{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Political Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "19056", "name": "1", "description": "\"At the time of their first recorded contact with Westerners, in 1872, the Austronesian-speaking people known as Motu lived in thirteen nucleated seaside villages on the south coast of the New Guinea mainland, immediately east and west of Port Moresby ... [213] ... Although no precise figures are available,\r\nfrom the random observations of early missionaries and other\r\nvisitors the total population of all Motu villages at the time of\r\nfirst contact, including the small Koita minorities in some villages, has been estimated at between 4,000 and 5,000 ... Motu villages were traditionally closely nucleated, the houses\r\ntypically built out in lines over the water. Wooden walkways\r\nlinked the houses in each line. Each of the independent, localized descent groups (iduhu), which together constituted the\r\nvillage polity, occupied its own line of houses ... [214] ... Normally, the senior married male agnate is recognized within an iduhu as its leader, and within a household as its head, and the status of other male members is determined by genealogical seniority both between and within generations. At the village level, there was traditionally no formal status hierarchy, but prominent men, for the most part iduhu leaders, competed for status and influence through the sponsorship and management of enterprises that conferred prestige, such as hiri expeditions, feasts with dancing, bride-wealth payments, and (in precolonial times) feats of military leadership ... Political decisions at the village level were traditionally achieved and maintained through\r\npublic debate, in which political leaders (big-men) used a rhetoric invoking their superior achievements and prestige,\r\nwhich in turn reflected the range and size of their support networks, to 'shame\" other participants out of contention until a\r\nclear victor or a winning consensus emerged.'' (Groves, 1991, pp. 212-214)\r\n\r\n\"Poreporena had no government, but it did have leaders. In each iduhu, leadership was usually hereditary, descending from eldest son to eldest son in the senior male line. The incumbent  was called the iduhu kwarana, 'head' of the iduhu, and in Motu the word kwara was used, as in English, to denote both the head as a part of the body and the senior man in a group; its emphasis was on formal status, in this case genealogical status \u2026 [81] \u2026 The iduhu kwarana lived in the front house of the iduhu, and his verandah (dehe) was the  ceremonial focus of the iduhu. On it, at all times, the older men of the iduhu (the tau badana) met and gossiped. On it, during a feast, foodstuffs were placed to honour the lineage forbears. On it decisions were taken and agreements reached. The dehe was, in a sense, the iduhu's temple and its consultative chamber, but such analogies gravely distort the facts; the iduhu kwarana was neither a political authority nor a priest, he was simply the senior elder (primus  inter pares) whose ritual associations and worldly opinions were entitled to special respect. There was no political machinery, and there were no formal sanctions.\" (Groves, 2011, pp 80-81)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10191, "valueset_pk": 10191, "domainelement_pk": 271, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 271, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "150-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10191, "jsondata": {}, "id": "motu-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 11, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 11, "glottocode": "motu1246", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "motu", "name": "Motu", "description": "The Motu are an Austronesian-speaking people who historically lived in the area that now Port Moresby, the capital of Papua New Guinea. They were heavily involved in trade, and their trading expeditions (hiri) played an important role in their ceremonial life. In historic times, Motu have played a prominent role in Papua New Guinea society and government.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.5, "longitude": 147.1}, "name": "Motu"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [147.1, -9.5]}, "id": "motu"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "20152", "name": "1", "description": "The only group larger than a household that appears to have had any kind of official leadership was the 'joint household'. This was usually a group of households whose heads were a set of brothers or a father and his sons. The joint household cooperated in a range of economic endeavours and was under the authority of the eldest household head:\r\n\r\n\u201cBetween the settlement unit and the constituent household is a discernable grouping of special note. This is the joint household that is held together by bonds of close kinship and made up of several closely related households, usually living in the same settlement. This is the social unit within which garden labor is regularly exchanged when new gardens are being cleared and seeded. It is a grouping that often shares food, eats from a common oven, and cooperates in many ways when a large labor force is needed. It is also a group that is apt to form a bloc under its senior household head in the men's house association.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe joint household group consists of two or more households linked by close agnatic ties among their male heads. That is to say, it is brought together under the recognized kinship authority of a senior living man such as an elder brother and his younger brothers, a father and his sons, or both of these lateral and lineal ties combined.