{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Religious Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19870", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The Batacs\u2019 (Venturello, 1907, pp. 546-556)\r\n\r\nThe only religious specialist mentioned is the babailan, whose role is described as follows:\r\n\r\n\u201cThis tribe celebrates no fiestas with the exception of that of [552] sangbay, the same as is observed by the Apurahuanos. This takes place in April. The celebration of the fiesta is the same as by the Apurahuanos with the difference that all classes of diversions and dancing are permitted and in them men, women, and children participate. Neither do they observe the sacrifice of the chicken as the Apurahuanos do. The Batacs, however, construct two little huts in imitation of a house. In the one house is placed palay, in the other are imitation houses of bees made of the leaves of the balasbas or species of palm. The babailan will then recite the prayers and earnestly beseech Diwata that he give to the tribe a year of much palay and bees \u2026 The celebration of this feast takes place in the solitary places of the woods, distant from the beach two or three kilometers. \r\n\r\n\"When one of the people becomes ill the babailan officiates in the same manner as among the Apurahuanos.\" (Venturello, 1907, pp. 551-552)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9943, "valueset_pk": 9943, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9943, "jsondata": {}, "id": "palawan-batak-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 20, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 20, "glottocode": "bata1301", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "palawan-batak", "name": "Palawan Batak", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 10.1, "longitude": 119.1}, "name": "Palawan Batak"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.1, 10.1]}, "id": "palawan-batak"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19010", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Titles\u2019: Buck (1934, pp 112-125)\r\n\r\n\"The hereditary titles were those of the two High Priests of Rongo, the Ruler of Food, and the tribal priests. An acquired title was that of Temporal Lord of Mangaia. Chiefs were also appointed to. rule over subdistricts (tapere) and districts (puna). Gill refers to the priests of Rongo as the \u2018King defending the Interior\u2019 and the \u2018King defending the Shore.\u2019 But as their functions were purely religious, the holders of the title may be more appropriately termed \u2018high priests.\u2019 Gill refers to the holder of the temporal power as Temporal Lord of Mangaia, which expresses the position, though he was more nearly a king than were the high priests.\" (Buck, 1934, p 112)\r\n\r\nThe High Priests of Rongo:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe High Priest of Rongo who officiated on the inland marae was termed the ariki-pa-uta (high-chief-guarding-the-interior). The term pa-uta applies to his supposed function of guarding (pa) the island, by means of chants, from evil spirits that approached from the east. The marae where he officiated was inland (uta), as contrasted with that of the other high priest, which was on the western shore (tai).\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 112)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe first priest, Rangi, must have installed himself. Later installations were made by the Temporal Lord of Mangaia, who seated the newly inducted priest on the sacred block of sandstone (ke'a) placed in the coastal marae of Orongo. The installation made the officeholder one of the two official priests of Rongo (pi'a atua no Rongo). In preparation for this office, the priest was taught the incantations (karakia) that had been originally given by Rongo to Te Akatauira. His main duties were in connection with the sacrifices to Rongo, which took their most complicated form in the sacrifice after a victory \u2026 The observance of the proper ritual placated Rongo and made the reign of the Temporal Lord a successful one. The refusal of the high priest to conduct the ritual led to the venting of Rongo's anger upon the land \u2026 The sanctity of the high priest held so long as he restricted himself to his religious duties. If he interfered too much in temporal matters, he forfeited the immunity otherwise enjoyed \u2026 Though the title of high priest ran in direct succession from father to son, the Temporal Lord acquired such power that he could influence the succession by having it bestowed upon some other member of the family.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 113-114)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Shore High Priest ranked second to the Inland High Priest. While exercising his office, his person was extremely sacred \u2026 When war broke out, however, the power of the warrior became supreme, and the sacred nature of his office did not protect the Shore High Priest's life if he interfered in temporal matters.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 116-117)\r\n\r\nThe \u2018Ruler of Food\u2019:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe full title of the Ruler of Food is te ariki i te ua i te tapora kai (the high chief presiding at the head of the food baskets). Gill translates the title freely as \u2018Ruler of Food\u2019, which suits the office.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 117)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe fertility of the land and trees was held to depend on the distribution of the portions of the human sacrifice divided among the ruling chiefs at the ceremony held on the Orongo marae. In olden times the Ruler of Food had some influence as to the imposing of closed seasons (ra'ui) over districts and fishing grounds in order to let depleted food supplies recover. In times of peace, he exercised a ceremonial control over the distribution of food at public feasts. The food was really divided into the required allotments by the local chiefs responsible for the feast, and the public calling of the shares was then made by the Ruler of Food \u2026 The correct observance of ceremonial added to the importance of the feast and was associated with continued prosperity. The hereditary title was treated with great respect during peace, and even the change in Temporal Lords did not affect the position so long as the office-page holder and his tribe were not involved in war. During war times the Ruler of Food superintended the provisioning of the troops of his own tribe.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 118-119)\r\n\r\nTribal priests:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe power of the priests of the tribal gods was confined solely within the tribe which served the particular god.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 119)\r\n\r\nThe temporal lord:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe supreme temporal power (mangaia) was held, not by a hereditary successor, but by the leader supreme on the field of battle who became what Gill (12, p. 308) terms \u2018victor and consequent real \u201cLord of Mangaia.\u201d\u2019 (Buck, 1934, p 122)\r\n\r\n\u201cOn the termination of a campaign the lands of the conquered were forfeited to the victors. The Temporal Lord was thus enabled to reward the leading warriors who had supported him by giving them positions of authority over districts and subdistricts \u2026 In the earlier period of Mangaian society the conquerors simply took the lands of the conquered. The development of ceremonial, however, necessitated the public naming of the various officeholders during the installation of the Temporal Lord on the marae.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 123)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Temporal Lord made a visit of state to any district where trouble was brewing. After the feast in his honor, he exhorted the local chief to support his rule by preserving peace.  \u2026 The maintenance of peace was of paramount importance to the ruling Temporal Lord, for with the shedding of blood his reign automatically ended.\u201d (Buck, 1934, pp 123-124)\r\n\r\nDistrict and subdistrict chiefs:\r\n\r\n\u201cDuring the reign of Pangemiro the island divided into six districts (puna). At the installation of the Temporal Lord, the district chiefs (pava) were appointed from among the successful warriors \u2026 The districts were divided up into five to ten subdistricts (tapere), each of which was ruled over by a subdistrict chief. There was no area of land specifically associated with the office of pava. Theoretically, the Temporal Lord selected the six pava, and each pava selected the chiefs to rule over the subdistricts under him \u2026 Each subdistrict had its name and was governed by a chief, whose title, kairanga-nuku \u2026 signified that the chief ate of the produce of the land in the subdistrict and also that the people ate through him. He saw to the distribution of the taro lands within the subdistrict \u2026 He helped to readjust distribution on the death of landholders and settled disputes with regard to lands. An injured person could appeal to the pava.\u201d (Buck, 1934, p 124)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9944, "valueset_pk": 9944, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9944, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mangaia-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 63, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 63, "glottocode": "raro1241", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "mangaia", "name": "Mangaia", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.9, "longitude": -157.9}, "name": "Mangaia"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [202.1, -21.9]}, "id": "mangaia"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19014", "name": "3", "description": "\u201c\"Nobles who ruled over the separate islands or large districts bore the title of 'akariki \u2026 In the time of Apeiti \u2026 the two large districts of Rikitea and Taku were each ruled by a 'akariki. Through the conquest of Taku, Apeiti became ruler over the whole island of Mangareva, but his influence extended over the other islands as well. Except for the break caused by the commoner, Teiti-a-tuou, the descendants of Ruaga ruled as 'akariki until the arrival of the missionaries in 1834.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe heir to the \u2018akariki title had to be born on the marae of Te Kehika, and the mother was accordingly conveyed there when labor pains began \u2026 On the eight day the child underwent the igogo ceremony on the marae, and the high priest fed him to bring him under the direct protection of the gods \u2026 The king was enveloped in a personal tapu due to his birth. The tapu of priests, on the other hand, was derived from their initiation as a medium of the gods. According to Laval \u2026 the king who had the secular tapu alone was termed a kuare but some few were also charged with the sacred tapu and thus had a dual power expressed by the term taura-ariki (priest and king). The sacred tapu, however, was usually conferred on some other member of the royal family who was selected to function as high priest (taura-tupua).\u201d \" (Buck, 1938, pp 151-152)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9945, "valueset_pk": 9945, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9945, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mangareva-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 60, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 60, "glottocode": "mang1401", "ethonyms": "Gambier Islands", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Gambier Islands"]}, "id": "mangareva", "name": "Mangareva", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -23.1, "longitude": -135.0}, "name": "Mangareva"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [225.0, -23.1]}, "id": "mangareva"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19016", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The priesthood\u2019 (Buck, 1952, pp. 473-477)\r\n\r\nMost religious rituals at the group level appear to have been led by priests (tohunga), though there were some rituals than only chiefs (who were rarely tohunga) could perform. Buck strongly implies that the highest-level priests operated at the 'tribal' level.\r\n\r\n\u201cTHE GODS HAD HUMAN MEDIUMS OR INTERPRETERS, FOR without such mediums they could not exist \u2026 When a god manifested himself through some creature, the creature was termed an aria; but when a deity expressed himself through a human being, that person was termed a waka atua. The term waka atua means literally a \u2018canoe of the god\u2019, but it was used figuratively to indicate that the person was regarded as the human receptacle or medium of the god. It implies further that the god could enter or take possession of the human medium to express himself directly to his followers ... In New Zealand, possession was confined to the mediums of the minor gods ...