u2026 Power is in the hands of the age-sets and the system moulds an egalitarian village society.\u201d (Cauqueline, 2004, pp 146-148)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10272, "valueset_pk": 10272, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10272, "jsondata": {}, "id": "puyuma-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 1, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 1, "glottocode": "puyu1239", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "puyuma", "name": "Puyuma", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.8, "longitude": 121.1}, "name": "Puyuma"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.1, 22.8]}, "id": "puyuma"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18411", "name": "2", "description": "Wogeo was divided into \u2018districts\u2019, in turn divided into \u2018villages\u2019. Each village usually contained two \u2018housing clusters\u2019 consisting of mostly agnatic kinsmen, though the Wogeo themselves strongly downplayed the importance of the clusters:\r\n\r\n\"The natives divide the island into five districts with radial boundaries that follow such natural features as ridges and valleys \u2026 At the southeast corner is Wonevaro, and then, traveling in a clockwise direction, come Bagiau, Ga, Bukdi, and Takul. These are grouped into pairs that are traditionally on friendly terms; in addition, each district has a hostile relationship with two others. So Wonevaro collaborates with Bukdi and struggles with Bagiau and Takul, Bagiau collaborates with Takul and struggles with Ga and Wonevaro, and so on \u2026 Within each district the component villages are located close to the shore. Bukdi, with the hills descending as cliffs into the sea, is exceptional, and there the settlements\u2014Gol, Bajor, and Kwablik\u2014have had to be built a few hundred yards inland. The majority of the villages have between 60 and 70 inhabitants, though three are only half that size and two, Ga and Bariat, slightly larger.\" (Hogbin, 1970, p 10)\r\n\r\n\"The inhabitants of a village form a local unit, but each unit is split into two, and usually the halves are more important than the whole.\" (Hogbin, 1970, p. 18)\r\n\r\n\"The residents of a housing cluster are verbally distinguishable by reference to their headman, as, for instance, Marigum's or Bagasal's people in Dap or Kawang's or Janggara's people in Gol; but there is no single native term that can be applied to them. Further, in the popular view they do not form a group in the social sense at all. That they can be isolated on the ground, with dwellings in a separate corner of the village, is regarded as irrelevant, and I was repeatedly informed that they do not on that account have any special mutual claims or special reciprocal duties. What is supposed to be vital is not this small selection of relatives but the total of the cognates, all the men and all the women with whom a person has, or believes he has, genealogical ties.\" (Hogbin, 1970, p. 21)\r\n\r\n\"Certainly it would be a grave mistake to underestimate the importance of the wide circle of cognates, but in the light of the foregoing discussion I have no hesitation in contradicting the statement that the households of the cluster do not form a social group. The truth is that they belong to a distinct and perpetual corporate entity, occupying their own territory, pooling labor, and owing allegiance to an hereditary leader. Unfortunately neither of the common terms, clan and lineage, is applicable. The criterion for membership is filiation\u2014being the child of a particular parent, usually the father, occasionally the mother\u2014and hence inheriting that parent's land rights. Cumulative filiation over the generations leads to the husbands in a cluster becoming a putative cognatic descent group, but as this condition is a by-product and not an essential, probably the expression should also be avoided. Thus there appears to be no alternative to the retention of my [Page 26] original phrase, the residents of the housing cluster, awkward and clumsy though it is.\" (Hogbin, 1970, pp. 24-26)\r\n\r\nDistricts had no leaders, but each village had a pair of headmen. Each of the two \u2018housing clusters\u2019 that made up each village was effectively the following of one of the headmen, though the Wogeo do not seem to have seen the situation this way \u2013 as noted above, they did not see the housing cluster as a group with particular rights and obligations. Elsewhere, Hobin (1978) notes that the word for village is malal (p. 20), and that the headman, when not simply called kokwal, was called kokwal malal (\u2018headman of the village\u2019) (p. 37). All this implies that Wogeo saw the headmen as village leaders, not cluster leaders. While this is a borderline case, village headmanship could be considered an office occupied by two incumbents.