\r\n\r\n\u201cAt times when even greater resources are demanded, such as preparing for feasts, this joint household grouping is expanded to include married daughters and sisters, their husbands and entire households. Were this society characterized by some kind of patrilineal descent categories, this mobilization of household resources by siblingships and agnatic filial links would merely represent the minimal span of the lineage principal. Descent, on the contrary, is reckoned matrilineally. Therefore, the joint households is formed by principles of [173] filiation alone and is to be considered a manifestation of the kinship system, not descent.\r\n\r\n\"Furthermore, when a senior agnate dies, the joint household does not cohere in his name or by virtue of the fact that the constituent households are related through a common and remembered male agnate. If, for example, one brother of a siblingship lives, he has authority over all the households of his younger brothers and those descended from them, whether his siblings are alive or not. When he dies, as the last of his siblingship, the descended household heads of his siblingship do not regroup in the same ways. Each then coheres around its senior male sibling who has authority over other household heads descended from that siblingship. It is this mode of passing on authority, without reference to common descent beyond the living, that prevents, so to speak, patrilineal lineages from forming.\u201d (Davenport, 1969, pp. 172-173)\r\n\r\nThe 'men's house association', described as the 'main political organisation' in this society, was larger than the joint household, but unlike the joint household leadership of this association was achievement-based, informal, and non-authoritarian:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe men's house association and the structure itself (sepola\u016b) have already been mentioned in a number of varied contexts. As indicated, the association is the main political organization of this society. Its members are adult men, but [214] its constituencies are households, single and joint. Influence within the association is the same as general social rank which is derived in the first place by wealth spent on several kinds of rites and observances. The leadership of an association was, and is, anything but authoritarian. Usually, one man is recognized as senior in it, and the house is spoken of as belonging to him. But all men of influence have a say in its deliberations and decisions. There are no formal offices or positions as was the case on Utupua and Vanikoro ... Formerly, one of the major concerns of the men's house association was stimulating and maintaining trade and the specialized crafts upon which trade depended. Most men's house had trading alliances with other distant houses in the Reef Islands and on other islands of the Santa Cruz Group. This meant that when either partner in the alliance made a trading expedition it went first to its partner's house to obtain hospitality and to give the first opportunity to buy.\u201d (Davenport, 1969, pp. 213-214)\r\n\r\n\u201cAs always, any man is free to organize a men's house association. All he needs is a following. The following can be as minimal as the men drawn, by kinship ties, from his own joint household. It can be as maximal as to embrace the men of several residential wards or an entire village. To have a small association means it has few resources to manipulate, and there is no way in which a large and important group can be assembled by purely coercive or ascriptive means. Every association of importance is a group that coheres around its senior man or men by virtue of their achieved power and influence. This is the essence of the open and volatile political system of Melanesia that is often called the \u2018Big Man System\u2019.\r\n\r\n\u201cThis system is a political structure without government; an organization that exists only as long as its leadership effectively deals with recognized problems and activities about which there is public concern. Its growth and decline, continuity and succession depend upon two things: highly regarded resources and social activities by means of which men can aspire to win differential positions of social influence and dignity and the requisite distribution of personalities that provides persons who will actively compete for prestige.\u201d (Davenport, 1969, p. 220)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10199, "valueset_pk": 10199, "domainelement_pk": 271, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 271, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "150-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10199, "jsondata": {}, "id": "main-reef-islands-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 120, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 120, "glottocode": "ayiw1239", "ethonyms": "Main Reef Islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Main Reef Islanders"]}, "id": "main-reef-islands", "name": "Main Reef Islands", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.3, "longitude": 166.3}, "name": "Main Reef Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [166.3, -10.3]}, "id": "main-reef-islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "17695", "name": "1", "description": "'Political life and control': Jenks (1905, pp. 167-171)\r\n\r\n\"The Spaniard created a \u2018presidente\u2019 and a \u2018vice-presidente\u2019 for the various pueblos he sought to control, but these men, as often Ilokano as Igorot, were the avenue of Spanish approach to the natives \u2013 they were almost never the natives\u2019 mouthpiece \u2026 Aside from these two pueblo officers the government and control of the pueblo is purely aboriginal. Each ato, of which, as has been noted, there are seventeen, has its group of old men called \u2018\u012dn-tug-tu\u2019-kan.