[474] ...The mediums of the gods were termed tohunga, probably derived from the verb tohu, to guide or to direct. However, tohunga was applied to experts in any branch of knowledge, and a qualifying term was necessary at times to distinguish them. The expert carver was a tohunga whakairo (whakairo, to carve) and the tattooing artist was a tohunga ta moko (ta moko, to tattoo). The experts in religious theory and ritual were graded according to the class of god they served. Best (15, p. 166) listed 10 priestly titles derived from various sources. The highest class of priests were termed tohunga ahurewa or tohunga taua; and the lowest, who exploited their fellows through fear, were termed tohunga kehua or tohunga kiato. The tohunga matakite foretold the future, the tohunga tatai arorangi or tohunga kokorangi read the stars, and the tohunga makutu or tohunga whaiwhaia slew people by black magic.\u201d (Buck, 1952, pp. 473-474)\r\n\r\n\u201cFirst-born chiefs inherited certain religious powers (mana atua) by reason of primogeniture. In youth, they were admitted to the schools of learning together with theological students and thus acquired a good deal of religious theory and practice. However, they rarely practised professionally as priests, but there were some rites which could be performed [476] only by them because of their birth. Such was the opening of the sacred oven of the first-born during the ceremony following exhumation.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe office of tohunga was not strictly hereditary in New Zealand, though, as in other expert professions, a son usually followed in his father's steps. The priests of the departmental and tribal gods were educated men who occupied a responsible position in public life and were often of high birth. Priests of the family gods were usually self-taught and self-created. Those who practised black magic were detested and condemned by public opinion, but they were also feared because of their credited power to slay those who displeased them. As in other walks of life, the social position could be improved by brains and personality.\r\n\r\n\u201cMaking all due allowance for quacks, who are present in every race, the tohunga constituted a superior class. Though they may have used ventriloquism, hypnotism, possession, and other aids to impress the people with the belief that they had super-normal powers, they used their power wisely in helping the chiefs to govern the people aright. They were the repository of tribal lore regarding myths and tribal history, and they were expert genealogists. They studied natural phenomena and learned much regarding the stars, the seasons, and weather conditions and acquired other information of practical value to the people. Religion was so interwoven with social and material matters that the priests were absolutely necessary to the proper functioning of Maori society. Thus the high-class tohunga were scholars, scientists, and philosophers as well as theologians.\u201d (Buck, 1952, pp. 475-476)\r\n\r\nThe tribe (iwi), as described by Buck, was clearly a supralocal entity:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe smallest social unit is the biological family, which the Maori termed whanau, derived from whanau, to give birth. With each generation, the number of families increased and reached such numbers that the restricted term of whanau could no longer be applied to the group. The term hapu (pregnancy) was used to denote this expanded family group for it expressed the idea of birth from common ancestors and thus stressed the blood tie which united the families for the purpose of co-operation in active operations and in defence. If all went well, the hapu expanded still further in succeeding generations making it necessary for groups to separate from the original settlement and take up land in neighbouring localities. Thus the original hapu expanded into a number of hapu, but, as numbers were important in the frequent wars which took place, the hapu still recognized their common blood descent and united when occasion arose. The term iwi (bone) was brought into current use to include all the hapu descended from common ancestors and thus related to each other by a blood tie. To denote the groupings in English, the iwi has been termed tribe and the hapu a sub-tribe.\r\n\r\n[334]\r\n\r\n\u201cSome sub-tribes remained restricted in numbers or even disappeared through ill fortune in war and other sub-tribes expanded so much that they assumed the status of a tribe and split into sub-tribes. Hence, the descendants of an original pair of ancestors became, in time, grouped into a number of tribes, each with its own sub-tribes. The connecting tie between sub-tribes was close and strong, and, though quarrels broke out between them, they were always ready to combine under tribal leadership for co-operation in tribal affairs. The tie between tribes descended from common ancestors was not so strong but it was recognized and served to bind them together loosely in a form of tribal federation. Such tribes often fought bitter wars between themselves but would unite against outside tribes for common defence or aggression. A similar sentiment would often unite tribes whose ancestors belonged to different families but who came in the same voyaging canoe. The claim for co-operation was the waka, or ancestral canoe, and an eloquent orator could arouse sentiment to the point of action.\u201d (Buck, 1952, pp. 333-334)\r\n\r\n(NOTE: In recent years the 'tribal' model of Maori political organisation has been completely overturned (Ballara, 1998). Maori are now seen as having lived in independent hapu or groups of hapu under a ruling chief, which could consist of multiple settlements but were always smaller than an iwi. Unfortunately, Ballara says very little about religious authority.)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9947, "valueset_pk": 9947, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9947, "jsondata": {}, "id": "maori-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 13, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 13, "glottocode": "maor1246", "ethonyms": "Tangata Whenua", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tangata Whenua"]}, "id": "maori", "name": "M\u0101ori", "description": "M\u0101ori are the indigenous people of New Zealand. New Zealand was settled from Eastern Polynesia, probably in the thirteenth century. M\u0101ori religion involved a pantheon of beings, ranging from powerful departmental gods to local spirits such as taniwha.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -39.0, "longitude": 175.8}, "name": "M\u0101ori"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [175.8, -39.0]}, "id": "maori"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19020", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018M\u00c9TAPHYSIQUE. PSYCHOLOGIE. RELIGION. MAGIE. SORCELLERIE.\u2019 (Dubois, 1984, pp. 287-342)\r\n\r\nThe religion of Mare centred on magical objects called kaze. The right to make and use these objects belonged to certain clans called aca-nia. The whole island appears to have acknowledged the same aca-nia clans, and these clans could serve any chiefdom in exchange for payment. The member of an aca-nia clan who handled a kaze was called an aca-kaze. \r\n\r\n\u00ab Nous avons d\u00e9fini le kaze mar\u00e9en. Nous avons vu que le sens primitif \u00e9tait  \u2039 mort  \u203a; que ce terme avait d\u00e9sign\u00e9 le cadavre-dieu, analogue au bao de Houa\u00eflou; puis qu\u2019il \u00e9tait l\u2019esprit source de vie du clan, devenu \u00e0 Lifou le haze, L\u00e9zard ou Serpent. Nous avons vu que le sens de \u2039 mort \u203a s\u2019\u00e9tait conserv\u00e9 dans l\u2019expression \u2039 du-re-kaze \u203a = \u2039 os de mort \u203a. Mais ne nom de kaze avait \u00e9t\u00e9 comme accapar\u00e9 par les si Xacace, aca-nia des si Hnathege venus de Lifou, qui d\u00e9barquerent \u00e0 Hna-te-re-kaz(e) ou Hna-cede-re-kaz(e), sur la c\u00f4te nord-ouest du Mar\u00e9. L\u2019introduction du Kaze, pierre [327] servant \u00e0 fortifier les sorcelleries, est la base d\u2019un cycle mythique tr\u00e8s important \u2026 En r\u00e9sum\u00e9, les si Hathege furent chass\u00e9s de Lifou, avec leurs aca-nia si Xacace, \u00e0 une \u00e9poque difficile \u00e0 preciser, mais qui, \u00e0 titre d\u2019hypoth\u00e8se, pourrait remonter au XVIe si\u00e8cle. Ceux-ci apport\u00e8rent la pierre Kaze qui tirait son pouvoir du culte d\u00e9clinant de Kong Hulup \u00e0 Ouvea \u2026 Elle servait \u00e0 fabriquer des sorcelleries de n\u00e9cromancie, appel\u00e9es elles-m\u00eames kaze.\r\n\r\n\u00ab Les nouveaux arrives s\u00e9journ\u00e8rent quelques temps \u00e0 Cara, puis les si Hnathege s\u2019install\u00e8rent aupr\u00e9s un s\u00e9jour chez les Aca-kaze auxquels ils donn\u00e8rent beaucoup de sorcelleries (d\u2019o\u00f9 leur nom, Ma\u00eetres des kaze), se dispers\u00e9rent. Les chefs s\u2019\u00e9tablirent \u00e0 La Roche, \u00e0 la place des si Puhan. Les \u2039 derniers-n\u00e9s \u203a s\u2019entendirent avec les aca-nia si Cohmu, les si Taxeru(e), si Tapep(a). Ils fabriqu\u00e8rent \u00e0 Niri, pr\u00e8s de Wabao, des kaze qu\u2019ils distribu\u00e8rent dans les clans d\u2019acania \u2026 Les aca-nia purent augmenter leur puissance jusqu\u2019\u00e0 dominer le pays et fomenter le massacre de ses anciens ma\u00eetres, les Eletok. Le culte des yaac ne signifiait plus grand chose, ne correspondait plus \u00e0 une grande utilit\u00e9 puisqu\u2019il ne tuait pas les ennemis. Il diminua. L\u2019introduction du Kaze fut une v\u00e9ritable r\u00e9volution religieuse. \u00bb (Dubois, 1984, pp. 326-327)\r\n\r\n(\"We have defined the Mar\u00e9an kaze. We have seen that the original sense was 'the dead', that this term had designated the corpose-god, analogous to the bao of Houa\u00eflou; then that it was the spirit of the source of life of the clan, which in Lifou became the haze, Lizard or Serpent. We have seen that the sense of 'the dead' has been preserved in the expression 'du-re-kaze' = 'bone of the dead'. But the name of kaze has been monopolised by the Si Xacace, aca-nia of the si Hnathege who came from Lifou, who disembarked at Hna-te-re-kaz(e) or Hna-cede-re-kaz(e), on the northwest coast of Mar\u00e9. The introduction of kaze, the use of stones of fortify sorcery, is the basis of a very important mythic cycle ... In brief, the si Hathege were driven from Lifou, with their aca-nia si Xacace, at a time that is difficult to specify, but which, as a hypothesis, may date back to the 16th century. They brought the Kaze stone which drew its power from the declining cult of Kong Hulup at Ouvea ... It was used to make objects that could be used in necromantic sorcery, which were themselves called kaze.\r\n\r\n\"The new arrivals stayed for some time at Cara, then the si Hnathege settled down among the Aca-kaze, to whom they gave many objects that could be used in sorcery (hence their name, 'Masters of the kaze'), then dispersed. The chiefs settled at La Roche, at the place of the Si Puhan. The 'last-born' were friendly with the aca-nia si Cohmu, the si Taxeru(e), and the si Tapep(a). At Niri, near Wabao, they made kaze that they distributed among the aca-nia clans ... The aca-nia were able to icnrease their power to dominate the country and foment the massacre of their old masters, the Eletok. The cult of yaac no longer meant much, it was no longer useful since it did not kill enemies. It diminished. The introduction of Kaze was a true religious revolution.\")\r\n\r\n\u00ab Pour fabriquer un kaze, il fallait \u00eatre membre d\u2019un clan d\u2019aca-nia d\u00e9tenteur d\u2019un waceng special. Le sorcier tenait ce pouvoir de sa parent\u00e9 ascendante, et l\u2019avait re\u00e7u par la c\u00e9r\u00e9monie du crachement de la salive dans la bouche et dans les mains. \u00bb (Dubois, 1984, p. 327)\r\n\r\n(\"To make a kaze, it was necessary to belong to an aca-nia clan possessing a special waceng [magical object. The sorcerer got his power from his ancestors, and received it through the ceremony of spitting saliva in the mouth and in the hands.\")\r\n\r\n\u00ab La force du kaze \u00e9prouv\u00e9e, le clan des aca-nia se r\u00e9unissait sous la pr\u00e9sidence de son chef et discuitait pour savoir \u00e0 qui on allait le donner. D\u00e9cision prise, on c\u00e9dait la sorcellerie \u00e0 telle chefferie moyennant des richesses indig\u00e8nes. Un member du clan des aca-nia \u00e9tait charg\u00e9 de la garde du paquet magique au profit du chef demandeur. Telle est la principale raison donn\u00e9e par Alexandre Alan pour la dispersion des clans d\u2019aca-nia, en particulier du sien, celui des si Tapep(a). \u00bb (Dubois, 1984, p. 329)\r\n\r\n(\u201cThe strength of the kaze having been tested, the aca-nia clan met under the leadership of its chief and discussed to whom it was to be given. The decision having been made, the kaze was granted to a given chiefdom in return for indigenous wealth. A member of the aca-nia clan was in charge of guarding the magical package for the benefit of the chief who had requested it. This was the main reason given by Alexander Alan for the dispersal of the aca-nia clans, in particular his own, the si Tapep(a).