{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Political Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "150-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17761", "name": "0", "description": "Sources consistently describe the Ifugao as lacking formal political authority:\r\n\r\n\u201cIt can be said that these simple folk do not recognize any kind of govern- ment. Those who are called chiefs among them are either the bravest or the richest, and their authority is limited to a certain deference they receive from those of their own village or sometimes of nearby vil- lages -without anybody believing that for this reason they have any obligation at all to carry out their orders. I have had many occasions to test what I have just said: when there would be reason for them to receive orders from the chiefs, they could be seen screaming at them and threatening them with earth and sky, but for all this the only success [100] they would have was that nobody would pay the least attention to what they were told. As I have already indicated, they are governed by custom, and with regard to justice, each takes it into his own hands.\u201d (Alarcon & Scott, 1965, pp. 99-100)\r\n\r\n\"I have already said that the Ifugaos have no king, nor ruler. They pay tribute to no one. Each one is the absolute monarch of his house and person, and although this individual liberty is one of the principal causes of their miserable and almost anarchical state, it is certain that it is one of their most dominant passions.\" (Villaverde, 1909, p. 241)\r\n\r\n\u201cOf political organization the Ifugao has nothing\u2014not even a suggestion.\u201d (Barton, 1919, p. 9)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10188, "valueset_pk": 10188, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10188, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ifugao-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 21, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 21, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Ifugaw; Ipugao; Yfugao", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ifugaw", "Ipugao", "Yfugao"]}, "id": "ifugao", "name": "Ifugao", "description": "The Ifugao are one of several large, historically non-Christian ethnic groups living in the mountains of northern Luzon. The Ifugao have been noted for worshipping a very large number of supernatural agents (over 1000, according to Barton, 1946). Since the 1960s, most Ifugao have converted to Christianity.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 16.7, "longitude": 121.2}, "name": "Ifugao"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.2, 16.7]}, "id": "ifugao"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17698", "name": "0", "description": "\"MODERN anthropological work in the Solomons, done in an age of peace and Christian missions, has emphasized the 'bourgeois' characteristics of big-man leadership. It is undoubtedly true that the accumulation and distribution of material wealth was crucial to the maintenance of big-man status in historical times- as the exploitation of trading contacts by Bera and others shows. However, in the head-hunting era in the western Solomons, status also depended a great deal upon success in warfare ... [67] ... The authority of these 19th century leaders was in many cases more absolute than that of the modern big-man. Although big-man leadership was usually limited to the village, with a large enough following a leader could command, through physical force, not only his own village but a district. Thus largely through the agency of head-hunting such men as Bera, Ingava and Gau extended their power. The expansion did not entail any form of institutionalized control, but lay simply in the realization of others, both villagers and lesser big-men, of their dominance\u201d  (Jackson, 1975, pp 66-67)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10198, "valueset_pk": 10198, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10198, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bughotu-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 106, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 106, "glottocode": "bugh1239", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "bughotu", "name": "Bughotu", "description": "Bughotu is the name given to the southern tip of Santa Isabel Island, as well as the language spoken there. In the second half of the nineteenth century the people of Bugotu were both perpetrators and victims of large-scale headhunting raids.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.5, "longitude": 159.8}, "name": "Bughotu"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [159.8, -8.5]}, "id": "bughotu"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18897", "name": "0", "description": "\"In order properly to understand the meaning of these phenomena it is necessary first to examine the social organisation of Vao not as a unit in itself, but as part of the larger unit formed by the Small Islands as a whole.\r\n\r\n\"Despite considerable differences in language, in the regulation of kinship and in ritual, and the not infrequent wars that break out between them, the inhabitants of all these and of the adjacent promontories recognise a common cultural bond. There is, however, no political cohesion. Nor, in the absence of chiefs, is there any centralised form of control or common action.\" (Layard, 1942, p 53).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10200, "valueset_pk": 10200, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10200, "jsondata": {}, "id": "small_islands-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 122, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 122, "glottocode": "moro1286", "ethonyms": "Vao; Upiriv; Wala; Rano; Atchin", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Vao", "Upiriv", "Wala", "Rano", "Atchin"]}, "id": "small_islands", "name": "Small Islands", "description": "Malekula is a large island in the north of Vanuatu. A chain of islets along its eastern coast, known locally as the Small Islands, was the subject of the detailed ethnography 'Stone Men of Malekula' by the English anthropogist John Layard. Layard's ethnography focuses primarily on the island of Vao. The 'stone men' of the title refers to the monoliths that were erected as part of the 'Maki' rites, which marked the ascendance of men through the ranks of the local graded society.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -16.1, "longitude": 167.5}, "name": "Small Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.5, -16.1]}, "id": "small_islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17723", "name": "0", "description": "According to both Bromilow and Fortune, Dobuans lived in very small 'villages' that nevertheless seem to have formed independent local communities (outsiders could not enter without permission):\r\n\r\n\u201cTheir villages (or hamlets, for they are very small) lie closely packed upon the fertile foreshores, but hidden from each other by the thick growth of coconut palms, bananas, yams, and other vegetation. The public tracks or roads do not pass through villages, but skirt their edges; and a stranger or visitor has now (or used not to have) the right of entry to a village, but must wait to be called and admitted.\u201d (Bromilow, 1929, p. 78) \r\n\r\n\u201cThe idea village of Dobu is a circle of huts facing inward to a central, often elevated mound, which is the village graveyard \u2026 A path \u2026 goes around the village behind the backs of the houses. This is for the use of passers by, who are not allowed to enter the village unless they are closely related to its members, or unless they have legitimate business of moment to transact.\u201d (Fortune, 1932, p. 1)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe first reliable records of Dobuan population show that there was an average of twenty-five persons, men, woman, and children, in each village.\" (Fortune, 1932, p. 30)\r\n\r\nAccording to Bromilow, Dobu Island was divided into eleven 'tribes', at least some of which consisted of multiple villages and had 'headmen' (Bromilow was himself appointed to this role).\r\n\r\n\u201cI have spoken of the Dobuan law that no outsider should be allowed a permanent footing on the island, unless by the goodwill of a tribe he were admitted a member of it by adoption  ... It was a satisfaction to us when an early adoption was voted us by the \u2018Edugaula tribe. There were eleven tribes on the island, but the \u2018Edugaula, living on the north-west side, was the most numerous sna dmost war-like, and the mission house was within it\u2019s area. It was almost always at enmity with other tribes, but had made a temporary local peace just before our arrival, in order to join in a war against a distant and common enemy ... [126] ... In this tribe descent was through the mother, to whose family the children belong ... Into this remarkable tribe my wife and I and our daughter were adopted.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe headmen came to us and asked us to go with them to certain villages, but gave no reason for this ... We went first to a village, Nemunemu, close at hand. The proceedings were very simple; taking us to the centre of the village, and pointing to a coconut-tree surrounded by a small area of land, the spokesman said, \u2018That is yours. You are our father.\u2019 ... We were then taken to another village, and there my [127] wife received her tree, and was designated \u2018Mother.\u2019 At a third village there was a repetition, and our daughter was proclaimed \u2018Sister.\u2019 ... As each tree given to use was rooted in the soil of Dobu, so we were now on the footing of those born in the land, with an inheritance in it. We three were Dobuans, of the fearsome \u2018Edugaula tribe ... Some time after this I was advanced to further tribal honour. I became on very friendly terms with the headman of a certain tribe, and we exchanged frequent visits. He would call me by his own name, Meiakway (Black Tongue), as a mark of his esteem, an action carrying high significance to his people. When, later, Meiakwau died, representatives of the tribe came to me requesting me to take over the headship of the tribe. This I declined; but they were importunate. They were so much in earnest that I agreed to accept if the office could be made an honourary one. They consented to relieve me of all local and corporate duties and responsibilities; and on this condition I became titular headman, receiving as my insignia of office a greenstone axe, a magnificent specimen, the blade being of great size, set in a carved handle. I still possess this emblem of the greatness that was thrust upon me.\" (Bromilow, 1929, pp. 125-127)\r\n\r\nFortune describes the grouping of villages into 'localities', which are clearly the same as Bromilow's 'tribes'.\r\n\r\n\"A group of neighbouring villages forms a local unit with a local name. This local unit I propose to call the locality. The locality numbers from four to twenty villages. It is on terms of permanent hostility with other localities.