\u2019 This \u012dn-tug-tu\u2019-kan\u2019 is not an organization, except that it is intended to be perpetual, and, in a measure, self-perpetuating. It is a thoroughly democratic group of men, since it is composed of all the old men in the ato, no matter how wise or foolish, rich or poor \u2013 no matter what the man\u2019s social standing may be. Again, it is democratic \u2013 the simplest democracy \u2013 in that it has no elective organization, no headmen, no superiors or inferiors whose status in the \u012dn-tug-tu\u2019-kan is determined by the members of the group. The feature of self-perpetuation displays itself in that it decides when the various men of the ato become am-a\u2019-ma, \u2018old men,\u2019 and therefore members of \u012dn-tug-tu\u2019-kan. A person is told some day to come and counsel with the \u012dn-tug-tu\u2019-kan, and thenceforth he is a member of the group.\r\n\r\n\"In all matters with which the \u012dn-tug-tu\u2019-kan deals it is supreme in its ato, but in the ato only; hence the opening statement of the chapter that no man or group of men holds the control of the pueblo. The [168] life of the several ato has been so similar for such a number of generations that, in matters of general interest, the thoughts of one \u012dn-tug-tu\u2019-kan will be practically those of all others. For instance, there are eight ceremonial occasions on which the entire pueblo rests from agricultural labors, simply because each ato observes the same ceremonials on identical days \u2026 Again, when a person of the pueblo has been killed by another pueblo treacherously or in ambush, or in any way except by fair fight, the pueblo as a unit hastens to avenge the death on the pueblo of the slayer.\" (Jenks, 1905, pp. 167-168)\r\n\r\n\"There is little differentiation of the functions of the \u012dn-tug-tu\u2032-kan. It hears, reviews, and judges the individual disagreements of the members of the ato and makes laws by determining custom. It also executes its judgments or sees that they are executed. It makes treaties of peace, sends and accepts or rejects challenges of war for its ato. In case of interato disagreements of individuals the two \u012dn-tug-tu\u2032-kan meet and counsel together, representing the interests of the persons of their ato. In other words, the pueblo is a federation made up of seventeen geographical and political units, in each of which the members recognize that their sanest, ripest wisdom dwells with the men who have had the longest experience in life; and the group of old men\u2014sometimes only one man and sometimes a dozen\u2014is known as \u012dn-tug-tu\u2032-kan, and its wisdom is respected to the degree that it is regularly sought and is accepted as final judgment, being seldom ignored or dishonored. In matters of a common interest the pueblo customarily acts as a unit. Probably could it not so act, factions would result causing separation from the federation. This state of things is hinted as one of the causes why the ancestors of present Samoki separated from the pueblo of Bontoc. The fact that they did separate is common knowledge, and a cause frequently assigned is lack of space to develop. However, there may have been disagreement.\" (Jenks, 1905, p. 168)\r\n\r\nSettlement pattern:\r\n\r\n\"Bontoc and Samoki pueblos, in all essentials typical of pueblos in the Bontoc area, lie in the mountains in a roughly circular pocket called Pa-pas\u2019-kan \u2026 Bontoc lies compactly built on a sloping piece of ground, roughly about half a mile square \u2026 [49] \u2026 Bontoc is composed of seventeen political divisions, called \u2018a\u2019-to\u2019 \u2026 Each a\u2019-to is a separate political division \u2026 The pueblo must be studied entirely through the a\u2019-to. It is only [50] an aggregate of which the various a\u2019-to are the units, and all the pueblo life there is is due to the similarity of interests of the several a\u2019-to.\" (Jenks, 1905, pp. 48-50)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10204, "valueset_pk": 10204, "domainelement_pk": 271, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 271, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "150-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10204, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bontok-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 89, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 89, "glottocode": "cent2292", "ethonyms": "Bontoc Igorot", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bontoc Igorot"]}, "id": "bontok", "name": "Bontok", "description": "The Bontok (also known as Bontoc Igorots) live in and around the town of Bontoc in the Cordillera of Luzon, and speak several closely related languages. Historically they lived in large villages or towns (often called 'pueblos') and cultivated rice using a sophisticated system of terraces.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 17.1, "longitude": 121.1}, "name": "Bontok"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.1, 17.1]}, "id": "bontok"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "19219", "name": "1", "description": "In the Encyclopaedia of World Cultures, Davenport denies the presence of any 'political offices':\r\n\r\n\"Political Organization: Traditionally, the basic political\r\nunit was the set of households (one to twenty or more) whose male heads belonged to the same men's association. One or more men's associations, in a loose confederation, formed a village, and most villages, over time, became incorporated to the extent that they controlled and defended a bounded territory. Such was the corporate district. Most districts were hostile to each other, but alliances between men's associations of different districts made it possible for men to cross the boundaries ... [292] ... There were no political offices. Each men's association was governed, autocratically, by its most influential senior men (big-men); district policies and interdistrict relations were handled by informal groups of senior men. Personal rivalries among senior men were common, and this constant tension led to divisiveness and fighting at each political level.