\u201d)\r\n\r\n\u00ab Le manipulateur d\u2019un kaze \u00e9tait un aca-kaze. Le chef au profit duquel \u00e9tait manipul\u00e9 le kaze, ne l\u2019utilisait pas lui-m\u00eame. Il se servait de l\u2019interm\u00e9daire de l\u2019aca-nia aca-kaze. L\u2019op\u00e9ration risquait de se retourner contre le manipulateur profane. \u00bb Dubois, 1984, p. 329)\r\n\r\n(\"The handler of a kaze was a called an aca-kaze. The chief for whose benefit the kaze was being manipulated did not use it himself. He used the aca-nia aca-kaze as an intermediary. The operation could backfire on a layman handler.\")", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9948, "valueset_pk": 9948, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9948, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mare-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 48, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 48, "glottocode": "neng1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "mare", "name": "Mare", "description": "Mare is one of the Loyalty Islands north of New Caledonia. What little is known of religion on Mare suggest an ancestor cult. Ancestors were venerated through objects connected with the deceased, such as fingernails.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.5, "longitude": 168.0}, "name": "Mare"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [168.0, -21.5]}, "id": "mare"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19878", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Religious Concepts\u2019 (Vergouwen, 1964, pp. 67-104)\r\n\r\n\u2018The Corporate Communities (Haradjaon)\u2019 (Vergouwen, 1964, pp. 105-136)\r\n\r\nThe Toba Batak lived in villages (huta), more than one of which formed a \u2018tribal group\u2019 (marga, though this term was also used for larger and smaller units):\r\n\r\n\"It is comparatively simple to describe the main features of the smallest of the Batak corporate groups, the village; and the highest, the tribal group. Below the village there is only the hamlet; above the tribal group there is only the Batak people as such. It is what lies between these two extremes that presents the difficulty.\" (Vergouwen, 1964, p. 105)\r\n\r\nThe largest-scale ceremonies appear to have taken place at the level of the \u2018tribal group\u2019. Sometimes this coincided with a bius (\u2018sacrificial community\u2019), but sometimes not. In part of the Toba Batak area, these ceremonies were managed by figures called parbaringan \u2018priests of the bius feasts\u2019, who were representatives of a figure called the Singamangaradja, whose influence appears to have transcended any one tribal group or bius. Elsewhere the parbaringan were less influential, and large-scale ceremonies were performed by figures called datu as well as the \u2018principal chiefs of the tribal group\u2019: \r\n\r\n\u201cIn the ceremony just described the great ancestor is accorded the respect that is his due. But, greater honour still was given to the sumangot if his line had grown to a great marga or tribal group. (Here one must speak in the past tense since Christianity has spread everywhere.) He was then elevated to the highest rank of spirits approaching the status of the gods ; he became the sombaon = he who is revered. Formerly this elevation took place at a great sacrificial ceremony that was specially arranged for the purpose, the santi rea, at which all his descendants and their affines assembled. Henceforth the sombaon would dwell in a holy place, on the summit of a mountain, in a primeval forest, or in a great river. In the Nai Rasaon group, for instance, the dwelling place of the spirit of the tribal ancestor is the Simanukmanuk mountain range that separates Uluan from the East Coast. The sombaon was always invoked at all important religious ceremonies as the principal [72] and most powerful of all the spirits of the patrilineal community. As a rule, his veneration took place at a place permanently assigned for the purpose: sometimes it was the market place of the whole community, sometimes it was elsewhere. The principal chiefs of the lineage met and made the necessary arrangements ... [73] ... The sacrificial feast that was arranged by the bius, or bus ('was' because the Dutch Government forbade these ceremonies many years ago) showed great conformity in its aims and forms with the big sombaon offering-ceremonies. The bius was distinguished from the latter in that it did not embrace a genealogically pure group of agnates (to whose feasts the affines and the chiefs of the neighbourhood were invited as guests), but a larger or smaller geographical area and all its inhabitants. Nevertheless, the genealogical divisions of the groups living within that area were not lost sight of \u2026 The bius and its cult had the least significance in areas where the marga, in occupying their ancestral territory, continued to live together as a whole with their separate branches and lineages, each marga having [74] its own corner of the territory. These marga, apart from dispersals, there formed genealogically as well as geographically well-rounded kinship groups. Each could conduct its own hordja, feasts, as occasion demanded for its own territory and if they united, they still always formed a higher group of patrilineally linked kinsmen in one area. Only if, for example, an epidemic ravaged the entire ancestral area or if drought threatened the fields of the inhabitants, would there be recourse to a general assembly of the inhabitants of the very large territory which embraced the tribal group as well as its in-dwelling groups and enclaves. The bius connection there did not have more far-reaching consequences than those resulting from the periodical sacrificial-feasts \u2026 In other regions, however, such as Samosir and Uluan, where the marga did not so often occupy their own homogeneous area but where, on the contrary, their divisions were usually dispersed over the whole of the tribal area in large or small groups, the formation of religious groups had acquired a secular significance too \u2026 Thus bius were formed which had a mixed religious and secular character. Each bius usually comprised a not too large geographical area and formed a political community of a couple of thousand people in [75] which a common feeling of solidarity outside the sphere of the sacrificial feasts proper had also developed. The objects of veneration in these bius were generally the ancestor common to all, the sombaon, as well as the gods and the nature spirits, and all the forefathers who had lived previously, the ompu sidjolo-djolo tubu, And there was a tendency to gather up these 'small' bius into a very large one which embraced the whole tribal group, or a very large part of it, with the sole object of celebrating the very large and communal sacrificial-ceremonies; for example, the bius 'Hariara maranak' for the whole of South Samosir, or the biu s 'O nan na godang' for the whole of South Uluan and 'Pansur na pitu' for North Uluan.\r\n\r\n\"It is worthy of note that in areas where the bius acquired this political character paganism has held out the longest. This is not attributable to the fact that worldly and spiritual power were under one control because this has not been the case, except in one or two areas, and then only temporarily. In part it can be ascribed to the influence of Singamangaradja whose most active representatives were always the parbaringin, the priests of the bius feasts. This applied only in the Sumba territory around the south-westerly parts of Lake Toba and not to the Lontung territory of Samosir and its environs where Singamangaradja met nothing but opposition. However, in these Lontung territories, the extensive organisation of officials which the bius brought into existence, and who conducted the more or less important rituals in the offering ceremonies, was also a powerful stronghold of paganism ... The parbaringin-organisation has become the carrier of pagan concepts. In the region where it is operative it almost entirely controls the regular worship and the agricultural ceremonies connected with it, and it has a powerful hold on the thoughts of the ordinary man such as is not to be found elsewhere. Such an organisation does not exist in the south of the Toba Country where the periodical bius feasts were directed by the principal chiefs of the tribal group. The datu co-operated where necessary and the paung na opat, as the representatives of Singamangaradja were sometimes called there, took part, but they remained in the background ... But in areas where the bius was a powerful institution the parbaringin were important people. It was the secular chiefs who decided to hold a bius ceremony, but in most of the [76] bius it was the parbaringin-organisation, which could be very extensive, that almost completely controlled the procedure of the ceremony.\" (Vergouwen, 1964, pp. 72-76)\r\n\r\nVergouwen mentions three specifically religious specialists in the chapter of Toba Batak religion: the datu, parbaringin, and Singamangaradja, as well as mentioning that 'secular chiefs' played a religious role in that they were believed to be supernaturally powerful and could decide when to hold religious ceremonies:\r\n\r\n\"Though the tondi-potential is present in everybody, its supernatural force is neither apparent to everybody nor conspicuously active until a man displays particular qualities. Then its existence comes to light. A man who becomes wealthy, one who has a host of sons and daughters and grandsons, a man who carries on authoritatively the chieftaincy obtained by his forefathers, a courageous man, an eloquent man, all bear witness that their tondi has abundant power of which these desired qualities are a manifestation and, as a result, they have their share of courage, wealth, temporal power, etc., the sahala habeguon, hamoraon, haradjaon, etc. Of particular note are the 'potent ones', people like the datu or the parbaringin: they have been specially initiated into the secrets of magico-religious practices, they know how to arouse this power and how to make it efficacious. For this reason their supernatural power is very potent. This attribute was most marked in the supreme magician, Singamangaradja, who had complete control over these forces and knew how to direct them. The influential chiefs also display it to a remarkable degree. All who exhibit a particular 'power' are always honoured and respected by people as those deserving of respect, na sangap. Honour and respect, hasangapon, are the desirable results of possessing sahala.\" (Vergouwen, 1964, p. 83)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9949, "valueset_pk": 9949, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9949, "jsondata": {}, "id": "toba-batak-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 73, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 73, "glottocode": "bata1289", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "toba-batak", "name": "Toba Batak", "description": "The Toba Batak are the largest subgroup of the Batak, a group of related peoples living in the highlands of northern Sumatra. Partly as a result of the mountainous nature of their territory and their fierce reputation, the Toba Batak remained independent and relatively isolated until the second half of the nineteenth century. Their indigenous religion involved a pantheon organized around the sky god Mula Jadi and the serpentine god of the underworld Naga Pahoha. Today, the Toba Batak are overwhelmingly Christian.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 2.3, "longitude": 99.0}, "name": "Toba Batak"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [99.0, 2.3]}, "id": "toba-batak"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "20085", "name": "3", "description": "The earliest important literary source is the narrative of James Oliver of [7] Salem, Massachusets. Arriving in Uvea June 29, 1831, he spent five months in the household of \u2018Vong Ouvie\u2019, whom he calls chief priest of the island. His account of his wanderings was edited and published after his death by William G. Dix \u2026 Because it antedates the mission, the book is valuable, particularly for its account of pre-Christian daily worship. (Burrows, 1937, pp. 6-7)\r\n\r\n\"The development of the Uvean kingdom from a land of rival chiefs is shadowed forth in Henquel's history  ... The political units are kingdom, district and village.\" (Burrows, 1937, p. 76)\r\n\r\n'Religion' (Burrows, 1937, pp. 84-91)\r\n\r\n\"Oliver ... describes a large temple, religious headquarters for the whole island ...\" (Burrows, 1937, p. 88)\r\n\r\n\"The daily ceremonies in the great temple are described circumstantially by Oliver ...\r\n\r\n\"'\"For more than four months I was almost daily an observer of the religious ceremonies of the Wallis Islanders. As soon as day began to break, Vong Ouvie and myself repaired to the temple, where the natives devote two hours of every morning to their public worship ... Against the partition sat the king and priestess. On the right side sat the chiefs of the island and my companions of the Gilde. The priest seaten me with himself on the left. The remaining space was occupied by the natives generally ... [89] ... The priestess of the island, who resided in an apartment of the Avahlu, was, to appearance, about 40 years of age and of moderate personal comeliness. She was much respected by the natives, who regarded her sayings as oracular.