\u201d (Fortune, 1932, p. 30)\r\n\r\nIn contrast to Bromilow, Fortune denies that formal leadership existed at the locality level, or indeed at any level. Rather, there were simply influential men:\r\n\r\n\u201cThere is only the most embryonic germ of government by chieftainship. In each locality there are one or two persons of outstanding influence. Such leadership occurs when a man [84] of unusual character happens to be born into a rich inheritance of magical ritual power. Such a man was Alo of my own village of the Green Parrot folk ... Other villages of Alo\u2019s locality were not so ruled, however. There was no other outstanding man. All old men get more respect than young men from their juniors. But the decisions of three or four elder men are more conflicting, less decisively clear, and useless in the case of a dispute between village owners ... [85] ... In case of quarrel within the circle of village owners, such ill-led villages resolve into opposing parties. This actually happens in the majority of villages, but not so anarchically in a village that has an outstanding man of Alo\u2019s quality ... Alo\u2019s influence extended over his whole locality of several villages for fixing the sailing dates for overseas expeditions when the whole locality acted at one time. He had the best inheritance of the magical ritual necessary for overseas sailing. Such influence over several villages is a pure function of magical specialization however. In the same locality an old woman of another village than mine came to the fore as the one rain-maker in the locality. Her importance increased in time of drought, just as Alo\u2019s did in time of large overseas expeditions.\u201d (Fortune, 1932, pp. 83-85)\r\n\r\nPossibly the discrepancy between the two accounts is a matter of terminology and emphasis. The 'headmen' that Bromilow described could have been simply 'men of outstanding influence', though the fact that the role had 'insignia of office' suggests something more formal. Bromilow does note elsewhere that leadership in New Guinea (presumably including Dobu) was achieved rather than inherited:\r\n\r\n\"The village constable has local authority as a representative of the Government, and takes the place of the hereditary tribal chief, who practically does not exist in Papua, except in the Trobriands. A chief obtains his position by force of character and capacity for leadership, which often mean rivalry and strife before the point is settled.\u201d (Bromilow, 1929, p. 272)\r\n\r\nIn addition to 'headmen', Bromilow also describes the role of 'standard bearer' (tonidoe). This was clearly quite a formal office, but it is not clear that outlasted any one raiding expedition:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe most important person in all Dobuan raiding expeditions was the tonidoe (standard-bearer). At the time of our arrival Gaganumore held this position, to the increased honour of Dobu. Before setting out, he and his immediate personal following would prepare a feast for all who were to join in the affray. This was followed by a harangue to the warriors, who in turn performed the prescribed incantations over their spears, slings, and clubs, and applied to their bodies charms that were to make them invulnerable, and while doing so encouraged each other with boastful talk. At the appointed time the standard-bearer launched his canoe, holding up a spear with a flag of pandanus-leaf tied to the top of it; the others of the expedition paddled their canoes into line, then stood up and, with shouts and yells, exhorted the standard-bearer to lead them proudly and fiercely to victory. [119] A general hurling and dodging of spears took place, and when sufficient fighting spirit had been stirred the tonidoe led the fleet to sea and the spot selected for their first raid. They were often absent for days on these expeditions; villages were attacked and looted in the early mornings, and more pitched fights took place wherever the enemy might be met.\u201d (Bromilow, 1929, pp. 118-119)\r\n\r\nI (OS) have favoured Fortune's account since it is more detailed, but have marked this variable as uncertain.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10201, "valueset_pk": 10201, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10201, "jsondata": {}, "id": "dobuans-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 23, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 23, "glottocode": "dobu1241", "ethonyms": "Dobu; Edugaura", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Dobu", "Edugaura"]}, "id": "dobuans", "name": "Dobuans", "description": "Dobu is a tiny island in the D'Entrecasteaux Archipelago, near the eastern tip of New Guinea. Dobuans are an ethnolinguistic group that is centred upon this island but occupies a much larger area. The anthropologist Reo Fortune provided a famously dark portrayal of Dobuan society in the classic ethnography 'Sorcerers of Dobu'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.6, "longitude": 150.8}, "name": "Dobuans"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [150.8, -9.6]}, "id": "dobuans"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "20297", "name": "0", "description": "By the 1930s the entire population of the Taumako Islands was concentrated in one village, Tahua, but previously there had been other settlements:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn May 1960 the population of Taumako was 220 \u2026 This is but a fraction of the number of people that probably lived in the Duff Islands at the turn of the century when serious depopulation first set in. The epidemics that swept across the Santa Cruz Group, the Solomons, and the whole Southwest Pacific seem to have come to Taumako late \u2014 not until after 1900. But when they came the results were as disastrous to its population as they were to the population of other Melanesian islands. One by one all settlements but the largest on the artificial islet of Tahua were decimated and abandoned. By the 1930's the entire Duff Island population lived at Tahua. Still, the community there was not as large as it had been when there were villages and hamlets on Aua and, possibly, on other islands as well.\" (Davenport, 1968, p. 147)\r\n\r\nTahua village is not described as having had any acknowledged leadership, and this does not appear to have been the case in the past either. The 'wards' (mata) that made up the village seem to have been fully independent:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe historical conception for the formation of Tahua Island, as mentioned before, is that each house site was built up and established as a result of immigration [Page 158] from a community located elsewhere in the Duff Group. As the ward groupings grew, they were regarded either as extensions of communities located elsewhere or the entire community transplanted from elsewhere to Tahua islet. With the consolidation of the entire Duff Island population at Tahua as a result of the frightful depopulation and Governmental encouragement, this process completed itself. With the final consolidation each ward came to be regarded, in part at least, as the historical remnant of a former community. As such, each of the wards regards itself today as a fully corporate association of households.\u201d (Davenport, 1968, pp. 157-158)\r\n\r\nLeadership of the wards was clearly informal:\r\n\r\n\"Headship to a men's house association (or in other words the leadership of a ward group) was neither by formal election nor by heredity. The most active among the senior men living in a ward was its de facto head. When he died or became too old to be an effective leader, he was succeeded by the next senior man, who was also respected for his energy and leadership. There seems to have been very little competition among men of a ward over who was formal head of the group. Therefore, the group of men who headed the men's house associations were the leaders of the entire society. Amongst them, however, there was considerable competition as to the relative wealth and status of entire wards, and this competition was shared by all of the members of their respective associations. Thus, each men's house association was a unit of primary personal identity for its male members. It was also, as shall be shown, a unit of close economic cooperation. This source of identity also reinforced the corporate solidarity of the ward group.\r\n\r\n\u201cLooked at from the angle of a political group, the men's houses association, like the ward group it represents, has as its constituents households, not individuals. It is true that women were not considered to be parties to the men's house associations (although they were not barred altogether from entering the structures), but their domestic interests are represented outside the household [173] by their husbands and fathers. Furthermore, any major activity instituted by the men's house association usually required major contributory efforts of all of the women of its constituent households \u2026 The most ambitious economic effort of Taumako, and one in which the men's house associations figured most prominently, was the construction of the famous trading canoes called te puki \u2026 The decision to build a new puki was usually made by one man or at most two men in a partnership. As a rule the men who decided to organize the construction were the leading men, those who were heads of men's house associations, by virtue of the fact that those men were the most ambitious, showed the most initiative and were the best organizers.\u201d (Davenport, 1968, pp. 171-172)\r\n\r\nSocial groups below the 'ward' level were 'dwelling sites', 'households', and 'siblingships'. \r\n\r\nDwelling sites usually had only one household living on them (Davenport (1968, pp. 154-155, 'Table 2. Tahua Islet wards, house sites, households and number of occupants'), whose head was usually also the owner of the land:\r\n\r\n\u201cEach named dwelling site is individually owned, usually but not always, by the man who heads the household occupying it. In theory, dwelling sites are indivisible, thus, they must be inherited or transmitted intact from one owner to the next. There is concern over preserving linear continuity across generations in the ownership of dwelling sites. Thus, an eldest son inherits the site from his father. If there is no son, then a daughter inherits; if there are no children to inherit, first preference goes to a sister's son or a sister's daughter. Only as a last resort does a dwelling pass to a collateral relative, a brother, sister, or a cross-cousin.\u201d (Davenport, 1968, p. 154)\r\n\r\n\u201cAlthough a dwelling site can never be divided, more than one household may occupy a single site. Four sites, H. Hiua, H. Tetoha, H. Alo, and H. Tangalau have two and three households built on them. In each of these cases the owner of the site has permitted a friend or relative to build there, but doubling up in no way constitutes a splitting of the title or the creation of a new house site.