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10277, "valueset_pk": 10277, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10277, "jsondata": {}, "id": "wogeo-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 95, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 95, "glottocode": "woge1237", "ethonyms": "Vokeo; Wageva", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Vokeo", "Wageva"]}, "id": "wogeo", "name": "Wogeo", "description": "Wogeo is a volcanic island off the north coast of New Guinea. The people of Wogeo have been noted for their custom of penile bloodletting, which was seen as a form of male menstruation and was believed to be necessary for maintaining good health. The anthropologist Ian Hogbin referred to Wogeo in his 1970 ethnography as 'the island of menstruating men'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.2, "longitude": 144.1}, "name": "Wogeo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [144.1, -3.2]}, "id": "wogeo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17688", "name": "2", "description": "'Social organization' (Kamma, 1972, pp. 11-14)\r\n\r\n\"The Biak keret (clan), also called er in Numfor, derives its name from the raised part in the center of a big canoe (or vice versa). This is the seat of the keret elders, who are called eribo, those who sit on the er or keret. Keret and er are synonyms for head clan, while the sub clans are usually called keret kasun (small keret).\r\n\r\n\"The keret or er is a preferably exogamous, patrilineal kinship group. The head keret traces its descent from a traditional ancestor, and the small keret (sub clans) trace theirs from a real ancestor. The latter may therefore be called lineages ... [12] ... The organization and plan of the Biak village (menu) was in accordance with its character as a fighting group. Although the function of keret elder (adir - pillar), the representative of the keret in the council of elders (kankein karkara), was known, it was the mambri (hero) who especially enjoyed prestige ... [13] ... In the village organization, various activities were arranged by the mampapok (authorized representatives) ... As a result of the voyages ... to Tidore a new function of mananur menu village headman), called Dimara, came into being. More important were the Sengadji (district headmen), but in practice these were titular headmen enjoying little authority outside their own keret ...Titles derived from Tidore did not give any political power, nor did they give authority in the internal affairs of the group. Biak culture characteristically shows a tendency towards decentralization, causing subcultural factors (influence of keret, lineage, dialect group) to be relatively important.\" (Kamma, 1972, pp. 11-13)\r\n\r\n\u201cTraditionally the largest political communities were the villages. The core of the inhabitants of a village was formed by the male members of several keret, patrilineagges, these were land-holding groups and they formed part of larger patrilineal groupings, called also keret on Biak, and er on Numfor. The keret referred to later are the smaller groups \u2026Village affairs were dealt with by a council led by the head of the oldest keret in the village. All keret were represented on the council. Other members were war leaders and mediators in disputes; their positions were achieved rather than ascribed.\u201d (Galis, 1970, p. 2)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10278, "valueset_pk": 10278, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10278, "jsondata": {}, "id": "biak-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 88, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 88, "glottocode": "biak1248", "ethonyms": "Biak", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Biak"]}, "id": "biak", "name": "Biak", "description": "The people of the Biak Islands (off the northern coast of western New Guinea) speak one language, known as Biak, Numfor, or Biak-Numfor. Prior to European colonisation in the early 1900s, they were nominal vassals of the Tidore Sultanate. They are particularly well know for having being at the centre of the Koreri movement, a syncretic religion centering on the culture-hero Manarmakeri.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.0, "longitude": 136.0}, "name": "Biak"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [136.0, -1.0]}, "id": "biak"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18943", "name": "2", "description": "'Old stories and new' (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 26-48)\r\n\r\n'Birth and position: (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 184-214)\r\n\r\nThe Mekeo were divided into two territorial 'tribes', Pioufa and Ve'e. Ve'e was divided into two geographical divisions, Northern and Southern. Each tribe was divided into segmentary patrilineal descent groups. In the past there may have been two moieties (ngopu) within each tribe, but at the time of Hau'ofa's fieldwork this unit appears to have been recognised only among the Northern Ve'e. Descent groups of a lower order than the ngopu were called ikupu, a name given to dispersed clans, as well as to 'subclans' or localised branches of these clans. Villages were called pangua, and at least some of them consisted of 'wards' that were also called pangua:\r\n\r\n\u201cMekeo includes two tribes, Pioufa and Ve\u2019e. The latter is divided into two territorial units, Northern and Southern Ve'e, separated by the intervening territory of the Pioufa ... Seligmann (1910:327) wrote that each of the two tribes includes two ngopu groups. A ngopu consists of a number of pangua or clans claiming common patrilineal descent ... 