\" (Burrows, 1937, pp. 88-89)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9952, "valueset_pk": 9952, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9952, "jsondata": {}, "id": "uvea-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 119, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 119, "glottocode": "wall1257", "ethonyms": "Uvean; Wallisian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Uvean", "Wallisian"]}, "id": "uvea", "name": "Uvea", "description": "The people of Uvea, also known as Wallis Island.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -13.3, "longitude": -176.2}, "name": "Uvea"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [183.8, -13.3]}, "id": "uvea"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18859", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Nili \u2018Wele Batai Telu, The Assembly of the Three Rivers\u2019 (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 71-89)\r\n\r\n\u2018Narrating the path of Ma\u2019saman.uey\u2019 (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 91-132)\r\n\r\n\u2018Hena Manusa: Seven positions, seven nuru\u2019 (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 138-149)\r\n\r\nThe Alune lived in semi-autonomous territories called hena (domains). One of these hena, Manusa, is described in detail in the source (Boulan-Smit, 1998).\r\n\r\nIn the twentieth century hena populations were consolidated into nucleated villages, but previously they appear to have consisted of several settlements. Manusa, which had an area of 181 sq. km (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 12), consisted of several \u2018hamlets\u2019 (p 169), which were not tightly clustered (Fig. 6.1). \r\n\r\nGovernance of the hena was vested in the hena upui (\u2018grandfathers of the domain\u2019). Boulan-Smit (1998, pp. 138-149) describes seven offices:\r\n\r\n\"Seven is also the number of functions and duties which order the ancient social [138] organisation of the hena to make it a complete body. These are the positions/duties (tugas) of hena upui grandfathers / ancestors of the hena'. At the present time, the seven hena upui are recalled as follows: Latu ela mena: ('Great lord in the front'), the leader/ruler/head, upu tapele: the lord of the land, maeta'e: the ritual performer, ama lesi: the warlord, ama nili: the saniri elder, peace negotiator, alamanane: the spokesman, and ama tita: the liaison agent \u2026 Let us  examine these functions more closely.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 137-138)\r\n\r\nThe offices of Latu ela mena, upu tapele, and maeta\u2019e appear to have been the most important, since they were associated with the \u2018three latu [lords]\u2019 of the domain:\r\n\r\n\"Everybody in Manusa agrees that the three functions of leader, lord of the land and ritual performer were filled by the three latu.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 138)\r\n\r\nThe Latu ela mena ('leader') appears to have been the nominal leader of the domain. His role is somewhat obscure \u2013 in Manusa, where Boulan-Smit conducted her fieldwork, the office had long been unfilled. \r\n\r\n\"Everybody in Manusa agrees that the three functions of leader, lord of the land and ritual performer were filled by the three latu. However, in the narrative the first leader, Latuelamena, left at the foundation of the domain. Some elders support the case that he was immediately replaced by the warlord, others that his powerless representative (Tibali, nicknamed ana sosi 'the ignorant child') filled his empty seat while his function was assumed by others. This is where tradition and official history are interwoven. No one remembers [139] who (other than Latuelamena) led Manusa before 1920, when colonial interference started to be felt and was documented.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 138-139)\r\n\r\nThe upu tapele ('lord of the land') was an authority on 'customary law and land tenure' within the hena, as well as having 'privileged contact with the ancestors of the hena':\r\n\r\n\"In Manusa, the 'lord of the land' (upu tapele) is indeed knowledgeable and regarded as the one to whom to refer on matters of customary law and land tenure as long as they concern the 'land' (tapele) and the 'custom' (atate) within the hena itself. The upu tapele is the descendant of the founding ancestor of the domain. Because of this ancestry he has a privileged contact with the ancestors of the hena \u2026 However an upu is the lord, the custodian, the guardian, the person having duties and responsibilities toward something, but not its owner.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 140)\r\n\r\nThe maeta'e ('ritual performer') 'collected offerings' for domain-wide rituals and was also an officiant of the Kakehan (a ritual 'brotherhood'):\r\n\r\n\"The ritual performer collected the offerings of all the nuru for their common ritual centre on Nuruitu. He was also the ritual officiant of the Kakehan ('a'ehane) in the 'men's house' (luma tutue) before the prohibition of initiation and men's rituals in the 1920s, when the village officially converted to Christianity.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 142)\r\n\r\nThe ama lesi appears to have been some kind of shaman as well as a warlord:\r\n\r\n\"Van Wouden attributed to the malesi the role of a 'champion' but also the duties of a diviner or an astrologer, an activity he did not investigate further. Shamanism was a common practice among Alune elders before the conversion to Christianity. The shamanic aspect of the amalesi's charge applied in matters which concerned his field of specialisation i.e. warfare, head hunting, the movements of the group (he led migrations), protection or extension of the boundaries, and men's activities related to the forest.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 142)\r\n\r\nThe ama nili headed the domain council and represented the domain on larger councils. This role may have been a new (postcolonial?) introduction:\r\n\r\n\"The function I call peace negotiator is ama nili: 'saniri father'. In peace time, his role was to head the 'village council of elders' (nili) and to act as the representative of the hena in the larger saniri (nili ela) of the river batai. As head of the elders' council he was expected to be [144] knowledgeable in customary matters, more specifically in what concerned the administrative relationship with the outside, including land boundaries \u2026 For some village elders, the function is regarded as a 'new' one.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 143-144)\r\n\r\nThe roles of alamanane and the ama tita (\u2018left hand\u2019 and \u2018right hand\u2019) were clearly subsidiary. The former assisted the maeta\u2019e (Boulan-Smit, 1998, pp. 145-146), and the latter assisted the village council (p. 146). \r\n\r\nThe hena appears to have been the only religious grouping situated wholly within Alune society. Above the hena level, a 'ritual brotherhood' called the Kakehan existed throughout Western Seram. The mountain peoples (Alune and Wemale) were involved in the Kakehan and  were called 'Black Siwa' in contrast to the coastal Muslims who for the most part were not involved in the Kakehan and were known as 'White Siwa'. All the people of Western Seram considered themselves 'Siwa', and shared an origin myth involving the Nunusaku tree, which was linked in some unknown way to the Kakehan. While coastal Muslims had nominal precedence in the 'nili' system of regional assemblies, the Alune and Wemale had a kind of religious precedence on the basis that they were 'guardians of the Nunusaku'. The Alune hena of Manusa made a specific claim to be the guardians of the Nunusaku, but it is not clear how widely this claim was accepted.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe mountain people of west Seram were Black Siwa (Kakehan initiates), and the coastal settlers White Siwa, but all were Pata Siwa, (Group of Nine), while the east of the island was inhabited by the Pata Lima (Group of Five). Although this is not the case anymore, we may suppose that it gave the Siwa a minimal sense of common identity ... Furthermore, the idea of a common origin linked to a central mountain and to a sacred banyan tree called Nunusaku, was largely shared throughout west Seram, even among the coastal newcomers.\u201d (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 73)\r\n\r\n\u201cSpreading its branches to the Sky (Lanite) and its roots into the Earth (Tapele), Nunusaku is also the source of the three rivers, Eti, Tala and Sapalewa, which give the area its name: the Three Rivers, 'Wele Batai Telu. The people established in this area and those living on the southern islands of Ambon and Uliase, all link their origin to the Nunusaku, even the population of mixed origin. Most regard the Alune and Wemale mountain people of west Seram as the direct descendants and thus the custodians of the Nunusaku.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 101)\r\n\r\n\u201cBesides being the historical validation of their territorial claims and the justification of their political position toward external and internal affairs, this topogeny supports the establishment of their macrocosmic order. It confirms Manusa as one source/centre through the deeds of its founding ancestor. It also positions the hena as custodian (not owner) of Nunusaku, the ultimate sacred centre of the region, which joins Tapele, the Earth, to Lanite, the Sky, the microcosm to the macrocosm.\u201d (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 103)\r\n\r\n\"Along the coasts down from each valley, large settlements of mixed population were controlled by Muslim rulers allied to Ternate. Eti in the Eti valley, Kairatu in the Tala, and Lissabata in the Sapalewa were such coastal centres in the nineteenth century. Through wealth, influence and politics, their leaders nominally controlled each valley (batai), heading large assemblies (nili) of the representatives of each riverine domain ... [276] ... The centre of power of the batai had its base (uwei) at the coast and its ramifications in the mountains. Larger ceremonial assemblies were also held at federative level. They convened the warlords, leaders and ritual performers of all the domains which were members of the Kakehan. The male brotherhood demanded of its initiates a vow of secrecy in regard to their belief, their initiation rituals and head hunting practices. Infringement led to dishonourable death. This knowledge, which elders say 'pertains to Nunusaku', had its symbolic centre in the mountains among the black Siwa; the white Siwa being the populations at its coastal periphery.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 276)\r\n\r\nMore on the Kakehan:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe division between black and white siwa is given several explanations. The colour black is usually related to the tattoo of the members of the Kakehan initiation brotherhood. Most of the black tattooed siwa lived in the mountains. They were distinguished from the white or not tattooed siwa, the non-initiated people living in the coastal regions of 'Wele Telu. Hence, this distinction between initiates and non-initiates demarcated the mountain from the coastal populations (although some individuals of the coast were initiated).\u201d (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 115)\r\n\r\n\"As Sachse comments, the prohibition of the Kakehan in 1914 had left a spiritual vacuum.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 65)\r\n\r\n\"The authors usually translate mauwen or (mawene) anakota (captain of a boat) as 'high priest' because the mauwena were also leading dignitaries in the Kakehan. Indeed, the role of the Kakehan was also to ensure that traditional law was implemented among its members.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 78)\r\n\r\n\"Although a lot has been written about the Kakehan little is known about this men's cult, the role of its ritual performers, its initiation rituals and head hunting practices.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 142)\r\n\r\n\"In archives, mauwen is usually translated by 'Kakehan priest' ... The mauwen anakota was the leader of the local unit of the Kakehan cult.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 147)\r\n\r\n\"Somehow the church replaced the Kakehan house. An elder said that formerly Manusa had been the centre of initiation for\r\nseveral mountain communities and it was thus normal that it now had the largest church.\" (Boulan-Smit, 1998, p. 355)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9953, "valueset_pk": 9953, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9953, "jsondata": {}, "id": "alune-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 131, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 131, "glottocode": "alun1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "alune", "name": "Alune", "description": "The Alune are a language community living in western Seram. Like many peoples of the Central Maluku area, they traced their origins to the mythical 'Nunusaku' tree.