\u201d (Davenport, 1968, p. 156)\r\n\r\nHouseholds were overwhelmingly occupied by nuclear families:\r\n\r\n\"The entire Taumakoan population lives in 40 households, 39 of which are located on 34 named dwelling sites of Tahua islet. The distribution of household sizes is summarized in Table 1. Thirty-nine of these households consist of a single nuclear family (30 are composed of a married couple and their children; two are composed of married couples without children; seven are composed of a widowed mother and her children). In 14 instances of these 39 households other close unmarried relatives are also included as dependents. In most cases the dependents are those of the husband \u2014 his unmarried siblings or his deceased sibling's children. All of these 39 nuclear-family type households contain no more than two generations. One additional household contains three generations. It consists of a widowed father, his two unmarried daughters, his unmarried son, a married son and his wife and their two daughters.\" (Davenport, 1968, p. 153)\r\n\r\n'Siblingships' were sets of brothers and their unmarried sisters, headed by the eldest brother, who acted as their 'representative' on certain occasions. This approaches an 'extended family' type of organization, but does not quite meet it since it is not clear that the head of a siblingship represented the families of his brothers rather than just his brothers:\r\n\r\n\"One facet of kinship indicated neither by the reference nomenclature nor the kinship role categories is the strong solidarity of siblings, and particularly the solidarity among brothers. Among brothers the eldest is accorded a special status as head of the siblingship, which he represents on certain occasions. One such occasion is a feast distribution in which the initial division of food is made to the eldest brother of each siblingship. After receiving the food on behalf of his siblings, the eldest brother redivides it and sends to each sibling his portion. Married sisters who are living with their husbands, however, do not receive a portion in this type of distribution, but a widowed or divorced sister does. It is as though a married woman is no longer a full member of her own siblingship, but a member of her husband's siblingship.\r\n\r\n\"As already indicated, the eldest brother is certain to be the one selected by his father to inherit and occupy the named house site. This provides the preferred kind of agnatic continuity for the house site, and at the same time recognizes the principal of primogeniture within siblingships.\u201d (Davenport, 1968, pp. 166)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10206, "valueset_pk": 10206, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10206, "jsondata": {}, "id": "taumako-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 123, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 123, "glottocode": "pile1238", "ethonyms": "Duff Islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Duff Islanders"]}, "id": "taumako", "name": "Taumako", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.9, "longitude": 167.2}, "name": "Taumako"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.2, -9.9]}, "id": "taumako"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18135", "name": "0", "description": "\"There was no central authority or hereditary leadership in the traditional system. Within local communities certain big-men were acknowledged as leaders. A big-man achieved his position by entrepreneurial flair. This flair was demonstrated in his ability to command considerable resources in the form of shell money-resources he put to use in organizing large-scale ceremonies or, in the modern context, in running a business enterprise ... Through their command of wealth in the form of tambu, big-men wielded considerable authority within their own communities. In the past the tubuan, a central figure in the male cult, was said to act as an agent of social control. Disputes between members of the local community were brought before the village assembly or moot; fines might be imposed or compensation awarded, in either case to be paid in tambu ... Until recently arranging for the hearing of disputes was a primary responsibility of the village councillor, but the\r\nvillage moot or varkurai has now given way to hearings before\r\nvillage courts, while disputes over land are heard by newly appointed land mediators.\" (Epstein, 1991, p. 335)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10227, "valueset_pk": 10227, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10227, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tolai-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 72, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 72, "glottocode": "kuan1248", "ethonyms": "Kuanua; Gunantuna", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kuanua", "Gunantuna"]}, "id": "tolai", "name": "Tolai", "description": "'Tolai' is a name of relatively recent origin given to the indigenous inhabitants of the Gazelle Peninsula at  the eastern end of the island of New Britain. Prior to European contact, the Tolai engaged in extensive trade with neighbouring ethnic groups. Much of Tolai social and ritual life involved a form of currency known as shell money or tambu, which was regarded as sacred and supernaturally potent.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -4.4, "longitude": 152.2}, "name": "Tolai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [152.2, -4.4]}, "id": "tolai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18062", "name": "0", "description": "\u201cIn the primitive communities of the western Pacific the ties of kinship represent by far the most important single factor in the social structure. There is no recognized supreme authority over even a small territorial group, and customary obligation is a matter not of obedience to political authority but entirely of duties to kindred; hence in any study of these communities an analysis along kinship lines must be a starting point.\u201d (Hogbin, 1939, p 25)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10229, "valueset_pk": 10229, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10229, "jsondata": {}, "id": "toabaita-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 6, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 6, "glottocode": "toab1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "toabaita", "name": "To'abaita", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.4, "longitude": 160.6}, "name": "To'abaita"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.6, -8.4]}, "id": "toabaita"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17718", "name": "0", "description": "The only political leader mentioned by Scheffler is the batu. The position of batu does not quite meet the definition of an office (\u2018a standardised set of duties and privileges devolving upon a person in a certain situation\u2019, Hughes, 1937). Ideally, authority was vested in the batu unuma pua, whose status was ascribed, but often it was exercised by the batu sokele, who had achieved his status. The former had a right to \u2018deferential treatment\u2019 but not to leadership (though he did have a competitive advantage should he wish to compete for leadership). It is not clear that he had any duties.\r\n\r\n\"Each descent group is said to have a batu, big-man or manager, who is its principal leader. According to the dogmas, managerial status \u2018crosses\u2019 from father to elder son. However, a group may contain several men who are spoken of as batu and still others, adult, able-bodied men, with families, who are called kazigarata. All these men, regardless of their descent statuses have a right to a voice in group affairs, yet some are entitled to a \u2018stronger\u2019 voice than others \u2026[180] ... The man who meets the genealogical qualifications of primogeniture and agnatic status is known as the 'true batu' or the batu 'who originates in the land' (batu ununua pua). Others are batu sokele, with the implication that they are \u2018almost but not quite\u2019 true batu. Thus batu implies not only formal qualifications but also behavioural attributes \u2026 A batu in the fullest sense, then, is one who meets both genealogical and practical qualifications.\" (Scheffler, 1965, pp. 179-180)\r\n\r\n\"Prestige was accorded to men and groups who were successful in the most important intergroup activities, such as vengeance warfare and gift exchange \u2026 Each manager had to demonstrate his own worth before and while \u2018in office.\u2019 If he did not he would find himself gradually superseded by another who had earned the favour of descent-group members. The Choiseulese say that in effect the \u2018people\u2019 sometimes chose their manager by \u2018discussion\u2019 (vatovato), a term which is also applied to the more or less formal discussion of particular issues among descent group members. To make someone a batu was to va batua, but there were no formal ceremonies of installation. Therefore, recognition as a manager, and even as the manager, came about gradually and informally; it was the product of a gradually developed understanding within the descent group. It is said that the people would discuss the matter informally, come to a consensus, and then eventually appoint one of their number to communicate to the chosen party their wish for him to be their manager, but consensus sometimes probably came after the assumption of political predominance within the group.\r\n\r\n\"[183] Becoming a manager was essentially a process of acquiring wealth and a reliable following \u2026 A man who did this without meeting the formal genealogical qualifications was known as a batu sokele, but as long as there was no serious contender with better formal qualifications as well as the pragmatic ones, a batu sokele could operate as though he were the manager in the fullest sense. There are cases even today in which a man who is a nonagnate is generally recognized as a manager even though there are men more fully qualified in the formal sense. I was told that in the past both men would have been given deferential treatment but the formally qualified individual would have been only the titular leader while the people would have depended on the batu sokele for true leadership. Ideally, both men should have cooperated in the interests of the group as a whole. Informants differed about the consequences of such a situation for future succession: Some maintained that the son of the \u2018true\u2019 manager would be the next one, others felt that the son of the batu sokele, or some other man, would succeed him. It will become apparent that either could happen, but formal and de facto status as manager would hardly have remained separate for long in the indigenous situation.