'Each village consists of portions of a varying number of pangua (clans or local groups), representatives of each of which are found in few or many villages according to the strength and amount of dispersion of particular clans\u2019 (Seligmann 1910:312). Within the localised branch of a clan are units called ikupu or 'family groups', branches of the pangua ... Most of my informants from the Pioufa tribe expressed complete ignorance of what a ngopu is, a clear indication of the fact that this tribal unit is no longer of significance among the Pioufa. The few, mostly elderly men, who know the term gave conflicting answers ... Among the Northern Ve\u2019e there is no doubt that the ngopu as defined by Seligmann still exists and operates most conspicuously on ceremonial occasions ... [30] ... Of more relevance to the present chapter are Seligmann\u2019s statements that pangua refers to clans, and ikupu to 'family groups' or lineages within the localised branches of clans. The word pangua, as used by the people today, has only territorial connotations, and certainly does not apply to a social unit as such. Whether it ever meant 'clan' is a moot point; I am inclined to think that it did not. Mekeo use the term variously to mean a 'village', a 'settlement', a 'residential section' or 'ward' within a village, or even a 'country' ... When people refer to clans and localised subclans they use the word ikupu ... [31] ... Lineages or \u2018family\r\ngroups\u2019 (in Seligmann\u2019s usage) of a local branch of a clan are not necessarily referred to by the term ikupu\u2014as Seligmann asserted \u2014unless they have attained a certain degree of autonomy from the parent group ... In the remainder of this study 1 shall use the word pangua to mean 'village' or 'ward', and ikupu to refer to dispersed clans as well as to localised subclans (cf. Humphries 1923:223).\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 27-31)\r\n\r\nEach ward appears to have been associated with a 'founding subclan' who retained political dominance, but often included 'affiliated' subclans: \r\n\r\n\"The village comprises five named pangua or wards: Ongofo\u2019ina,\r\nInaufokoa, Inau\u2019i, Fopafo\u2019ina and Aloaivea, each deriving its name from its founding ikupu or subclan.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 34)\r\n\r\n\"These five subclans formed the nuclei of the five village wards. As the settlement grew, internal disputes precipitated the emigration of whole sections or smaller groups to other villages ... Those who left were replaced by other groups who had either been similarly pushed out from their own villages or had been in the area when the Pioufa first arrived. This is the explanation given by the villagers for the fact that all the wards of Beipa\u2019a, with the single exception of Inaufokoa, are composed of more than one subclan (Table 2).\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 36)\r\n\r\n\"The founding and dominant subclans of the village wards insist that their forefathers emigrated from the ancestral settlements of Isoisovapu and Isoisovina. This is true of most if not all Mekeo villages. The affiliated subclans, on the other hand, are mostly of non-Mekeo origin. It is probable that the migrants from the ancestral villages moved into the region between the Angabunga and Inawafunga Rivers and subjugated the small groups of people who were already there. This would explain in part the present dominant positions of the founding subclans and their chiefs over the affiliated subclans and their leaders.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 39)\r\n\r\nThe largest group that had the potential to act as a unit was clearly the tribe. Pioufa functioned as a military alliance, but neither Ve'e nor either of its subgroups appears to have any unity. According to Hau'ofa, Pioufa lacked any 'formal tribal-wide organisation besides that of the military', which appears to have been a loose network rather than a hierarchical command structure. However, Hau'ofa also describes Pioufa as having had a 'most senior chief' (who may have received tribute), a 'principal python magician', and a 'head war magician'. \r\n\r\n\"In the face of intertribal warfare, the long stability of the three main Pioufa villages was probably due to a large extent to their central locations, protected from outsiders by a ring of four small peripheral villages, Amoamo, Oriropetana, Inawae and Afa'i  ... Old men in these small villages said that in the precolonial past, when Pioufa was a more unified tribe, the peripheral villages acted as frontline outposts defending the main body of the tribe, three quarters of which lived in the three central villages ... Whether or not there was a deliberate, overall tribal defence plan in the location of its villages, the strategic location of the peripheral settlements are in themselves very significant ... [43] ... The position of the peripheral Pioufa villages was far from that of subservience to the central ones. The latter were dependent on them for their security and stability so could not afford to antagonise [44] them lest they emigrate elsewhere. The military interdependence between the peripheral and the central Pioufa villages was that facilitated by their