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.1, "longitude": 128.5}, "name": "Alune"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [128.5, -3.1]}, "id": "alune"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21159", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Introduction\u2019 (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 1-18)\r\n\r\n\u2018Population: Pressure and distribution\u2019 (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 33-61)\r\n\r\n\u2018Traditional histories or Rarotonga\u2019 (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 62-96)\r\n\r\nSettlement of Rarotonga was dispersed within land units called tapere:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Ara Metua, more properly called Te Ara Nui A Toi, the Great Road of Toi, is the major archaeological feature of the island and its size and complex con-[48] struction have attracted a great deal of attention from those European scholars concerned with pre-contact Rarotonga \u2026 Both of these passages describe the skeleton of the Ara Metua, its remains some sixty or ninety years after the construction of the modern coastal road at the insistence of the early missionaries. On the other hand, John Williams certainly saw the Ara Metua in very much its pre-European contact state, describing it as \u2018\u2026 a good road around the island \u2026\u2019 which required and received extensive care \u2026 [49] \u2026 These passages raise a number of important issues, among them the problems of determining the nature and locations of the settlements along the Ara Metua \u2026 In spite of the statement quotes [sic] above, the archaeological surveys of Rarotonga to which we have been referring in the past several pages show that there is actually no evidence of the existence of nucleated villages in the coastal area \u2026. [50] \u2026 Presumably, the houses along the Ara Metua were clustered to some degree around the marae which were linked by that road, this in turn reflecting some of the major social ties of the inhabitants of the territorial units containing those marae.\r\n\r\n\u201cSuch clustering could easily give an outsider an impression of discrete, although dispersed, villages, clearly separated geographically and possessing individual names, hence corporate identities. The references in the early ethnographic literature, such as those cited above, to \u2018villages\u2019 on Rarotonga at or before the time of European contact merely express that impression and should not be taken as referring to residential units per se. The primary factors governing residential location most likely were claims to, and competition for, land, access to a variety of resources within a relatively small area and, ultimately, security of occupation in the face of the threat of attack from neighbouring districts. All of these would have been most directly related to membership in the groups inhabiting the territorial units known as tapere.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 47-50)\r\n\r\nEach tapere was occupied by a kin group called a ngati:\r\n\r\n\"A tapere is often named by reference to a specific group of people who are said to be living on that land by virtue of 'blood right'. This group is itself referred to by the term ngati followed by the name of the title at its head ...\" (Baltaxe, 1975, p. 60)\r\n\r\nEach ngati was led by mataiapo or ariki, and was part of a larger unit called the vaka. Each vaka was nominally led by an ariki, whose position among the mataiapo, however, is described as 'primus inter pares':\r\n\r\n\u201cWe can define a corporate title as one which has immediate reference to the leadership of a specific, kinship-based, landholding corporation \u2026 These groups were fundamentally bilateral but a strong residential restriction on membership combined with a general rule of virilocality to lend them an appearance of patrilineal organization \u2026 Such a group and no other could properly be called a ngati in traditional terms.\r\n\r\n\u201cWe will see later that particular genealogical relationships provided the basis for membership in a ngati but that the position of a specific individual within his ngati depended to a very large degree on his own personal capabilities, subject to an essentially political evaluation of the quality of his participation as well as the weight of his genealogical connections. While succession to a corporate title was in principle hereditary, ideally passing from father to eldest son, the specific person to fill such a position had to be confirmed by some immediate political process: election by the other ranking members of the corporation, military prowess hence power, or some other demonstration of mana, the recognition of which was the ultimate sanction and basis for leadership \u2026 [11] \u2026 There were two types of corporate title on Rarotonga before the end of the last century, ariki and mataiapo. One of the main tasks of this paper will be to establish the exact relationship between these two titles, but it appears that, until recently, there was little difference between them in practical terms. The mataiapo title appears to me to be basic, while the ariki is putatively senior mataiapo who is at the head of a confederation of related and contiguous ngati which comprise a vaka, usually translated as \u2018tribe\u2019. Thus the ariki was traditionally primus inter pares among the military and political leadership of the vaka, and he maintained that position by a series of marriage and adoptive alliances which supported his claims to genealogical seniority.\r\n\r\n\u201cBut not all of the traditional titles were corporate as I have defined the term. At the beginning of the period to be covered by this study, the rangatira appears to have been a functionally defined status with an eligibility criterion of close, consanguineal relationship to the leader of some corporation, either an ariki or a mataiapo, as the case may be. Each rangatira was directly subordinate to a specific title of either rank.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 10-11)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe largest divisions in the society at the time of European contact were called vaka, literally the canoes of two individuals, Tangiia and Karika, who arrived at the island in about the thirteenth century. The vaka were consciously [63] organized political alliances of smaller, autonomous units, occupying specific tapere and led by people holding mataiapo and ariki titles. Thus the composition of the vaka can best be understood in terms of the deliberate analogy with the crew of a canoe in spite of the idiom of common consanguineal connections between all of its members; such connections, when they did exist were the result of later marriages among members of the component ngati \u2026 The distinction between, the ranks of ariki and mataiapo which has been so strongly emphasized by most European writers and government officials appears to have been much less clearly drawn before European contact than it was during the 19th century. While the exact nature of that relationship is still problematical, the significant distinction which appears in these traditional histories seems to separate the independent, corporate titles from the dependent, personal titles of komono and rangatira. The untitled people, the unga, hardly figure in these traditional narratives at all.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, pp. 62-63)\r\n\r\nEach vaka had a 'high priest', ta'unga:\r\n\r\n\u201cTe Ariki Taraare\u2019s knowledge was not surprising since he \u2018was the last of the high priests (ta\u2019unga) of Rarotonga. His family have borne that name for some twenty generations and they have always performed the function of anointing and consecrating the [Makea] Ariki \u2026 at the sacred marae of Arai-te-tonga\u2019 (Smith in Te Ariki Taraare 1899:61).\r\n\r\n\u201cAnother major source was More Taunga-o-te-tini, who provided many of the stories and notes translated by Stephen Savage. More was \u2018a descendant of the high priest More-moate and also of another high priest named Maoate-atua, both of whom joined Tangiia-nui\u2019s expedition when [he] was fleeing from his cousin [and adoptive as well as classificatory brother], Tutapu. The More of that period came onto Rarotonga with Tangiia, as one of his high priests and was afterwards placed under the jurisdiction of Pa-ariki (Te Ariki Upokotini) and Motoro (Te Ariki Tinomana) by Tangiia-Nui, and was given certain priestly offices to perform \u2026\u2019 (Savage 1910:143).\r\n\r\n\u201cThe apparent contradiction concerning Te Ariki Taraare\u2019s status as the \u2018last of the high priests of Rarotonga\u2019 is easily resolved. Smith has assumed that the ta\u2019unga\u2019s special relationship to Makea, and his officiating at the marae at Arai-te-tonga, conferred on him a position analogous to Makea\u2019s \u2018royal\u2019 supremacy over the island. Since the latter\u2019s position was largely a European creation, the assumption naturally was false, but it does seem to have set a precedent for describing the ta\u2019unga charged with special duties vis-\u00e0-vis an ariki as a \u2018high priest\u2019.\u201d (Baltaxe, 1975, p. 68)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9955, "valueset_pk": 9955, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9955, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rarotonga-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 16, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 16, "glottocode": "raro1241", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "rarotonga", "name": "Rarotonga", "description": "Rarotonga is a high island in the southern Cook Islands. The islanders converted to Christianity in the 1820s and 1830s, and information on the indigenous religion is fragmentary. We do know that the Rarotongans worshipped some of the great Pan-Polynesian gods such as Rongo and Tangaroa, as well as more local deities such as the deified founding ancestor Tangiia. These gods were represented by enormous wooden images, which were destroyed during the conversion process.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.2, "longitude": -159.8}, "name": "Rarotonga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [200.2, -21.2]}, "id": "rarotonga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18915", "name": "3", "description": "'Lifou' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 351-545)\r\n\r\n'We\u1e6d' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 352-455)\r\n\r\n'Gai\u010da' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 455-477)\r\n\r\n'L\u00f6si' (Guiart, 1963, pp. 478-544)\r\n\r\nThere were three 'chiefdoms' or 'districts' on Lifou: We\u1e6d, Gai\u010da, and L\u00f6si. \r\n\r\nAll three consisted of multiple villages:\r\n\r\n\u00ab La disposition des villages de We\u1e6d, autour de la plaine de Wanaham, et l\u2019evolution particuli\u00e8re de leur organisation, \u00e0 tous les nivaux, permet d\u2019adopter ici pour l\u2019expos\u00e9 un plan fonctionnel. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 352)\r\n\r\n(The arrangement of the villages of We\u1e6d, around the plain of Wanaham, and the particular evolution of their organization, at all levels, makes it possible for us to present here a functional plan.)\r\n\r\n\u00ab Le district de Gai\u010da, district central, est le moins \u00e9tendu en superficie. Le plus faiblement peupl\u00e9aussi, puisqu\u2019il ne comprenait que 1 162 habitants en 1954, r\u00e9partis en quatre villages. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 455)\r\n\r\nList of the thirteen villages of L\u00f6si: Guiart (1963, p. 538)\r\n\r\nThe supernatural wellbeing of We\u1e6d was in the hands of a group called the Atesi:\r\n\r\n\u00ab Les Anga atesi (ou Angatesi) beneficent, \u00e0 Wet, d\u2019une prestige et un status aussi mal d\u00e9fini qui\u2019il appara\u00eet important \u00e0 premi\u00e8re vue. Les atesi de Lifou sont un peu <la tarte \u00e0 la cr\u00eame> des descriptions fragmentairs publi\u00e9es jusqu\u2019\u00e0 present, le role qu\u2019on leur attribute variant, suivant le cas, de sorcier \u00e0 celui de conseiller supr\u00eame d\u00e9tr\u00f4nent \u00e0 volont\u00e9 les grands chefs. Le regrett\u00e9 Medecin-Capitaine Fagot, tout en nous expliquant correctement l\u2019origine du terme atesi (de ate sine ite haze, hommes d\u2019essence divine), a verse dans ce d\u00e9faut, comme d\u2019ailleurs les rares publications missionaries. Nous avons vu comment le myth accorde, pour les changements politiques, le role principal \u00e0Idhez et Wawalahae, sans qu\u2019il soit question de Waleweny et des autres atesi.\r\n\r\n\u00ab Si l\u2019on tente de serrer le probl\u00e8me de plus pr\u00e8s, on s\u2019aper\u00e7oit qu\u2019\u00e0 Waleweny et Hwenegei est attribu\u00e9 le role de protection magique de la chefferie, par l\u2019interm\u00e9daire de leurs subjects, ma\u00eetres de la terre, qui seuls peuvent pr\u00e9valoir de la possession de haze, et pour cela sont dits tene haze. Ils pouraient \u00e9videment, en th\u00e9orie, retirer cette protection, ce que qui permettrait aux influences contradictoires de jouer, l\u2019\u00e9quilibre pr\u00e9caire constituent la chefferie de Wet \u00e9tant alors rompu. C\u2019est en ce sens seulement qu\u2019on leur attribute le pouvoir de deposer le grand chef. Consid\u00e9r\u00e9s comme les <p\u00e8res> du grand chef, ils auraient seuls le droit de lui appliquer des sanctions corporelles. Ce droit, reconnu en principle, para\u00eet, en fait, n\u2019avoir jamais \u00e9t\u00e9 appliqu\u00e9.