\" (Scheffler, 1965, pp. 182-183)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10231, "valueset_pk": 10231, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10231, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Varisi-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 110, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 110, "glottocode": "vari1239", "ethonyms": "Choiseulese; Lauru; Rauru", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Choiseulese", "Lauru", "Rauru"]}, "id": "Varisi", "name": "Varisi", "description": "Choiseul (Lauru) is a large island in the western Solomons. Varisi is one of the (according to Ethnologue) four languages spoken here. Scheffler's ethnography of Choiseul Island 'pertains only to the Varisi area', but given the cultural uniformity of Choiseul, 'it is probably valid in general terms for the island as a whole' (Scheffler, 1965, p. v)", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -6.8, "longitude": 156.7}, "name": "Varisi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [156.7, -6.8]}, "id": "Varisi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17682", "name": "0", "description": "Berawan communities were explicitly independent ritually and politically:\r\n\r\n\"By comparison, Berawan society is small in scale, relatively egalitarian, and composed of just four autonomous ritual and political units - the separate longhouse communities.\"(Huntington & Metcalf, 1979, pp 133-134)\r\n\r\n\u2018Prestigious men\u2019 appear to have served as the main political and religiousl leaders (they directed mortuary rites, nulang, described as the \u2018central\u2019 component of Berawan religion). There appears to have been only one \u2018outstandingly prestigious\u2019 man in each community. However, this does not appear to have been an office in the sense of \u2018a standardized group of duties and privileges devolving upon a person in certain defined situations\u2019 (Hughes, 1937). Rather than the right to organise a nulang being vested in the role of \u2018prestigious man\u2019, organising nulang led to recognition as a prestigious man. \r\n\r\n\"In each longhouse, one family apartment is designated as that of the chiefly family, the former residence of the last outstandingly prestigious man of the community.\" (Huntington & Metcalf, 1979, p 133)\r\n\r\n\"There are many reasons, ideological, symbolic and social, why mortuary rites are central to Berawan religion and society. But it is not hard to see why they are utilized by leaders in order to make a statement about their own positions. Weddings and other rites of passage also provide an opportunity for community cooperation and conspicuous consumption. The Kenyah, close neighbours of the Berawan, employ name-giving ceremonies as their most important ritual of prestige. But the Kenyah have a more rigid system of prescribed rank than the Berawan, including endogamous class strata. For them it is possible to specify the status of a child in a way that is not for the Berawan ... the Berawan have no naming ceremonies comparable to Kenyah ones. They do appreciate the status implications of grand weddings. But when all the rice wine has been drunk, and the guests have shakily made their way home, what is there to keep a wedding in mind, to preserve it against the envious denigrations of rivals? The Berawan require something more concrete, and it is mortuary rites that provide it. Mausoleums are always built on the riverbank so that passersby can admire them and wonder at the power of their architects.\r\n\r\n\"At the outset, we noted that only people of high rank can command the support required to conduct a nulang or build a mausoleum. But we found it hard to define what rank is. We can now offer that definition by turning the original statement on its head. Berawan rank is, in part, the product of personal abilities: That person who can fuse the community together in coordinated action, that person is an aristocrat.\" (Huntington & Metcalf, 1979, pp 139-140)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10234, "valueset_pk": 10234, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10234, "jsondata": {}, "id": "berawan-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 92, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 92, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "berawan", "name": "Berawan", "description": "The Berawan mainly inhabit four longhouse communities on the Lower Baram River. While they have historically been considered a subgroup of the neighbouring Kenyah, they are culturally and linguistically distinctive. A notable feature of Berawan culture, as described by Metcalf (1982, 1989), is their elaborate secondary treatment of the dead.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 3.8, "longitude": 114.5}, "name": "Berawan"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [114.5, 3.8]}, "id": "berawan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19743", "name": "0", "description": "'The Kodi construction of the past' (Hoskins, 1997, pp. 29-169)\r\n\r\nKodi consists of a number of 'ancestral villages':\r\n\r\n\u201cThese forty possessions are distributed among thirty-one ancestral villages, out of the total of sixty-six villages found in Kodi.\u201d (Hoskins, 1997, p. 120)\r\n\r\nPrior to the arrival of the Dutch, politics in Kodi and other parts of western Sumba is described as being a 'big man' system rather than one with centralized rule:\r\n\r\n\u201cSumba at the beginning of the twentieth century was divided into about twenty indigenous domains. Those in the eastern part of the island were ruled by a single lord, usually [176] addressed as tamu umbu, who was the head of stratified, autocratic polity. In the western domains, no such centralized ruler existed; instead one found a shifting, achievement-oriented competition between \u2018big men\u2019 who established their power bases from ancestral villages but did not rule over their fellows.\u201d (Hoskins, 1997, pp. 175-176)\r\n\r\n\"Since there was no Kodi 'king' before the colonial period, Horo's references to insults inflicted on the 'sacred power of traditional rulers' ... borrow an idiom of divine kingship that applied to other parts of Indonesia, but not to precolonial West Sumba. Despite its linguistic and ceremonial definition as a domain, Kodi's constitution as an independent polity was as imaginary as those historical fictions that first linked Indonesians into a single national community.\" (Hoskins, 1997, p. 319)\r\n\r\nThere were 'priests', who appear to have solely religious functions, as well as leaders called rato katoda, who led headhunting raids against non-Kodi. Little detail is provided about the role of the rato katoda, but given the denial of centralized political authority in the excepts above, it seems likely that this role was temporary and/or informal.\r\n\r\n\u201cIn Kodi, the polarity was established between the passive ritual authority of the rato marapu, the priest whose seclusion within the village protected the crops and the [56] rhythm of the seasons, and the rato katoda, the war leader who used his magical powers to raid neighboring peoples and appropriate their vitality for his own people. The competition for life and political power was played out between domains through the taking of heads and the capture of prisoners. The power of the Sea Worm Priest was centrifugal: it spiraled outward from him, the unmoving center that held together the round of seasons and agricultural activities. The power of the headhunting leader, by contrast, was centripetal: it turned inward to the center, bringing the trophy heads back into the domain and placing their fertile, vital energies at the disposition of the victors.\u201d (Hoskins, 1997, pp. 55-56)\r\n\r\nIn 1909, 'elders' from all the ancestral villages of Kodi met to choose a leader (raja or toko) at the request of the Dutch:\r\n\r\n\"In 1909, when the Dutch took effective control of the island of Sumba, they asked the people of Kodi to choose a leader to serve as an administrator and representative to the colonial powers. This leader would be presented with the gold staff that created the colonial office of raja, the native administrator of each \u2018self-governing region.\u2019 A meeting of elders from all the ancestral villages was held in Tossi, in the Council House established by Rato Pokilo, and they agreed to choose this leader from the home of the urn, the most sacred object in the domain. Hence Rato Loghe Kanduyo, [128] a famous orator and warrior descended from Rato Pokilo, was selected to be the first raja, serving as a spokesman and mediator vis-\u00e0-vis outside forces. \r\n\r\n\u201cHis selection was legitimated by an argument involving the genders of the urn and the staff and the idea of complementarity \u2026 The male staff served as the \u2018husband\u2019 of the female urn. This symbolic marriage linked the two offices, making the representative of the Dutch colonial administration into the junior partner in a division of powers, since the holder of the staff (called the toko, the native term for raja, from the Indonesian tongkat) owed ritual deference to his senior, the priest of the sea worms.\u201d (Hoskins, 1993, pp. 127-128)\r\n\r\nThe power and legitimacy of the rajas increased after the first rebelled against the Dutch:\r\n\r\n\"As an officer of the Netherlands East Indies government, the new raja was supposed to explain its civilizing mission to his people as well as provide labor for bridge- and road-building projects to improve communications. Two years later, in 1911, rumors circulated that Dutch soldiers had enslaved noblemen to work on these projects, insulted the raja, and raped a local woman. An armed rebellion began with the ambush and killing of four soldiers by headhunters from outlying villages, who fled \r\ninto the forest with the guns captured from the soldiers. The  Dutch forces retaliated by burning the raja's village of Tossi, after which they took refuge with his rivals in another river valley.\r\n\r\n\"To avenge the burning of his village, the raja gave permission for military attacks to continue. He took the traditional symbols of governmental power-the urn and plate-off into the bush and hid them. Yet he did bring the Dutch staff of office with him when he rode, in a procession bringing gold and livestock, to meet the Dutch commander and negotiate a peace payment. Instead of talking to him, however, the commander pulled him from his horse, bound him under the house, and made him \r\nmarch to a distant prison, where he soon died. This brutal punishment of the first native ruler united almost all the population in opposition to the Dutch presence. Three years of fighting followed, with rebel forces hiding [129] in the interior and attacking the colonial army periodically. The Dutch, deciding to starve out their enemies, then forced everyone to move to coastal villages and leave their gardens behind. Finally, pressured by famine and hardship, the rebel forces surrendered and were sent into exile. \r\n\r\n\"This first sequence of events shows the consequences of differences between local understandings of governmental power and those of the Dutch colonial forces. The Dutch expected to find rulers who could command the population and thus concentrated power and wealth in the man chosen as raja. By contrast, Kodi perceived the raja, at least initially, as a mediator and spokesman, who would speak for them in negotiations with outside forces but who had no authority to act without a meeting of elders from each village.