\" (Davenport, 1991, p 291-292). \r\n\r\nHowever, in 'Social structure of Santa Cruz', a more detailed source, Davenport mentions something that approaches our definition of political authority. 'Extended families' consisted of multiple nuclear-family households and cooperated in a range of economic endeavours under the direction of a 'senior agnate':\r\n\r\n\u201cBeyond the range of the nuclear family household, and the infrequent joint-family domestic arrangement, there is a strong, well-knit extended family organization. Extended families vary in size, strength, and degree of cohesion, yet they figure prominently in just about every activity or undertaking. Sometimes they consist of two generations, sometimes three; sometimes they embrace only married siblings, yet they may include male patrilateral parallel cousins. Such variations are determined by these principles: fathers, sons, and brothers invariably form extended family groups, clustered about and under the authority of the senior male agnate. Male patrilateral parallel cousins are included only as long as one [71] of the senior males of the linking siblingship still lives. This is to say, the extended family must cohere around a living male who is either a lineal (i.e., father, father's father) or a brother of a lineal (i.e., father's brother, father's father's brother). The extended family, then, consists of the households of males who are lineal descendants of a male siblingship of which one member still lives. This eliminates households of sister's children and, therefore, cross-cousins; and because it must form around a living man, the group does not go on expanding as might a localized lineage. In-marrying wives of the men of an extended family have a primary allegiance to their husbands' families, but they are also called upon from time to time to assist their brothers and fathers in some of the undertakings of their extended families, and this may involve the marginal participation of their husbands as well.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe extended family, having as its point of reference a living, senior male agnate, may seem to be a minimal lineage. Indeed, it is this if we assume that lineage differentiation occurs with the death of brothers of a siblingship, after which the households of descending males become independent from each other. But when an extended family divides into separate units, each with its own senior agnate as director of its affairs, these divisions become completely independent of one another. Fission, not segmentation, has occurred. The fission is demonstrated by a complete separation of the activities over which the extended family extends its authority. The family exercises control over bride-prices and marriage; it supervises and cooperates in maturation observances for its youngsters; it serves in the distribution of garden lands, and as a unit of distribution of food at feasts. Fission, rather than segmentation, is easily accomplished, because of the indifference to genealogical reckoning.\" (Davenport, 1964, pp. 70-71)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10208, "valueset_pk": 10208, "domainelement_pk": 271, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 271, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "150-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10208, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nendo-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 50, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 50, "glottocode": "nang1262", "ethonyms": "Santa Cruz islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Santa Cruz islanders"]}, "id": "nendo", "name": "Nendo", "description": "Nendo is the largest of the Santa Cruz islands. The people of Nendo lived in small, autonomous, egalitarian communities. Religion was based on a class of deities called dukna, most of whom were the spirits of culture-hero like beings who lived in the distant past, and some of whom were powerful enough to be considered gods. These beings were embodied in sacred figurines called munga dukna, many of which were collected by missionaries in the early twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.7, "longitude": 165.9}, "name": "Nendo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [165.9, -10.7]}, "id": "nendo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "19245", "name": "1", "description": "'Social organization' (Held, 1957, pp 45-85)\r\n\r\n\u2018Chiefs\u2019 (Held, 1957, pp. 69-81)\r\n\r\nThe Waropen lived in villages divided into clans (da). Clans had leaders, but it seems that villages did not until the appointment of village chiefs by the Dutch. The head of the clan was the serambawa. \r\n\r\n\"The Waropen villages of the Kai distict are divided into two, four or five da. A da is a local, non-exogamous group formed by a number of ruma, houses, which, however, are exogamous.