\r\n\r\n[374]\r\n\r\n\u00ab Les atesi ne doivent d\u2019autre hommage au grand chef qu\u2019un present de bonne volont\u00e9, ou sithingen. Leur fonction permanente est la surveillance de la chefferie, tant afin d\u2019emp\u00eacher toute chose pernicieuse venant de l\u2019ext\u00e9rieur, que pour s\u2019opposer \u00e0la volont\u00e9 du grand chef s\u2019ils sont d\u00e9saccord avec lui. Les grands chefs successifs, que ce soit au moment de la christianisation ou \u00e0 celui de la prise de possession, ne se sont jamais heurt\u00e9s de front aux atesi, mais ont utilis\u00e9des moyens obliques, attirant la mission catholique, puis l\u2019administration fran\u00e7aise, pour arriver \u00e0 leurs fins et tenter d\u2019assurer une authorit\u00e9 aussi absolute que possible sur leur sujets frondeurs, et convertis au christianisme r\u00e9form\u00e9.\r\nOn sait que les principaux atesi sont au nombre de quatre: Waixaca \u00e0 Easo, Hwenegei \u00e0 Hanawa, Waleweny \u00e0 Saint-Paul, Isamato \u00e0 Nathalo.\r\n\r\n\u00ab De ces quatres grands, WALEWENY serait le principal. Son nom signifie l\u2019arc-en-ciel. On sait son role de la conversion du Wet. Cette volont\u00e9, affirm\u00e9e il y a un si\u00e8cle, d\u2019\u00eatre le leader spirituel de la communaut\u00e9- comme auparavant il \u00e9tait le chef de tous les tene haze \u2013 se pursuit aujourd\u2019hui avec le titulaire actuel de la charge, Hnaxeme, que l\u2019on continue \u00e0 appeler commun\u00e9ment Walewene. Cette homme jeune s\u2019est mis \u00e0 la t\u00eate d\u2019un mouvement \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur de l\u2019\u00e9glise autochthone, mouvement don\u2019t l\u2019essentiel est la constitution des cercles de jeunes gens, et qui est destine \u00e0 r\u00e9veiller la conscience des membres d\u2019\u00e9glises sur le plan social. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, pp. 373-374)\r\n\r\n(\"The Anga atesi (or Angatesi) enjoy, in Wet, a prestige and a status so ill-defined that it appears important at first glance. The atesi of Lifou are a bit of the \u2018cream pie\u2019 of the fragmentary descriptions published to date, the role attributed to them varying, as the case may be, from sorcerer to that that of supreme adviser, dethroning the great chiefs at will. The late Doctor-Captain Fagot, while correctly explaining the origin of the term atesi (de ate sine ite haze, men of divine essence), made this mistake, as did the rare missionary publications.  We have seen how the myth gives Idhez and Wawalahae the lead in political change, without mentioning Waleweny and the other atesi.\r\n\r\n\"If we take a closer look at the problem, we see that Waleweny and Hwenegei are assigned the role of magical protection of the chiefdom, through as representatives of their subjects, masters of the land, who alone can prevail over the possession of haze, and for this are called tene haze. They could obviously, in theory, remove this protection, which would allow adverse influences, the precarious balance constituting the chiefdom of Wet then being broken. It is only in this sense that they are given the power to depose the high chief. Considered as the \u2018fathers\u2019 of the great chief, they alone have the right to apply bodily sanctions to him. This right, recognized in principle, appears, in fact, never to have been applied.\r\n\r\n\"The atesi owe the great chief no other homage than a gift of goodwill, or sithingen. Their permanent function is the surveillance of the chiefdom, both in order to prevent any pernicious thing from outside, and to oppose the will of the grand chief if they disagree with him. The successive great chiefs, whether at the time of Christianization or at the time of colonisation, never clashed head-on with the atesi, but used oblique means, attracting the Catholic mission, then the French administration, to achieve their ends and try to ensure an authority as absolute as possible over their rebellious subjects, and converts to reformed Christianity.\r\n\r\n\"We known that there are four principal atesi: Waixaca at Easo, Hwenegei at Hanawa, Waleweny at Saint-Paul, and Isamato at Nathalo.\r\n\r\n\"Of these four great ones, WALEWENY is the principal one. His name means rainbow. We know his role in the conversion of Wet. This desire, affirmed a century ago, to be the spiritual leader of the community - as before he was the leader of all the tene haze - continues today with the current holder of the office, Hnaxeme, as the we continue to commonly call Walewene. This young man has put himself at the head of a movement within the autochthonous church, a movement essentially constituted by circles of young people, and which is intended to awaken the conscience of the members. churches on the social level.\")\r\n\r\nGai\u010da also had one or more atesi who seems to have played a religious role, while perhaps also holding secular power:\r\n\r\n\u00ab Les r\u00e9cit transcrits ont donn\u00e9 d\u00e9j\u00e0 un aper\u00e7u de la function d\u2019atesi, telle qu\u2019elle \u00e9tait comprise \u00e0 Gai\u010da. Il serait bien difficile, aujourd\u2019hui, de pr\u00e9ciser ces \u00e9l\u00e9ments ... Mexanang(\u0113) et Wahminya jouent d\u2019ailleurs \u00e0 la cour d\u2019Alaxuten, pauvre en dignitaries, \u00e0 la fois le role d\u2019atesi et celui de sinelapa ... [462] ... MEXANANG(\u0112) semble avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 un personage plus important que Wahminya. Vacillant dans sa foi envers son haze, le thu de Isame\u010d, il tenta l\u2019introduction du dieu Finiwn, venu de Hun\u0113dh, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire d\u2019une d\u00e9pendance directe de la chefferie Bula; Finiwan \u00e9tait d\u2019ailleurs le haze de Hnamem\u00e8, atesi de Bula. Plus tard Mexanang(\u0113) fut, de la m\u00eame fa\u00e7on, le responsible de l\u2019introduction du christianisme r\u00e9form\u00e9 \u00e0 Gai\u010da ... Le texte du pasteur Wa\u1e6de montre combine la function de Mexanang(\u0113) semble avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 de tenir en tutelle Alaxuten et ses descendants. On con\u00e7oit les tensions permanentes produites, au sein de la structure de la chefferie, par cette attitude, m\u00eame command\u00e9e par la tradition. Mexanang(\u0113) parle pour le chef et commande en son nom aux sinelapa, c\u2019est-\u00e0-dire m\u00eame \u00e0 Wahminya; du moins sur le plan de la vie interne de la chefferie. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, pp. 461-462)\r\n\r\n(\u201cThe written accounts have already given an indication of the function of atesi as understood in Gai\u010da. It would be very difficult, today, to specify these elements \u2026 At the court of Alaxuten, poor in dignitaries, Mexanang(\u0113) and Wahminya play the roles of atesi and also of sinelapa [\u2018assistant\u2019 or \u2018deputy\u2019] ...  MEXANANG(\u0112) seems to have been a more important character than Wahminya. Wavering in his faith towards his haze [god], the thu of Isame\u010d, he tried to introduce the god Finiwn, who came from Hun\u0113dh, that is to say from a direct dependence of the Bula chiefdom; Finiwan was also the haze of Hnamem\u00e9, atesi of Bula. Later Mexanang(\u0113) was similarly responsible for bringing reformed Christianity to Gai\u010da ...  Pastor Wa\u1e6de\u2019s text shows how the function of Mexanang(\u0113) seems to have been to keep Alaxuten and his descendants under guard. We can imagine the permanent tensions that this structure produced within the chiefdom, even though it was ordered by tradition. Mexanang(\u0113) speaks for the chief and commands in his name as sinelapa, that is, the same as Wahminya; at least in terms of the internal life of the chiefdom.\")\r\n\r\nL\u00f6si had three atesi whose function was to 'protect' the district, presumably using magic:\r\n\r\n\u00ab A cela s\u2019ajoutent les atesi de L\u00f6si, au nombre de trois: \u010cAE\u00c9, \u00e9tabli \u00e0 Hmel\u00e8k, HNANEM\u00c9 de Hun\u0113dh et PIYA de Lu\u00e8ng\u00f6ni. Aucun lien mythique n\u2019appara\u00eetes r\u00e9unir, au contraire de ce qui se passe \u00e0 We\u1e6d. Effectivement, aucune solidarit\u00e9 visible ne semble s\u2019\u00eatre \u00e9tabli entre eux. Ils sont les protecteurs attitr\u00e9s de la chefferie Bula, quant du moins ils ne lui sont pas rebelles. Cette ambivalence historique de leur function est ce qui les rapproche le plus de la situation faite \u00e0 leurs coll\u00e8gues de We\u1e6d, les atesi i Ukeines\u00f6. Le plus important de trois serait \u010cae\u00e9. C\u2019est aussie le plus \u00e9loign\u00e9 geographiquement. Tous trois sont pourtant plac\u00e9s sur les routes menant \u00e0 Mou, comme afin d\u2019assurer la protection de la grande chefferie. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 540)\r\n\r\n(\"In addition, the atesi of L\u00f6si number three: \u010cAE\u00c9, established at Hmel\u00e8k, HNANEM\u00c9 of Hun\u0113dh and PIYA of Lu\u00e8ng\u00f6ni. No mythical link appears to unite them, unlike in We\u1e6d. Effectively, there seems to be no solidarity between them. They are the appointed protectors of the Bula chiefdom, at least as long as they do not rebel. The historical ambivalence of their function is what brings them closest to the situation faced by their colleagues at We\u1e6d, the atesi i Ukeines\u00f6. The most important of the three is \u010cae\u00e9. This is also the furthest geographically. However, all three are placed on the roads leading to Mou, as if to ensure the protection of the great chiefdom.\")\r\n\r\nGuiart also mentions two other figures who appear to have performed magico-religious functions for all of L\u00f6si:\r\n\r\n\u00ab KA\u010cE\u010cE est le garde du corps du grand chef, dont au surplus il assure la protection magique, gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 son haze \u010ci\u010diate, le martin-p\u00eacheur. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 539)\r\n\r\n(\"KA\u010cE\u010cE is the bodyguard of the great chief, who in addition assures magical protection, granted by his haze \u010ci\u010diate, the kingfisher.\")\r\n\r\n\u00ab Les magiciens de la pluie et du soleil, dits hune, ou tene, \u1e0day, agissant pour le compte du grand chef et de l\u2019ensemble du district, sont les ANGETE ASE de Hun\u0113dh et les ANGETE HMENU de Xode. \u00bb (Guiart, 1963, p. 540)\r\n\r\n(\"The rain and sun magicians, called hune, or tene, \u1e0day, acting on behalf of the high chief and the whole district, are the ANGETE ASE of Hun\u0113dh and the ANGETE HMENU of Xode.\")", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9960, "valueset_pk": 9960, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9960, "jsondata": {}, "id": "lifou-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 42, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 42, "glottocode": "dehu1237", "ethonyms": "Lifuan; Lifou; Lifouan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Lifuan", "Lifou", "Lifouan"]}, "id": "lifou", "name": "Lifou", "description": "Lifou is one of the Loyalty Islands north of New Caledonia. Information on the indigenous religion of the island comes from missionaries. Lifouan religion was apparently based around ancestral spirits and culture heroes believed to have lived in the distant past. Magic, centred around objects called \"hazes\" was also important.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.0, "longitude": 167.2}, "name": "Lifou"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.2, -21.0]}, "id": "lifou"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17785", "name": "3", "description": "'Religion and society' (Fox, 1982, pp. 145-247)\r\n\r\nAccording to Fox there were five 'socio-religious' units among the Tagbanuwa: the individual, the nuclear family, the bilateral family, the village, and the Tagbanuwa as a whole:\r\n\r\n\"Looked at in another way, each individual Tagbanuwa is involved in varying degrees in five socio-religious systems. Each of these social units has by and large its own ritual behavior and obligations ... The five expanding units of coordinate religious and social activities which will form the working basis for the analysis of religion among the Tagbanua are as follows:\r\n\r\n\"(1) The individual as a 'social personality' who plays various roles in which ritual practices and social activities are interwoven ... [147] (2) The elementary family of the father, mother and children, the basic social unit of Tagbanuwa society, is linked religiously with the cult of the dead ... (3) The bilateral family and bilateral kindred are correlated with the complex diwata ceremony in which the babaylan is the principal functionary ... (4) The village or community is defined, in part, by its religious unity. Ceremonies such as the lambay formally embrace all of the inhabitants of a village. The members of the community are required by legal sanctions to participate in these village ceremonies.\r\n\r\n\"(5) Finally, there are pan-Tagbanwa ceremonies, such as the runsay, which are structured with a vague but growing concept of a Tagbanuwa 'nation'.