\r\n\r\n\"The creation of a Kodi polity, and after that of a regional resistance movement, was one of the unintended consequences of the colonial encounter. Because no single ruler preceded them, the Dutch had to establish the legitimacy of the first Kodi raja themselves. Rato Loghe Kanduyo died in the process of his transformation into a raja, and his nephew Ndera Wulla made the first claims to a new and different form of political power ...\" (Hoskins, 1993, pp. 128-129)\r\n\r\nWith Indonesian independence, the office of raja was reduced to a merely ceremonial one:\r\n\r\n\u201cAfter independence, traditional rulers were left in ceremonial positions and respected, but virtually all power was taken from them: a new nationalist rhetoric asserted that because all of Indonesia was once a \u2018village democracy,\u2019 past hierarchies and inequalities were the creation of a \u2018feudal\u2019 colonial system and should be abolished.\" (Hoskins, 1997, p. 132)\r\n\r\nKodi retained its status as an administrative unit but appears to have been fully incorporated into the Indonesian political system. The camat ('district head') could be Kodi (Hoskins, 1993, p. 164), but there seems to have been no requirement for this.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10236, "valueset_pk": 10236, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10236, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kodi-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 136, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 136, "glottocode": "kodi1247", "ethonyms": "Kodinese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kodinese"]}, "id": "kodi", "name": "Kodi", "description": "The Kodi people are an ethnolinguistic group of Western Sumba in Indonesia, and traditionally formed a religious community centred on the 'Sea Worm Priest' (Rato Nale).", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.6, "longitude": 119.0}, "name": "Kodi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.0, -9.6]}, "id": "kodi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17752", "name": "0", "description": "'The social organization' (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp. 63-75) \r\n\r\nBwaidoga society consisted of \u2018hamlets\u2019 grouped into \u2018districts\u2019. Only the former appear to have had any kind of formal leadership in the form of a head man (kauvea).\r\n\r\n\"THE basis of the whole social structure on Goodenough is the family, which consists, as with us, of a man, his wife, and their descendants. The son, as soon as he reaches manhood, seeks a wife in another hamlet and leads her away to his own; the daughter, with rare exceptions, removes to the hamlet of her husband. Each hamlet, therefore, consists of a number of families closely connected with one another by ties of kinship. One man, the recognized head of the related families, is likewise the head man, kauvea, of the hamlet.\" (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, p 63)\r\n\r\n\"Every inhabited district has a number of hamlets in it, usually five or six. Each of these contains from one to forty houses with a probable average of from two to three inmates. The hamlets are sometimes scattered over a considerable area, in extreme cases one may be a mile away from all the rest. But there is a tendency for them to keep close together, and sometimes they actually unite so that to a stranger there would seem to be but one hamlet.\" (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, p 42)\r\n\r\nIt is not clear that kauvea was an office rather than a mere honorific. At one point Jenness and Ballantyne explicitly deny that this figure had any authority over and above that of any influential man, though at another point they suggest that this was not the case previously. \r\n\r\n\"DESPITE all their taboos, the natives have never been inspired with a faith strong enough to make them keep the law and respect their neighbours\u2019 property \u2026 There is no central authority to take cognisance of offences, no all-powerful chief to sit in judgement. The kauvea or head man of a hamlet has only the influence which a man of years and experience is sure to command everywhere, but of actual recognized authority he has none. It is not he who decides the disputes and quarrels but the rival parties themselves, aided at time by mediating friends; and only the fear of social ostracism compels compliance with the general will.\" (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, p 76)\r\n\r\n\"Generally it is the head man of the hamlet who is skilled in incantations. It is he who in most places names the new canoe and sings the incantation before a pig or kangaroo hunt; and in olden times it was he who led the war-party on his expeditions. Now his authority is slight, but formerly it seems to have been much greater \u2026 [132] \u2026 A few of the older head men still retain a considerably show of dignity and authority. Abela, of Inaofole hamlet in Kabuna, Alumeko, in Wagifa, would command respect everywhere. But in most cases such authority as they may once have possessed has utterly disappeared. External signs of authority they never possessed, not even a finer hut or a special seat on a stone platform.\" (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp. 131-132)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10245, "valueset_pk": 10245, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10245, "jsondata": {}, "id": "goodenough-island-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 107, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 107, "glottocode": "bwai1242", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "goodenough-island", "name": "Goodenough Island", "description": "Goodenough is one of the islands making up the D'Entrecasteaux Archipelago off the eastern tip of New Guinea. Its people speak several closely related languages. The main source used when coding this culture was Jenness and Ballantyne's 'The Northern D'Entrecasteaux', which was based primarily on observations collected in the district of Bwaidoka in the island's southeast.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.3, "longitude": 150.2}, "name": "Goodenough Island"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [150.2, -9.3]}, "id": "goodenough-island"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18059", "name": "0", "description": "There were three idealised 'leadership roles' in Kwaio society: 'priest', 'big man' and 'warrior':\r\n\r\n\"Throughout Malaita, local descent group congregations propitiated their ancestors at shrines presided over at ritual officiants. In northern Malaita, these \u2018priests\u2019 are referred to as fataabu (\u2018speak sacred\u2019). A second leader, at least in the ideal model Malaita peoples have of their own social order, is a Melanesian-style big man, an entrepreneurial feastgiver \u2026 The third in the triumvirate of traditional leadership was the ramo or warrior: an assassin, a bounty hunter, a war leader. (Keesing, 1982, p. 11)\r\n\r\nElsewhere, Keesing makes it clear that of the three types of leadership in Malaita society, only priesthood was an office:\r\n\r\n\"For the religious officiant of a descent group Kwaio most often use wane naa ba'e \u2018man of the shrine,\u2019 although the north Malaita fataabu is also in use \u2026 For a feastgiving and stability-maintaining leader like 'Elota, Kwaio use wane ba'ita, \u2018big man,\u2019 or, mainly in contexts of neo-Maasina Rule leadership, the southern-derived term alafa (\u2018chief\u2019). Like northern Malaita peoples the Kwaio had ideas of a secular leader whose political sway would be exercised across a broad region; but for these anarchically inclined and fiercely egalitarian hillbillies, this was a unity probably never achieved (the usual label for such a leader, alafa ni gela, \u2018Gela Chief,\u2019 belies its alien origin). For a warrior leader / bounty-hunter, Kwaio use lamo, or wane lamo \u2026 [243] \u2026 In sociological terms, only the \u2018priest\u2019 occupied a position every descent group had to fill. A \u2018big man\u2019 is \u2018big\u2019 only in relative terms, and some descent groups had no prominent secular leader \u2026 A group in which a strong feast-giving leader had emerged acted with greater unity, at more intensified levels of production and exchange activity, than  a group without such a leader. But a set of men none of whom was a prominent leader and feastgiver could act together and singly to stage mortuary feasts and organize bridewealth exchanges when the occasion arose \u2026 So the wane ba'ita was \u2018big\u2019 as a matter of degree; and in no sense was the Big Man a leadership position within the descent group, at least among the Kwaio \u2026 So, too, the wane lamo in no sense occupied a position within a Kwaio descent group. As will be seen, such a man was believed to have special ancestrally-conferred powers. But his lamo-ness was a matter of degree and context. While everyone agreed that a small array of feared bounty hunters of the 1920s were lamo \u2026 there were many men, warriors of lesser fame and power, who in some contexts would be classed as wane lamo.\" (Keesing, 1985, pp 242-245)\r\n\r\nPriests appear to have had no official secular functions, though they may have been big-men or warriors at an earlier stage in their lives:\r\n\r\n\"Some men are oriented primarily toward the sacred, as custodians of ritual knowledge and intermediaries between the group and the spirits. Such priests are not necessarily attributed power in secular pursuits, and have no substantial political role in secular life except as channels through whom [207] the ancestors communicate \u2026 But in a number of other cases, a man who in his seventies or eighties was a revered and sacrided priest had decades earlier been a feared warrior or renowned feastgiver \u2026 Secular power deemed to be ancestrally conferred is, as it were, sacralised by age in the life cycle, as a strong man approaches ancestorhood.