proximity to each other ... Another factor which probably helped in maintaining an equitable balance between the central and the peripheral villages was that each of the small villages - except Afa'i about which I had no information - had mystical powers (or in one case, ceremonial position) superior to those of the central villages. The main chief of Oriropetana was, and still is, the most senior chief of all Pioufa. The present chief of that village once told me that in the past his forefathers received food tributes from distributions at feasts held in the villages of the entire tribe. Inawae had the third most senior sorcery lineage in the whole of Mekeo (the most senior sorcerers were from Bebeo, a small 'outpost' of Northern Ve'e). In Amoamo village lived the principal python magician in Pioufa ...  Although warfare was chronic, it is not the case that every tribe fought every other tribe all the time ... The wars fought by Mekeo at the onset of the colonial period were those among the Southern Ve'e villages themselves (BNG 1891-2:17) and between Amoamo and [the Northern Ve'e village of] Rarai ... [45] ... The forcible cessation of tribal warfare necessarily undermined the military authority, and although military leadership still survives it exists largely in a ceremonial sense. Furthermore, the cessation of warfare and threats of war removed the institution which provided the only formal organization for the whole Pioufa tribe, that is, the major military ceremonies and feasts. Apart from its territorial significance, the political importance of the tribe in the precolonial past lay in its military value: it was the largest territorial grouping for military co-operation and also the largest unit within which warfare was not supposed to be waged. There was no formal tribal-wide organisation besides that of the military. The largest group over which a Mekeo civilian chief had, and still has, primary authority is the ward. The military ceremonies involved large feasts which were for all the war chiefs of the tribe. These ceremonies maintained ties and obligations to be exploited when a group waging war needed assistance from others. The main civilian ceremonies, on the other hand, involved only a limited number of groups which constitute feasting and ceremonial dyads known as ufuapie ... With the abolition of warfare, military ceremonies ceased and with them the only tribal-wide ceremonial ties disappeared. The last military ceremony to be held in Beipa'a was in 1921 with the death of Foisau Aisama'a, the head [46] war magician of all Pioufa.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 42-46) \r\n\r\nAt least two chiefly offices were associated with each independent subclan: that of pangua lopianga ('civilian chieftainship') and iso lopianga ('military chieftainship'). In larger subclans the civilian chieftainship was divided between a 'senior chief' (lopia fa'a) and a 'junior chief' (lopia eke). The senior chief in theory outranked both the 'war chief' and the 'junior chief'. In most villages, the senior chief of the 'founding subclan' was recognised as the chief of the whole village, though this role was 'largely ceremonial and symbolic', and the 'primary authority' of a senior chief was 'largely confined to his subclan or ward'. Presumably the authority of the 'most senior chief of all Pioufa' mentioned above (p. 43) was even more nominal:\r\n\r\n\"Since Seligmann\u2019s description of Mekeo chieftainship is based on information collected in the early years of encounter with Europeans, I shall use a brief summary of it as the basis of my analysis. Seligmann (1910:342-8) stated that each subclan has or should have two leaders: a high chief, lopia fa\u2019a, and a war chief, iso lopia, with the former ranking higher in authority than the latter. Many subclans are divided into two sections, fa \u2019aniau and eke'i, the headmen of the latter being officially called lopia eke'i. Seligmann offers no English translation for lopia eke'i who, he said, are henchmen and assistants of their superiors, the high chiefs ... As a rule high chiefs do not take active part in warfare unless their [185] villages are subjected to surprise nocturnal attacks. In ordinary fights they can stop hostilities by parading unarmed between the combatant lines shaking lime from their gourds ... The responsibility for all matters related to warfare rests on war chiefs who can have their own ufu [hall] for the performance of the functions pertaining to their office ... With the exception of Beipa\u2019a, Aipiana and Rarai, each village in Pioufa and Northern Ve\u2019e has a senior chief who is considered the head chief of the village. These are chiefs of subclans which founded their respective villages. The pre-eminence of the head chief of a village is largely ceremonial and symbolic, although a strong and resourceful head chief, like Vitolo Mainonga of Imounga, can use his position to become effectively dominant over the whole village (cf. MacGregor in BNG 1889-90:80; Stephen 1974). A senior chief\u2019s primary authority, however, is largely confined to his subclan or ward.