\" (Fox, 1982, pp 146-147). \r\n\r\nThere appears to have been no religious authority at the nuclear family level, since anyone could perform the bilang ceremony. However, the pagdiwata ceremonies that were performed on behalf of the bilateral family required a babalyan:\r\n\r\n\"The babalyan have numerous duties and exert a considerable influence upon the everyday social activities of the people. They select ritually favorable clearings, placate environmental deities, interpret dreams, provide charms for hunting and fishing, and treat all types of serious illness. During the familial bilang ceremonies any adult can invoke the spirits of the dead. But the many deities which appear during the pagdiwata rituals can only be called by the babalyan. They are trained intermediaries who guide the interaction of the living with the deities as well as with the dead.\" (Fox, 1982, p 207)\r\n\r\nAt the village level, the lambay ceremony was performed by the maglambay, who had the power to force villagers to participate in the ceremony, as well as enforcing laws against incest:\r\n\r\n\u201cReflecting the twofold climatic needs of shifting-cultivation of dry rice and the unpredictability of the monthly rainfall in central Palawan ... the lambay ritual is held twice annually. The first lambay in January is an appeal in part for sunny days and dry winds which will dessicate the forests and faciliate the preparation of rice-clearings. The second one in May is for the moderate rains so necessary in the growth of the upland rice.  These two rituals are also petitions to the highest-ranking deity by the leader of the ceremony, the maglambay, that he forgive the people for acts of incest which they have committed ... The maglambay of Baraki is Nakib Dunglad. He succeeded his famous father, Dangus. Insofar as I know, all of the maglambay have been hereditary leaders for these are village rituals which demand the participation of every family. Dunglad exercises specified sanctions to enforce participation, a combined ritual and juridicial role. The fines for incest are paid to the maglambay. He is responsible to the highest ranking deity for these infamous acts, whether known to him or not, and he must defend his wards ... If the maglambay does not fulful the duties of his office properly, Magindusa might cause his death.\" (Fox, 1982, p. 229)\r\n\r\nThere were two 'Pan-Tagbanuwa' ceremonies: pagbuy?is and runsay. The pagbuy?is was led by a figure called the mabuy?is:\r\n\r\n\"The Pagbuy?is. Abala, the mabuy?is in Baraki, performs this ritual three times a year ... [239] ... Abala succeeded his grandfather, Kamat, as a mabuy?is ... The salakap sail during the northeast winds in a huge boat, the sakayan, and bring smallpox, cholera, dysentery, flu and other epidemic sickness. They gather the souls of those who die and carry them back to kiyabusan, the 'end of the world' ... Abala calls these deities during the pagbuy?is to 'convince' them that they should not 'catch' the souls of the Tagbanuwa. The ritual offerings are said to placate them and to win their favour.\" (Fox, 1982, pp. 238-239)\r\n\r\n\"A sizeable crowd was present, amazingly large in view of the fact that there would be no social drinking. The participants were mostly relatives of Abala and his wife and individuals whom they were both treating. However, this ritual is for all Tagbanuwa regardless of their kinship or residence. Abala considers himself a 'priest' and as responsible for protecting all the Tagbanuwa in Palawan against the salakap.\" (Fox, 1982, p. 242)\r\n\r\nThe runsay was similar to the pagbuy?is. A footnote implies that the leader of this ceremony was also called magbuy?is:\r\n\r\n\"The Runsay. In many ways this is the most dramatic of the many Tagbanuwa rituals. It is held at night once a year - the fourth day after the full moon of December - on the beach near the mouth of the Arborlan River. The purpose of this ritual is identical to that of the pagbuy?is, that is, to protect all Tagbanuwa from the spirits of epidemic sicknesss.\r\n\r\n\"In 1950 the runsay fell on the twenty-fifth of December. The leader of the ceremony was Landag, a resident of Iraan. This was his twentieth performance.\" (Fox, 1982, p. 242)\r\n\r\nFootnote 51 to p. 242:\r\n\r\n\"According to Landag, the first leader or mabuy?is or [sic] runsay was Tagam. He was followed by Unas, Tanas, Lingdas, Ribras and Laksamana Dungul. Landag succeeded Dungul who was an older cousin of Landag's father.\"", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9961, "valueset_pk": 9961, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9961, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tagbanuwa-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 40, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 40, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Central Tagbanuwa, Tagbanua, Tagbanwa", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Central Tagbanuwa, Tagbanua, Tagbanwa"]}, "id": "tagbanuwa", "name": "Tagbanuwa", "description": "The Tagbanuwa are an ethnolinguistic group of Central Palawan Island, speaking the Central Tagbanuwa language. They are not to be confused with a group of the same name living in the Calamian Islands to the north of Palawan.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 9.5, "longitude": 118.4}, "name": "Tagbanuwa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [118.4, 9.5]}, "id": "tagbanuwa"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19876", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Tanna: Stones within canoes\u2019 (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 103-191)\r\n\r\nTanna was divided into many local groups called niko, 'canoes', that shared a 'dancing place' and appear to have constituted 'patrilocal clans'. These 'canoes' were often part of larger units that were also called 'canoes':\r\n\r\n\u201cFor the most part, the population is scattered in small groups of houses along grassy trails in the bush or a wooded landscape dominated by coconut groves on the coast and tree ferns in the inland hills. Houses are also found near the dirt or coral roads that circle the island and cross it in one spot ... Near each small group of huts or houses is a dancing place, nakamal in Bislama or yimwayim in the language of Tanna's west coast ... Every day, men meet here at nightfall to drink kava together ... [108] The individuals who meet daily make up the core of a local group, a 'canoe' or niko as it is called on the island, which itself is often linked to a larger 'canoe' made up of several patrilocal clans sharing the same territory and mythical heritage.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 106-108)\r\n\r\nBonnemaison (1994, p. 140, Map 9: 'The Land Canoes: Traditional territories and groups in Tanna') provides a map of the 'canoes' into which Tanna is divided, and the 'dancing places' within them. I estimate that about 40 of them contained more than one dancing place (a more precise count is difficult because of the resolution of the map), and some of them contained more than 10. \r\n\r\nThere were three 'explicitly defined social functions' in Tannese society, which appear to have operated at the 'canoe' level. One, naotupunus, involved 'agrarian magic' and is described as that of 'sanctioned mediator of supernatural forces'. These positions appear to have been assigned to clans rather than individuals: \r\n\r\n\u201cIn 1977 and 1978, when political issues and conflicts over land tenure (which I examine later) brought turmoil to the central part of Tanna, local customary groups endeavored to create a political system ... To my surprise, the pagans\u2019 strategy was to look for the \u2018aristocracy of the origins\u2019 ... After recollecting the primordial sacred places through which humans, then food, had emerged on the island, the pagans designated the genuine keepers of such places as the big men of kastom. Real power accrued to them. The yani niko 'voices of the canoe' were granted political authority. Because they represent the \u2018first men\u2019 who have emerged from the stones, they are naturally in command of the political sphere as masters of Tanna's discourse ... The \u2018voices of the canoe\u2019 are also seen as the \u2018surveyors\u2019 of territory and the authorities on land sharing, internal boundaries, and external borders ... [131] ... After the yani niko come the naotupunus, in other words, the local clans associated with the networks of places whose magical powers stem from stones of agrarian fertility ... Life on Tanna rests on their magical activity. On the other hand, their connection with the sacred world of food excludes such clans from the political sphere. They have no \u2018voice,\u2019 only a type of power that is also a form of duty. Just as the yani niko clans represent the \u2018voices of the canoe,\u2019 the naotupunus clans are its \u2018belly\u2019. Thus Tanna\u2019s first community seems to have evolved with a dual perspective: the forces of nature are split between masculine and feminine principles and, likewise, the original society itself is divided into male clans that rule the political sphere and female clans that rule the sphere of food-related magic.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 130-131)\r\n\r\n\u201cAccording to the island's oral traditions, Tannese society includes three explicitly defined social functions. These functions correspond to three groups of different status involved in separate types of activity\u037e they can also be seen as three images of power. Keeping at the front of the canoe, the yremera is the canoe's \u2018honor\u2019 and living emblem. As such, his power\u2014symbolized by the hawk\u2014is linked with great ceremonial exchanges, the sharing of food, and the control of the traditional roads of alliance that allow for these activities. The yani niko or \u2018voice of the canoe\u2019 represents political will: keeping at the back of the canoe, he steers it in war times. He has authority over the territory, because he is heir to the \u2018first man\u2019 who appeared on it. Indeed, the yani niko keeps land for the others and is in charge of land sharing. His role is to highlight the yremera's glory and to speak on his behalf. Finally, the naotupunus works with agrarian magic: he holds the sacred powers immersed [151] in the canoe's places and is the sanctioned mediator of supernatural forces. As the canoe's belly, he keeps in the middle.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 150-151)\r\n\r\nIn a sense, the naotupunus were considered to be responsible for the fertility of the entire island:\r\n\r\n\u201cSince the naotupunus belong to the peaceful, fertile world of women, the moral code of war traditionally spared their lives. The Tannese say that the entire island \u2018ate from their hands.\u2019 Those hands could not be severed. Agrarian magicians would return to the foreground when ceremonial cycles ushered in an era of peace. At such time, true women were exchanged as brides and bountiful ritual foods were presented. Therefore peace among true men was possible thanks to the female universe.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, p. 171)\r\n\r\nIn the past the role of naotupunas was exercised by 'several men', presumably all belonging to the naotupunas clan:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe magician's duty was gratifying in good years, thankless in bad years, and dangerous in the case of natural disaster. Today the magical function has been streamlined. Instead of several men as in the past, a single individual fulfills the task and abides by the related taboos. He is often assisted by his real or adopted son who is to replace him after learning about the process. While the magician always carries out his duties when a great ritual is being prepared, the timing is more flexible in normal years: generally the magician is only away for a few days to \u2018wash\u2019 his stones and plant yams in the sacred garden.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, p. 173)\r\n\r\nAnother magician who served the whole 'canoe' (and sometimes a pair of canoes') was the yatamassim or 'tabu man'. The relationship of this figure to the naotupunus is not clear:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn nearly all cases, the territory of great canoes, or pairs of canoes, encompasses a sacred area (ika ussim) whose powers are multiple. Sacred areas may be used to put a spell on a distant enemy\u2014or even an entire group in the case of war. To each sacred area is assigned a priest, tabu man in Bislama or yatamassim in Middle Bush language. The tabu man is in permanent contact with the magical world of yarimus spirits and is vested with the spirit of the \u2018stone.\u2019 \u2026 The tabu man acts only on the order of the \u2018voices of the canoe,\u2019 who reward him \u2026 A tabu man can see yarimus and participate in their lives, notably in their activities of warfare and lovemaking \u2026 For this reason, he is assigned the duty of feeding yarimus so they do not plunder gardens \u2026 The great sacred areas are frequently connected in pairs near traditional routes. They are also found in other territories, under different names. Sacred areas thus make up supraterritorial networks which cross Tanna along an east\u00adwest line, with a \u2018heart\u2019 generally located on the island's central road and \u2018hands\u2019 that spring out on both sides of the island.