\" (Keesing, 1982, pp. 206-207)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10252, "valueset_pk": 10252, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10252, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kwaio-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 26, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 26, "glottocode": "kwai1243", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "kwaio", "name": "Kwaio", "description": "The Kwaio historically lived in small, autonomous groups in the interior of the large island of Malaita. Their religion was heavily based on ancestral deities and their maintenance of moral standards within the community. The Kwaio were notable for their fierce resistance to colonisation and Christianisation, which resulted a punitive expedition being mounted against them in 1927, during which their religious sites were deliberately desecrated. Subsequently, many Kwaio converted to Christianity, although around a third continue to adhere to their indigenous religion to this day.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.0, "longitude": 160.9}, "name": "Kwaio"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.9, -9.0]}, "id": "kwaio"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18063", "name": "0", "description": "Tricky. The principal leaders in Kwara\u2019ae society were fataabu, usually translated \u2018priest\u2019 but sometimes \u2018chief\u2019. There were also \u2018land leaders\u2019 (etaeta), a status that was to some extent shared by all patrilineal descendants of a founding ancestor, but was more particularly vested in the senior male of the senior line. The positions of \u2018priest\u2019 and \u2018land leader\u2019 \u2018ideally\u2019 coincided. Exactly what the land leader did is not quite clear, but the role seems to have involved \u2018management\u2019 of the land of a local clan and acting as a \u2018representative\u2019 of that local clan. It appears to have been possible for a priest to act as land leader without actually being the acknowledged land leader, which suggests that the rights and duties of this role were not strictly vested in the office of either \u2018priest\u2019 or \u2018land leader\u2019.  \r\n\r\nWhile the religious functions of some priests clearly went beyond the local community, this does not appear to have been the case for the role of land leader. Priests are also described as engaging in \u2018redistribution\u2019 through the sacrificial system. \r\n\r\n\"The priest (fata\u0101bu) whom the ancestors chose to mediate between them and the living was ideally the firstborn man of the senior line, so that the list of principal ancestors through which the clan traced its descent would often be conceived as a list of successive priests who were also the leaders for the land. (Burt, 1994, p. 27)\r\n\r\n\"The priest\u2019s congregation and sphere of influence centred on his local clan group of fathers, brothers and sons and their families \u2026 Even if the priest was not also the most senior by descent and hence technically leader for the land, he would be the main authority on the genealogies demonstrating this leadership, which he had to recite during sacrifices to the ancestors concerned. Historical accounts and present opinion \u2026 both confirm that priests acted as land leaders and representatives of their local clans. In the 1960s Ramo\u2019itolo of Latea gave a memorable demonstration of this role in several land disputes with neigbours of other clans.\r\n\r\n\"[68] But the priest\u2019s essential duty and the source of his authority was to mediate with the ghosts, invoking their support and protection and making good offences against them \u2026 In fulfilling his responsibilities, he acted as the moral guardian of his people, ensuring that they treated the ghosts and each other as tabu and led lives which were righteous \u2026 and \u2018clean\u2019 \u2026 Sickness and calamity could result not only from offences against the ghosts themselves, but also from conflict among their dependants, such as quarrels or killings, sexual improprieties, incest and improper marriages. As the Christian preacher Didi\u2019imae puts it, a priest was \u2018like a big pastor\u2019 \u2026 He was expected to demonstrate in his own life the values which distinguished an \u2018important man\u2019, living quietly and humbly, staying at home at prospering by working hard on his gardens, raising pigs and acquiring shell money with which to help others. Indeed some say that priests were always \u2018important men\u2019, even though \u2018important men\u2019 were not always priests. \r\n\r\n\"As \u2018important men\u2019, priests contributed to exchanges of wealth and feasting through the sacrificial system, receiving on behalf of the ghosts both pigs and shell money offerings used to buy pigs, which were shared with other adult men in sacrificial meals and festivals. Sacrifices to ancestors also brought together their dependants within the local clan and beyond. When people were asked for pigs by ancestors from whom they were \u2018born of women\u2019, the sacrifice reaffirmed relationships with uncles and cousins in other clans, and claims to their clan lands. When they sent pigs \u2018up\u2019 to the ancient ancestors of their own clan at the shrines they derived from generations ago, they joined a wider congregation of local clans under the leadership of a priest of the senior line. The priests in charge of the ancient shrines of dispersed clans \u2026 had special opportunities for leadership through the hierarchical descent system.\" (Burt, 1994, pp. 67-69)\r\n\r\n\"In describing priests as the true \u2018important men\u2019 of the past, Kwara\u2019ae are voicing the ideal, which many hold as Christians, that society should be governed by spiritual rather than by secular authority, making the point that the two were inseparable in Kwara\u2019ae traditional society. There may well be good reason to follow the Kwara\u2019ae usage and call their priests \u2018chiefs\u2019, both to acknowledge \u2018prevailing conceptions of chiefly leadership\u2019 \u2026 and to recognise that they were engaged in what Sahlins calls \u2018chiefly redistribution\u2019 through the sacrificial system.\" (Burt, 1994, p. 76)\r\n\r\nOther leaders also existed, but appear not to have occupied defined offices, with the possible exception of the \u2018official warrior\u2019 (ramo to\u2019ofu):\r\n\r\n\"Certain trained warriors (ramo to\u2019ofu) were authorised by their community to enforce tabu, leading organised raids and assassinating appropriate victims to uphold the \u2018law\u2019, obtain restitution or collect rewards. For some clans this role is said to have been inherited, in a different line of descent to the senior priest. But unlike priests, official warriors were not essential to community life. Most men had to be prepared to fight on occasion and the title \u2018warrior\u2019 was probably applied loosely to any man who gained a reputation as a successful fighter \u2026 Quite how important warriors were as political leaders is difficult to say. The Kwara\u2019ae view today is that they had little authority, for despite the wealth they obtained by collecting rewards, killing prevented them from gaining the popularity and prestige of an \u2018important man\u2019. But the authority of priests depended partly on the violent deeds of warriors to enforce the rules of tabu, as warriors depended on priests and ghosts to empower and authorise their deeds \u2026 But Kwara\u2019ae share with other Malaitans the ideal of a tripartite leadership in which the roles of priest and warrior are complemented by wealthy feastgivers or \u2018important men\u2019 of the Melanesian \u2018big man\u2019 type, represent three interdependent spheres of political activity. Political power depended on the economic obligations to senior men which bound communities together but it was backed by the sanction of violence and supported by the spiritual power of [75] ghosts. The leadership of priests, warriors, and \u2018important men\u2019 has been documented by various writers for most other language areas of Malaita from Kwaio northwards (Ivens 1930, Hogbin 1939, Russell 1950, Ross 1973, 1978a, all cited in Keesing 1985). These descriptions often have a tendency to see the titles of leaders as definitions of roles or even formal offices, reflecting perhaps a Western expectation that leadership be specialised and institutionalised \u2026 In Kwara\u2019ae priests are said to have been all these things too. But although priests could be said to hold formal office, \u2018important man\u2019 (ngwae \u2018inoto\u2019a, ngawae lalifu) was more a descriptive title, as \u2018warrior\u2019 probably was in many cases too.\" (Burt, 1994, pp. 74-75)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10253, "valueset_pk": 10253, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10253, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kwaraae-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 66, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 66, "glottocode": "kwar1239", "ethonyms": "Fiu", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Fiu"]}, "id": "kwaraae", "name": "Kwara'ae", "description": "Kwara'ae are a bush tribe in the northern half of Malaita Island, which is within the Solomon Islands. They have largely converted to Chrisitanity after a fair amount of conflict with colonial powers.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.7, "longitude": 160.8}, "name": "Kwara'ae"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.8, -8.7]}, "id": "kwaraae"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18420", "name": "0", "description": "'The Laboya and their neighbours': Geirnaert-Martin (1992, pp. 1-15)\r\n\r\n'Daily and ritual life in the \"houses\" of the Laboya': Geirnaert-Martin (1992, pp. 16-32).\r\n\r\n\u2018Social morphology: Kinship and marriage rules\u2019 (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, pp. 193-227)\r\n\r\nDifficult to code this, as the Laboya were under foreign rule during the time focus and had been for some time. Prior to Dutch control, the Laboya appear to have had no political authority beyond the 'clan'. A 'raja' for all of Laboya was appointed by the Dutch, but this position (and Laboya as an administrative entity) apparently disappeared under Indonesian rule:\r\n\r\n\u201cInto the political organization of each suku, the Dutch introduced a system of social stratification that was unknown to the Sumbanese. Each suku became a regency, or sometimes a sub-regency, headed by a raja appointed by the Dutch authorities. Such a political organization contrasted sharply with the indigenous system. By tradition, authority was partly a matter of alleged and mythical senior-ship often contested, particularly between \u2018clans\u2019, and partly a result of successful leadership in war. Under Dutch rule, the suku\u2019s internal political organization was officially modified but the island\u2019s division in suku was basically respected. Possibly the formal organization into kerajaan or \u2018regencies\u2019 implying more rigidly defined boundaries, may have even strengthened allegiance to the suku. Laboya became an autonomous regency, with its own raja \u2026 [4] \u2026 Independence of the Republic of Indonesia brought its own administrative changes. In modern Indonesia, a kecamatan is an administrative unit. In some cases in Sumba, a kecamatan corresponds exactly to a former regency, as in the case for Kodi. In other cases, however, a kecamatan may regroup several formerly autonomous areas. Thus the kecamatan of Walakaka embraces Laboya, Gaura, Wanokaka and Rua \u2026 But this administrative integration is too recent to have had a significant influence on feelings of identity with one\u2019s suku.