\" (Hau\u2019ofa, 1981, pp. 184-185)\r\n\r\n\"The distinction made by Seligmann between the \u2018high chief\u2019 and the \u2018war chief\u2019 needs clarification. Properly speaking, the more basic distinction is that between pangua lopianga, \u2018chieftainship of the village\u2019, and iso lopianga, \u2018chieftainship of the spear\u2019. This distinction refers to the fundamental division of authority in Mekeo society between the civilian and the military. In a fully grown subclan, the civilian chieftainship is divided between the lopia fa\u2019a(niau) and the lopia eke (plural lopia eke\u2019i). We have seen in Chapter 4 that the terms [185] fa \u2019aniau and eke mean \u2018senior\u2019 and \u2018junior\u2019 respectively. Henceforth, I shall use the terms \u2018senior chiefs\u2019 and \u2018junior chiefs\u2019 in reference to the holders of the top civilian offices. Seligmann\u2019s use of the term \u2018high chief\u2019 is correct in so far as it indicates the higher ranking and authority of the senior over junior and war chiefs.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 184-185)\r\n\r\n\"The distinction made by Seligmann between the \u2018high chief\u2019 and the \u2018war chief\u2019 needs clarification. Properly speaking, the more basic distinction is that between pangua lopianga, \u2018chieftainship of the village\u2019, and iso lopianga, \u2018chieftainship of the spear\u2019. This distinction refers to the fundamental division of authority in Mekeo society between the civilian and the military. In a fully grown subclan, the civilian chieftainship is divided between the lopia fa\u2019a(niau) and the lopia eke (plural lopia eke\u2019i). We have seen in Chapter 4 that the terms [185] fa \u2019aniau and eke mean \u2018senior\u2019 and \u2018junior\u2019 respectively. Henceforth, I shall use the terms \u2018senior chiefs\u2019 and \u2018junior chiefs\u2019 in reference to the holders of the top civilian offices. Seligmann\u2019s use of the term \u2018high chief\u2019 is correct in so far as it indicates the higher ranking and authority of the senior over junior and war chiefs.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 185-186)\r\n\r\nAmong the Northern Ve'e (and possibly other Mekeo groups in the past), subclans living in different villages were organised in ngopu, and were to some extent subject to the authority of the 'chiefs of the senior branches of the ngopu':\r\n\r\n\"In late 1972 I went to a feast in the Northern Ve'e village of Imounga in which the whole population of the village was divided into two groups: those who had assisted the feast-giving subclan and those who arrayed themselves with the official guests. [30] Representatives of clans of other Northern Ve'e villages attended the feast and aligned themselves with one or the other group on the basis of their ngopu affiliations (the two ngopu being Kuapengi and Ngangai). The ngopu affiliations were, with one exception, exactly along the lines documented by Seligmann [sic]. Early in the same year I attended a feast for the installation of a new chief of Ngangai (Northern Ve'e) subclan in the Inawi (Pioufa) village. The feast was attended by the branches of the Ngangai ngopu from Northern Ve'e to oversee the preparations and the installation. The feast-giving chief told me that he could not install his successor without consultation with, and the actual presence of, the chiefs of the senior branches of the ngopu.\" (Hau\u2019ofa, 1981, pp. 27-30)\r\n\r\nAltogether, it seems likely that effective political authority among the Mekeo was largely confined to the subclan, but could extend to the village or ngopu in at least some cases.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10284, "valueset_pk": 10284, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10284, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mekeo-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 65, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 65, "glottocode": "meke1243", "ethonyms": "Bush Mekeo", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bush Mekeo"]}, "id": "mekeo", "name": "Mekeo", "description": "The Mekeo are an Austronesian-speaking people living on the mainland of New Guinea, not far from the capital Port Moresby. In terms of indigenous supernatural belief and practices, the emphasis in Mekeo culture was on the magical rather than the religious. Ungaunga (sorcerers) played a major role in maintaining social order.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.6, "longitude": 146.6}, "name": "Mekeo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [146.6, -8.6]}, "id": "mekeo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18154", "name": "2", "description": "'The localities studied': Ivens (1929, pp. 22-54)\r\n\r\n'Chiefs': Ivens (1927, pp. 109-129)\r\n\r\nSettlement pattern was one of small hamlets grouped into 'districts' or 'villages'. No indication of any chiefs with a larger sphere of authority than the district/village. On Ulawa, chieftainship appears to have been limited to the hamlet. The village/district of Sa'a had a 'head chief', though the role of this figure is not quite clear. \r\n\r\nRole of chiefs in general:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe chiefs were not allowed to go to battle. The role of the war leader was left to others \u2026 The main social function of the chiefs was the provision of feasts \u2026 They exercised no form of government in our sense of the term, though they inflicted punishment or levied a fine for the infringement of the tabu which they placed on anything. The behaviour of the community was regulated by an intuitive sense of what was right and proper, by what Dr Rivers calls \u2018group-sentiment\u2019 \u2026 Any lapses from the accepted standards, e.g. adultery and marriage within prohibited degrees, or theft among commoners, was dealt with either by the persons concerned or by the community generally without any reference to the chief.