\"(Held, 1957, p  47)\r\n\r\n\u201cGeneral controlling powers, when necessary supported by external compulsion, are to be looked for in vain as regards the Waropen clan-chief. This is quite likely the reason why writers report again and again that in this society the power of chiefs does not exist. The clan-chief should not believe for a moment that his personal orders would be obeyed; in this respect the members of the clan feel themselves too much members of the family. But on the other hand it would be a mistake to underrate the influence of the clan-chief in matters of everyday life; a clan-chief who is able to become the organ of the communis opinio of his fellow-clansmen may quite well acquire great influence \u2026 The fact that the clan-chief can really interfere is shown by one of the stories I took down. There [75] it is said that a famine started in a certain place, 'and thereupon', the story continues, 'their clan-chief ordered them to leave' (Texts 178). \r\n\r\n\u201cHowever, the clan-chief can do little by himself and therefore he always acts in consultation with other influential men, the so-called manobawa, the great men, i.e. the well-known warriors and the leaders of the various important family-branches. In that case the serabawa and the manobawa together form a kind of council of elders, which usually meets on the porch of the seraruma. All important matters are discussed at these meeting sand it is a question of personal authority whether a person is able to impose his will on the meeting.\" (Held, 1957, pp 74-75)\r\n\u201cIn short, one may say that the clan-chief, usually together with the other old men of his clan, acts when there are unpaid debts in his clan. Where \u2018suangi\u2019 or other excommunicated persons are concerned, blood has usually to be paid with blood. Hence, the clan-chief and his elders came to act also in all cases of serious violation of adat law \u2026 Another chapter will be devoted to the function of the clan-chief as leader of the raiding-party, where he attempts to obtain slaves and the property of others, or to revenge the blood lost by his clan by causing other blood to flow.\u201d (Held, 1957, pp. 74-75)\r\n\r\n\"The position of the clan-chief is not that of a village burgomaster with clearly defined administrative duties. The former serabawa was the leader of the raiding-parties; and in general the leader of the potlatch-ritual. With the support of the prominent old men he was quite able to exercise considerable influence. The clan-chief and his men saw to the payment of the wergeld, the execution of \u2018suangi\u2019 [sorcerers] and the punishment of serious infractions of adat law, because he was the direct, more or less sacred descendant of the ancestors who had once established the moral order and who still now continue to threaten violations of that order with punishment. On the other hand the feeling of solidarity of the clan is so great that the clan-chief need not think [81] for a moment that he might govern his waribo [followers]; he has no powers at his disposal to enable him to give arbitrary commands or to enforce obedience.\" (Held, 1957, pp 80-81)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10228, "valueset_pk": 10228, "domainelement_pk": 271, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 271, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "150-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10228, "jsondata": {}, "id": "waropen-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 7, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 7, "glottocode": "waro1242", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "waropen", "name": "Waropen", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -2.3, "longitude": 136.5}, "name": "Waropen"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [136.5, -2.3]}, "id": "waropen"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "20705", "name": "1", "description": "\u201cThere are six villages on Botel Tobago. Every village is an autonomous polity. No island-wide political authority has ever existed. Within the village, there is neither a formal leadership with political specialists nor social classes differentiated in terms of wealth, status, or power.\u201d (Yu, 1991, p. 47)\r\n\r\n\"The Yami differentiate themselves internally into subgroups whose identities and memberships are arrived at by a variety of criteria \u2013 the sharing of an apical ancestor, the joint use of an irrigation system, the common investment in a fishing net, co-residence in a neighbourhood, etc. I heard two terms used to label all such groups: asa su inawan and asa itetngehan \u2026 These terms were used to denote people who were descendants of a certain common ancestor (although they were not necessarily lineally related) \u2026 In the last week of my stay in Iraralei, a respected village elder told me that there were in fact four itetngehans in the village \u2026 The function of these groups seemed only that of fighting with one another; their very reason for being appeared merely to be the fact of their mutually antagonistic co-existence. The eldest man within each group, whom everyone referred to as nirakeh, served as group leader. On occasion, the leadership post might go to a younger, wealthy man if the oldest man within a group happened to be poor. Whenever a dispute would arise between two groups, all members of a given group would meet in the nirakeh\u2019s house, there to discuss whether to turn to violence in resolution of the problem. The final decision rested ultimately in the hands of the nirakeh. More research is necessary to determine how such groups recruited their members, and to see if there were other functions that they performed.\" (Yu, 1991, p. 55)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10255, "valueset_pk": 10255, "domainelement_pk": 271, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 271, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "150-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10255, "jsondata": {}, "id": "yami-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 126, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 126, "glottocode": "yami1254", "ethonyms": "Tao", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tao"]}, "id": "yami", "name": "Yami", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.0, "longitude": 121.5}, "name": "Yami"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.5, 22.0]}, "id": "yami"}]}