\u201d (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, pp. 3-4)\r\n\r\nNo political unity existed at the 'clan' level either. Laboya society consisted of kabihu ('clans') divided into Uma ('lineages' or 'houses'), which in turn consisted of multiple uma ('households'). Households were headed by senior men (Mori uma). Some Uma also had leaders or 'representatives' who did not have a name as such, but were referred to as 'elder brother' or 'father'. Kabihu do not appear to have had formal leadership, though they often had men called ata tada who acted as 'mediators'. Autonomous kabihu and Uma were called Inaya-Ama, 'Mother-Father'. \r\n\r\n\"Laboya society consists of kabihu and uma. Onvlee, speaking about Sumabese communities in general, defines a kabihu or kabisu as a 'patrilineal and exogamous descent group', that is, a clan (1973:23; 102-112; 309) \u2026 However, some authors have questioned \u2018the appropriateness of conventional anthropological concepts such as clan and lineage for the description of the social morphology\u2019 of certain types of eastern Indonesian societies (Barraud and Platenkamp 1990: II-110).  Although I do not wish to discuss the problem of lineality in Eastern Indonesia, the question rises whether the unlinear principle implied by the terminology of 'clan' and 'lineage' truly corresponds to the situation in Laboya. It is for this reason that, in this book, I have opted for the indigenous terms kabihu and uma ... For the sake of clarity, I shall write Uma (House) when designating a group of people related by kin ties and uma when referring more specifically to the house as a building. This distinction is not always stated by the Laboya, the two meanings overlapping one another in many cases. But the Laboya do distinguish between the eldest male living in a particular house, the \u2018Master/the Lord of a house\u2019 called Mori uma, and the eldest male representative of an Uma. The latter is referred to as \u2018elder brother\u2019 (anguwu pa kaya) or \u2018father\u2019 (ama) by younger descendants who mostly inhabit other houses situated either in the same village or a different settlement. \r\n\r\n\u201c[17] The territory of an Uma, hence of a kabihu, consists of a place in a village (harona) where the founding ancestors built the first house and of scattered plots of land belonging to its members \u2026 Among the Laboya, a kabihu encompasses a number of smaller units called Uma (Houses). The relationships between the Uma are conceived of in terms of patrilineal descent. The ranking order of the \u2018Houses\u2019 is determined by the mythical order of birth of their founding fathers. A kabihu consists of an \u2018Elder House\u2019 (Uma pa kaya) and of several \u2018younger Houses\u2019 (Uma pa ali.\u201d (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, pp. 17-18)\r\n\r\n\u201cIn this complex situation, a crucial matter deserves special attention. When people want to stress the point that their kabihu or Uma is the unit that differentiates itself from other kabihu or Uma, they say that their kabihu or Uma is Inaya-Ama, \u2018Mother-Father\u2019 \u2026 In Laboya, Inya-Ama is explained as follows: \u2018The fact that we are Inya-Ama demonstrates that nobody can give us orders.\u2019\r\n\r\n\u201cImplicit in this statement lies the social rule according to which a younger brother has to obey and help his elder sibling. In rituals, representatives of a younger Uma must comply with the orders given by their counterparts in the eldest Uma. When they say \u2018we are Inya-Ama\u2019, the men of a particular Uma express the fact that as a genealogical unit, they have become independent because not even an elder branch can impose its rules upon them.\u201d (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, p. 19)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Laboya also make a social distinction between the ata pote and the ata tada. The ata pote (\u2018rich men\u2019) do not accumulate goods for the pleasure of being rich \u2026 Rich men must have accordingly, that is, they must give many feasts to show their wealth and redistribute it, thereby re-activating long-standing relationships and creating new ones \u2026 In contrast, ata tada are not necessarily noble although they are never descendants of \u2018slaves\u2019. Nor are they necessarily very rich; yet a poor man can never become one of them. They are wise, mature men who have oratory skills and who know how to settle disputes. Nearly every kabihu has its own ata tada who may be requested to act as a go-between \u2026 during marriage settlements, or at the occasion of any ceremony during which gifts between wife-givers and wife-takers have to be exchanged.\u201d (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, p. 197)\r\n\r\nVillages were made up of multiple kabihu, and kabihu were spread across multiple villages:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn Laboya, several kabihu live in the same village (harona) and a settlement is not an exogamous unit as it is the case [sic] in Kodi.\u201d (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, p. 17, Footnote 2). \r\n\r\n\u201cGeographically and ritually, Hodana is the centre of Laboya, from where all kabihu of Laboya proper and of Patyala have originated. Ideally, all of them are supposed to have their ancestral house in Hodana. In practice, several kabihu, for example Welowa, Ubumaleha and Kadengara, have established their own ancestral villages elsewhere long ago \u2026 [145] \u2026 The site where an ancestral house should stand is supposed to correspond to the one appointed by Ubu Raba, Ubu Rehi, Anamalangta Bawe and other apical ancestors. At the time when they organized Pa?u and Nyale, the ancestors assigned specific tasks in the yearly rituals to each kabihu and Uma and this arrangement is presented as immutable. In accordance with their ceremonial role during Pa\u03b4u and Nyale, the kabihu were given a special place on which to build their first house. Therefore, the geographical mapping of Hodana corresponds to a ritually significant social division.\u201d (Geirnaert, 1992, pp. 144-145)\r\n\r\nThe 'Mori uma' led the household in feasting and previously in warfare. The relationship between different Mori uma within the same Uma or Kabihu appears to have been fairly egalitarian:\r\n\r\n\u201cA \u2018Mori uma\u2019 or \u2018Master of a house\u2019, usually the eldest living male in a house, becomes a \u2018Master of the feast\u2019 \u2026 whenever he organizes a feast. He does not keep the honour and the renown he obtains on such an occasion all to himself. He must share it with his brothers who have been messengers between himself and his guests and have helped him with the organization \u2026 These rules are the same as the ones that applied in the past to the organization of headhunting raids. Ideally a war leader and his brothers first decided which men to ask to participate. Then brothers were sent off to visit those men and invite them. If the party succeeded in taking heads the war leader and his brothers shared the prestige obtained for organizing a successful raid. However, if one of the invited participants was injured or killed, the war leader and his brothers had the duty to pay a blood-price (taupe) to the family. Brothers, hence the members of an Uma and ultimately all brothers of a kabihu, are said to \u2018share the same name\u2019. A \u2018man of renown\u2019 (ata pagnara) shares his prestige with his brothers, that is the members of his Uma. If a kabihu consists of many Uma whose members are rich enough to give many feasts, the kabihu is considered as a \u2018big kabihu with many children\u2019: a particularly wealthy kabihu whose male members are able to marry several wives who then give birth to many children \u2026 [31] \u2026 The renown obtained by the living members of a kabihu or of an Uma when organizing successful feasts contributes to the permanence of that kabihu or Uma as a social unit, a totality, consisting of ancestors and of their descendants.\u201d (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, pp. 30-31)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10280, "valueset_pk": 10280, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10280, "jsondata": {}, "id": "laboya-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 100, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 100, "glottocode": "lamb1273", "ethonyms": "Lamboya", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Lamboya"]}, "id": "laboya", "name": "Laboya", "description": "The Laboya are one of the many ethnic communities (suku in modern Indonesian terminology) inhabiting the western end of the island of Sumba in Eastern Indonesia. The indigenous religion was a form of ancestor worship. The more distant an ancestor was, the more powerful this ancestor was believed to be. The founding ancestors, called marapu as elsewhere in Sumba, were believed to have had godlike powers. More ordinary spirits of the dead were believed to undergo a series of transformations, eventually becoming clouds and rain.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.7, "longitude": 119.4}, "name": "Laboya"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.4, -9.7]}, "id": "laboya"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19388", "name": "0", "description": "\u201cThere was no central authority on Bellona, no high chief or chiefs of the type found in a number of other Polynesian communities. Each patrilineal descent group was autonomous \u2026 Each lineage consisted of a number of male landholders (matu\u2019a). Each had complete authority over his own land, although there was very close cooperation among the landholders within the lineage \u2026 Firstborn sons in each generation usually inherited more land than others and they were frequently chosen as hakahua of the lineage by their father and by the other elders of the group \u2026 The title did not give the holder any authority over the others, but the hakahua would often be a person to whom one turned for advice or help, and he would often be the leader in interlineage fights.\u201d (Monberg, 1991, p 19)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10286, "valueset_pk": 10286, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10286, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bellona-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 128, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 128, "glottocode": "renn1242", "ethonyms": "Bellonese; Munggiki", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bellonese", "Munggiki"]}, "id": "bellona", "name": "Bellona", "description": "Bellona, a raised coral island, is one of the 'Polynesian Outliers'. Its language and culture are very similar to those of neighbouring Rennell. Like the Rennellese, the Bellonese maintained their indigenous religion until a mass conversion in 1938.