\u201d (Ivens, 1927/1972, p 128)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10285, "valueset_pk": 10285, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10285, "jsondata": {}, "id": "saa-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 113, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 113, "glottocode": "saaa1240", "ethonyms": "Sa'a, Ulawa, Uki Ni Masi", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sa'a, Ulawa, Uki Ni Masi"]}, "id": "saa", "name": "Sa'a", "description": "Sa'a-speakers of Maramasike (Small Malaita), Ulawa, Uki Ni Masi and the Three Sisters Islands.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.6, "longitude": 161.5}, "name": "Sa'a"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [161.5, -9.6]}, "id": "saa"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18528", "name": "2", "description": "'Social organization. Government. The village' (Cole & Gale, 1922, pp. 359-370)\r\n\r\n\"The head of the village is known as lakay. He is usually a man past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him, but this is by no means certain.\r\n\r\n\"The lakay is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is actually very great. Should a lakay deal unjustly with the people, or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely through the esteem in which he is held by his people.\r\n\r\n\"In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers, but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been established in many towns. The contest for office and government recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system and to concentrate the power in the presidente or mayor.\" (Cole & Gale, 1922, p 359).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10291, "valueset_pk": 10291, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10291, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tinguian-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 98, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 98, "glottocode": "bino1237", "ethonyms": "Itneg; Tinggian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Itneg", "Tinggian"]}, "id": "tinguian", "name": "Tinguian", "description": "The Tinguian or Itneg live in the western Cordillera of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippines. Headhunting played a central role in their indigenous religion - when a prominent man died, it was essential to conduct a headhunting raid to end the period of mourning that followed. Until the early twentieth century, the Christianized neighbours of the Tinguian would often fall victim to these raids. Like the other peoples of the Cordillera, the Tinguian converted to Christianity in the course of the twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 17.6, "longitude": 120.8}, "name": "Tinguian"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.8, 17.6]}, "id": "tinguian"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "21286", "name": "2", "description": "\"These villages have no general chief who rules over them, but each village is independent. Nor has any village its own head-man who governs it; although it may have a nominal council, consisting of twelve men of good repute. Every two years the councillors lay down their office, and others are chosen in their stead. Councillors must be about forty years of age, and all of them of the same age. Although they know nothing of the number of years, and no, one really knows how long he has lived, still they do remember on what day, and in what year and month, they were born. When coun- cillors have been in oiEce two years, each causes the hair on both sides of his forehead to be plucked out, which is a sign that he has fulfilled his term and is no longer in office. Then, other councillors of the same age are chosen.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe dignity and power of the councillors, however, is not so great that their laws must be obeyed or their commands listened to; but whenever a difficulty arises they meet, and deliberate about the best way of solving it. Having come to a decision they call all the people of the village together to one of the palaver or idol houses, the question is propounded, and for half an hour they discuss the pros and cons of the matter. When one speaker is tired, another takes his place, and they thus endeavour, by dint of many words, to persuade the people to accept their proposal. Perfect order is maintained; for, while an orator is speaking, no one would think of interrupting him, though there were a thousand hearers. At their eloquence I have been thoroughly astonished, for I actually believe Demosthenes himself could not have been more eloquent or have had a greater selection of words at his command. The councillors having finished speaking, the people deliberate about the proposal among themselves; and they may accept what the councillors propose or not, as they think fit. There is no compulsion; every one judging for himself of the advantages or disadvantages of the proposal.\r\n\r\n\"It is also part of a councillor's office to see that the commands of their priestesses are duly obeyed, and to prevent everything that they fancy may provoke the anger of their gods. Whenever anything has occurred which [16] they think may incense their gods, or when a private interest is at stake, these twelve persons are considered competent to judge concerning the matter, and they have the power to inflict certain punishments. These punishments never take the form of imprisonment, chains, or any other corporal punishment; but of fines, it may be of some piece of clothing, a deer skin, or a jar of their strong drink, according to the offence.\" (Candidius, quoted in Campbell, 1903, pp. 15-16)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10298, "valueset_pk": 10298, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10298, "jsondata": {}, "id": "siraya-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 46, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 46, "glottocode": "sira1267", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "siraya", "name": "Siraya", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.9, "longitude": 120.4}, "name": "Siraya"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.4, 22.9]}, "id": "siraya"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17951", "name": "2", "description": "Brief overview of Marovo \u2018coastal polity\u2019: Hviding (1996, pp 86-88)\r\n\r\n\u201cGroup leadership in the precolonial Marovo polity of headhunting coastal people was concentrated in the three important institutionalized positions of bangara, varane, and chiama, each of which was normally found in every corporate bububutu. The first and highest-ranking was the largely hereditary position of leader (bangara) of \u2018group politics\u2019 or binangara. The bangara held the important ancestral skulls and shell valuables of the butubutu, regulated the use of and access to the ancestral territory, kept genealogical information, organized feasts and other important ceremonial activities, as well as the manufacture and exchange of clamshell valuables, and was the most powerful among the \u2018important men\u2019 (palabatu) of his group \u2026 Each bangara had as his functionary one or more leading warriors (varane, literally \u2018brave, warriorlike\u2019\u2019), whose responsibility was to organize and lead warriors of the butubutu (including temporary associates) in raiding, feuding, and warfare \u2026 A chiama (head priest) was likewise attached to each bangara. His job was to organize religious ceremonies and to mediate between the bangara and the spirit world on behalf of the butubutu. One of the main tasks of chiama was to secure tinamanae (foreseeable bestowal of efficacy \u2013 a causative noun construct based on mana) for the butubutu\u2019s actities, largely through sacrifices to, and divinatory communication with, ancestral spirits (poda). Although bangara and other influential persons \u2026 could perform minor sacrifices and communicate with ancestral spirits at lesser shrines, chiama had overall responsibility for ceremonial activity at major shrines such as the oru where skulls of former bangara are kept and where human sacrifice was performed.\u201d (Hviding, 1996, pp 86-87)\r\n\r\nMost 'corporate butubutu' appear to have been localised in one village, though some were larger:\r\n\r\n\"Clearly, the land and sea terror- [155] ries of Marovo are not controlled by village groups as such. Rather, primary control is in the hands of the resident butubutu core, who constitute the majority of any village population, and who act on behalf of the entire butubutu. The butubutu, not the village, acts as the corporate group \u2026 Larger butubutu may have two or more villages within the puava \u2026  as a result of ancient or more recent splits of localized groups because of enmity or, more often, overpopulation. The existence of more than one village may also result from the establishment earlier in the twentieth century of two different missions in the area of one butubutu, in which case fission may be more complete.\" (Hviding, 1996, pp. 154-155)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10304, "valueset_pk": 10304, "domainelement_pk": 272, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 272, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "150-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10304, "jsondata": {}, "id": "marovo-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 112, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 112, "glottocode": "maro1244", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "marovo", "name": "Marovo", "description": "The coastal people of Marovo Lagoon, who speak a language of the same name.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.5, "longitude": 157.8}, "name": "Marovo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [157.8, -8.5]}, "id": "marovo"}]}