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -11.3, "longitude": 159.8}, "name": "Bellona"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [159.8, -11.3]}, "id": "bellona"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18974", "name": "0", "description": "'Society' (Loeb, 1935, pp. 173-192)\r\n\r\nTricky. On the one hand, Loeb describes the Mentawai as lacking 'true chiefs, laws, or government'. A figure called the rimata existed, but such political power as he possessed was clearly an indirect result of his religious authority - he controlled the timing of various activities by performing or not performing the rituals that were believed to be essential for their success:\r\n\r\n\"In Mentawei the concept of government and of the family is so interwoven with the religion that it is impossible to give an idea of the native social organization without first summarizing the religious concepts ... The religious festival of the Mentawei people is called lia or punen. The lia is a family festival, is of shorter duration, and is accompanied by the sacrifice of chickens. The punen is the celebration attended by all members of the uma, men, women, and children ... The house father (ukui) conducts the lia, the priest (rimata) conducts the punen, aided by one or more seers (sikerei) ... Among the occasions on which punen are held may be included: the building of a new communal house (uma), the choice of a new priest (rimata), the making of a new communal field, the spilling of blood within the villagge, an epidemic in the village, when a tree falls in the community, and after the killing of a sacrificial animal; monkey, deer, or sea-turtle.\" (Loeb, 1935, p. 173)\r\n\r\n\"As among all very primitive peoples the Mentawaians have no true chiefs, laws, or government ... When the Dutch first started governing Mentawai, they selected various rimata as the proper people to enforce their regulations, such as path building, sanitation measures, & c. This was done in the belief that the rimata were chiefs similar to the chiefs of Nias or Batakland. The fallacy of this idea soon became apparent, for not only had the rimata no special authority over the natives, outside of punen periods, but their very characters prevented them from [177] energetic enforcement of foreign edicts. The rimata are so taboo (suru, sacred) that they can do practically no work at all at all, and hence only lazy men will accept the position ... The rimata has charge of all undertakings of communal interest, since these are governed by punen regulations. He decides when the taro fields should be laid out, when a new building should be erected, and when the people should go to the fields and get food.\" (Loeb, 1974, pp. 176-177)\r\n\r\nOn the other hand, one village, Taikako, is described as having exercised a kind of hegemony over the whole of the Pagai group. How this hegemony was maintained is unclear, given that centralized authority was lacking at the village level, or indeed at any level:\r\n\r\n\"Each village consists of one or more uma (communal house) and the surrounded lalep (family houses). The uma and the surrounding family houses compose the Mentawei social, political, and religious unit. Like the Bontok Igorot of the Philippines the Mentawei village does not act as a unit ... Taikako is the oldest and largest village of the Pagehs. This village has four uma ... The people of Taikako regard themselves as the rightful owners of the Pagehs, and those who wish to found new villages must first ask their consent. If the people of other villages wish to plant coconut trees they likewise must first give presents to the natives in Taikako. When the inhabitants of Taikako are travelling they have the right to take coconuts from the trees belonging to other villages ... [162] ... The communal house or uma forms the center of Mentawei social life. The rimata (priest) is the head of the uma, or division of the village, rather than of the village as a whole.\" (Loeb, 1935, pp. 161-162)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10289, "valueset_pk": 10289, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10289, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mentawai-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 75, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 75, "glottocode": "ment1249", "ethonyms": "Mentawaian; Pagai; Sipora", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mentawaian", "Pagai", "Sipora"]}, "id": "mentawai", "name": "Mentawai", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.4, "longitude": 98.9}, "name": "Mentawai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [98.9, -1.4]}, "id": "mentawai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17762", "name": "0", "description": "\"But it is not only fear of the anger of the ancestral spirits which keeps a man or woman from flouting the rules and customs of society. The strongest check on the frequent commission of anti-social acts is probably desire for prestige and the fear of public contempt or ostracism. One of the most noticeable things about the life of the Malekulans is its publicity ... The usual daily activities are carried on for the most part in the open in full view of other people, or, by a man, amidst his fellows in the club-house. This is undoubtedly a fact of considerable sociological importance, for there is in this island the minimum of organized legal machinery. Even in the north and north-west, where there are to be found men to whom the word \u201cchief\u201d is not inapplicable and where something in the nature of class distinctions exist, these men do not, so far as we know, have any judicial or administrative functions, and indeed we know very little of what privileges and obligations their position does entail. The evidence seems to suggest that such influence as they have (or may have had) over their fellow tribesmen is due to their wealth. This enables them to be lavish in the making of gifts and the giving of feasts and is in itself an indication that they are people whom fortune favours. It is certain, however, that, though chiefs possessed of authority do probably exist among the Big Nambas and in Lambumbu, Lagalag, and other neighbouring districts, and though their position seems to be in effect, though perhaps not in theory, an hereditary one, in the south and south-west the social status of a man is entirely dependent upon his ability to purchase membership of a high rank in the two graded societies, the Nimangki and the Nalawan, and that such high rank carries with it considerable influence, but probably nothing which could be truly regarded as [48]  authoritative powers.\r\n\r\n\"Of the political organization of Seniang, Deacon wrote: -- \r\n\r\n\"'It would I think be true to say that there is no chieftainship. Authority is vested in the higher Nimangki ranks, and is a corollory also of the prestige conferred by the higher Nalawans and the Nevinbur. It may be noted, however, that a man may occupy a high Nimangki rank because his father, a rich and powerful man, paid for his entrance to the ranks while he was yet a boy. Thus I have met small boys who have made Nimew  or rather whose fathers had had Nimew made for them. In such cases 'the King may be a weakling' and authority may pass to the most forceful personality. The transmission of traditionally recognized authority is, however, through the higher Nimangki ranks.'\" (Deacon, 1934, pp 47-48)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10296, "valueset_pk": 10296, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10296, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Seniang-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 74, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 74, "glottocode": "sout2857", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "Seniang", "name": "Seniang", "description": "A district in Southern Malekula, famously studied by Bernard Deacon in the 1920s.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -16.5, "longitude": 167.4}, "name": "Seniang"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.4, -16.5]}, "id": "Seniang"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18228", "name": "0", "description": "\"Isneg value patterns, as seen in the spheres of wealth and bravery, emphasis upon individual achievement. This individualism, combined smallness of settlement units, left less scope than among most other peoples for the development of formally structured authority\u2026 Leadership in the Isneg society is diffuse. Beyond the household and immediate kin it is concerned with reputation and influence rather than real power.\r\n\r\n\"Even so, informants asked about leadership matters almost invariably first of great mengal figures of past and present whose influence extended over large regions, and whose fame went further \u2026 [10] \u2026 A rising mengal finds himself and others in neighboring hamlets consulting him on intergroup affairs, and he may be called on to arbitrate disputes and otherwise take leadership. He attracts and distributes important wealth, and his home becomes a center for festivals and rituals. He becomes imbued with spiritual potency which makes him both respected and feared. Vanoverbergh cites the supernatural penalties incurred by a person who cuts or notches, even accidentally, \u2018any part of the house\u2019 of a mengal, his only rememdy being to sniff the magical pouch which the mengal carries on his person - something an enemy could hardly do while the houseowner was alive.\" (Keesing, 1962, pp. 9-10)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10301, "valueset_pk": 10301, "domainelement_pk": 270, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 270, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "150-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 88, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10301, "jsondata": {}, "id": "isneg-88", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 90, "parameter_pk": 88, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 90, "glottocode": "isna1241", "ethonyms": "Apayao; Calasan; Isnag; Isned; Mandaya", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Apayao", "Calasan", "Isnag", "Isned", "Mandaya"]}, "id": "isneg", "name": "Isneg", "description": "The Isneg or Apayao live in the northern Cordillera of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippines.\r\nThe Isneg were notorious for headhunting and were among the last of the Cordilleran peoples to be brought under colonial control.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 18.1, "longitude": 121.2}, "name": "Isneg"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.2, 18.1]}, "id": "isneg"}]}