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, pp. 178-179)\r\n\r\nMagicians could also serve groups other than their own:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe various types of plants used in traditional horticulture hold their own magic. Besides yams, such plants include taro, bananas, kava, island cabbage, sugarcane, and the like. There are also magical processes for pig husbandry purposes\u2014to cure a pig's illness, to have the animal grow well, and to have it return safely when it is lost. Other magical procedures involve hunting, fishing, fighting the rats that devastate gardens, in addition to war, love, and so forth. The list is nearly endless\u037e each group has its own techniques, stones, and traditions. Further, magical practices are like goods that may be borrowed or exchanged between villages. Not only does the magician work for his group, he is able to serve an entire network of alliance in this respect.\u201d (Bonnemaison, 1994, p. 173)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9962, "valueset_pk": 9962, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9962, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tanna-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 3, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 3, "glottocode": "kwam1252", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tanna", "name": "Tanna", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -19.5, "longitude": 169.4}, "name": "Tanna"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [169.4, -19.5]}, "id": "tanna"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18439", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Clans, houses and social organization\u2019: Ellen (2014, pp. 17-25)\r\n\r\n\u201cIn order to understand anything connected with ritual it is important to recognize the autonomy of the Nuaulu patrilineal clan and variations between clans in terms of demography, history and cultural practice. Indeed, in many ways, Nuaulu identity as a whole might most accurately be expressed as \u2018a consensual federation of originally separate and autonomous groups\u2019 (Valeri 2001 [1990a]:293). Throughout the period of my fieldwork there have been 12 Nuaulu clans (ipane or ipan; \u2018soa\u2019 in Ambonese Malay), all resident in the South Seram Area. At the time of my fieldwork in 1970-71, these were distributed between five main physical settlements \u2026\u201d (Ellen, 2014, p. 19)\r\n\r\n\u201cI shall have much to say regarding variation between clans in subsequent chapters, as we consider different categories of ritual \u2026 The reasons underlying different interpretation are various, from trivial cultural \u2018drift\u2019 to the ever-present tension between those Nuaulu who seek a unified settlement \u2013 perhaps even a raja of their own \u2013 and those who do not. However, the default position is the considerable autonomy that individual clans have, not only in matters regarding ritual (though particularly in regard to such matters), but in regard to other forms of social action and cultural practice as well \u2026 Each Nuaulu clan is a diarchy, ideally divided into two equal, reciprocally exchanging sections or \u2018houses\u2019, and Nuaulu religion can be summarily characterized as ancestor-worship focused on clan houses (numa). These latter are moiety-like groups based on descent and affiliation to either the numa onate (large or main house) or the numa kapitane (house of the war leader. The two houses are, therefore, simultaneously [23] complementary and hierarchic. The numa onate, alternatively called the numa maiane \u2026 takes precedence in ritual matters and is therefore senior, but only as a kind of primus inter pares \u2026 By contrast, numa kapitane is associated with the brothers of the wife and the brothers of the mother, who are outsiders to all ritual held in the numa maiane. The distinction between houses corresponds to an important distinction in Nuaulu kinship, namely that between the children of the brother and children of the sister.\u201d (Ellen, 2014, pp. 21-22)\r\n\r\n\"Not only are there differences between clans in matters relating to physical orientation, but also between groups of clans in particular settlements, and between settlements. During the long period between approximately 1880 and 1980, when most Nuaulu clans were located around Sepa, the higher, mountainward settlement of Ahusuru embodied values of ancestrality and monne, while the lower, seaward settlement of Watane embodied the specific values of ancestrality associated with each kin group. This relationship was reflected in the roles of the ia onate Matoke-hanaie (the 'male' Matoke clan chief, primus inter pares of all clan ritual chiefs, located in Ahisuru), and the ia onate aia (the head of all [44] Nuaulu in matters relating to political interaction with the outside world, located in Watane).\" (Ellen, 2014, pp.  42-44)\r\n\r\n\"All clan heads carry onerous duties as ritual specialists, but - at least formally - the greatest burden falls on the shoulders of the chief of the Matoke clan, who has a role comparable to that described widely in Ambonese Malay as 'tuan tahah'. Matoke takes precedence on earth, the chief of Matoke-hanaie in Aihisuru and the chief of Matoke-pina in Rouhua ... In addition, there are other quite specific ritual specialists, such as the maritihanna ... In Rouhua a title given by the chief of Matoke to a sacred house of the clan Sonaue with responsibility for organizing the suane ritual and leading the kahuae, re-bestowed on the death of each incumbent. Somewhat differently, those who perform as spirit mediums, though typically heads of houses or their wives, must also be qualified by virtue of their ability to enter into a trance and call down ancestral spirits, a skill that does not come to all of those in the preferred structural position, and is sometimes executed best by those who have acquired the role by dint of achievement.\" (Ellen, 2012, p 73).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9964, "valueset_pk": 9964, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9964, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nuaulu-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 47, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 47, "glottocode": "sout2895", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "nuaulu", "name": "Nuaulu", "description": "The Nuaulu are subsistence farmers who live on the south coast of the island of Ceram in Eastern Indonesia. They are one of the few peoples in Indonesia who have retained their indigenous religion, which largely involves the worship of ancestral spirits, to the present day.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.2, "longitude": 129.0}, "name": "Nuaulu"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [129.0, -3.2]}, "id": "nuaulu"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18550", "name": "3", "description": "'Tribes' and 'villages':\r\n\r\n\"Tribal groups (butubutu) in Roviana are headed by chiefs (bangara) and at the village level, elders (palabatu), who exercise control over access to land and sea resources within ancestral estates (pepeso).\" (Thomas, 2003, p. 58)\r\n\r\nOverview of leadership positions:\r\n\r\n\u201cFollowing Keesing (1985), Roviana leadership can be thought of in terms of three dimensions of control: ability in managing a ritual sphere of communication with ancestral spirits; demonstration of power through violence; and ability in social management and wealth accumulation. Keesing argues that, in Malaita, these elements were idealised types or paths leaders might fit or follow - a successful person could become a priest, a warrior, or an entrepreneur depending on their natural disposition and personal choice ... The Roviana case seems similarly to revolve around these dimensions, with established positions of hiama (priest), tie varane (warrior), palabatu (village heads or elders) and bangara.\" (Thomas, 2003, p. 103)\r\n\r\nPriests:\r\n\r\n\"The role of hiama in Roviana included tending shrines and conducting ceremonial rites \u2013 they would burn offerings, handle crania and shell valuables, and ritually communicate with tomate \u2026 Most accounts of hiama come from Simbo and seldom mention whether the position could ever be inherited \u2013 in Roviana the case is a little clearer. Genealogical information suggests that at one time bangara and hiama duties were conducted by the same person. Schneider (1996: 223) argues that a separation into different offices soccurred shortly after the rule of Qorabele, with the brothers Hiqebangara and Hipobangara becoming hiama and bangara respectively \u2026 From this point onwards the genealogical data show that hiama status was transferred to descent group members. But this relatives primarily to a kind of \u2018paramount hiama\u2019 \u2013 the principal ritual specialists of the Roviana polity (ngati hiama) \u2013 rather than persons selected by minor hamlets for the tending of specific shrines, or upon specific occasions. (Thomas, 2003, p. 112)\r\n\r\nMore on high priests:\r\n\r\n\"Butubutu members had rights to access emata \u2013 tracts of land that had been cultivated by previous generations, where family gardens (inuma) could be established \u2026 The role of ngati hiama was to conduct ceremonies at garden shrines to supplicate tamasa and hence ensure that the earth within emata was fertile \u2013 particularly at times when people felt that crops were not growing well, because, having been neglected, the tamasa were \u2018cool\u2019 (sa lomoso na tamasa). Hocart (1922: 284-9) describes a round of fertility ceremonies on Simbo whereby hiama visited various tamasa shrines \u2026 [249] \u2026 As noted above, similar ceremonies occurred in Roviana at various local hope mangini (the name is significant, metaphorically indicating the shrine\u2019s purpose in making the tamasa and soil \u2018hot\u2019 (mangini) again). Often such fertility rites would be conducted by minor hiama at shrines on emata used by local family groups, but for matters that concerned all Kazukuru land the ngati hiama held ceremonies at a central, apical garden shrine, which in Riabule\u2019s time was at Vatada, Munda \u2026 The ngati hiama acted in these ceremonies of fertility and clearance as a mediator (tie varikarovae), using an inherited ability to enjoin a response from tamasa for the well-being of the community. (Thomas, 2005, pp. 248-249)\r\n\r\n\"According to the above, we can think of minor hiama \u2026 as \u2018children\u2019 of the ngati hiama \u2026 or rather, as genealogically conceived elements of their distributed personhood \u2026 A ngati hiama was revealed as such only during moments of encompassment, during ceremonies at the central shrine when he acted as an overarching \u2018one\u2019 on helaf, and with the force, of \u2018many\u2019: the many ancestral ngati hiama, and the many [252] minor hiama distributed with local garden shrines throughout the lands of the butubutu (not to mention the wider community invested in the ceremonies.\" (Thomas, 2005, pp. 251-252)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9970, "valueset_pk": 9970, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9970, "jsondata": {}, "id": "roviana-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 15, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 15, "glottocode": "rovi1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "roviana", "name": "Roviana", "description": "Roviana is the name given to a large lagoon on the south coast of New Georgia in the Western Solomon Islands, to the people living on the shores of this lagoon, and to the language spoken to these people. The people of Roviana were one of the few peoples in the Solomon Islands to practice headhunting. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the Roviana and their allies conducted extensive headhunting raids upon islands to the east, resulting in widespread depopulation.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.1, "longitude": 157.5}, "name": "Roviana"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [157.5, -8.1]}, "id": "roviana"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17738", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe development of autocracy followed certain well-defined lines. At first the chief was priest and king \u2026 that is to say, he received divine honours while wielding the temporal authority. But as the tribe grew the temporal power became irksome to him \u2026 In order to rid himself of the cares of government, he constituted his brother his hereditary minister, and bequeathed to his descendants an ornamental and dignified retirement \u2026 [61] ... In Fiji, the process of scission was found in every stage of evolution. Among the Melanesian tribes of the interior it had not begun; in Rewa the spiritual Roko Tui still wielded the temporal power; in Mbau and Thakaundrove he was beginning to lose even the veneration due to his rank \u2026 The constitution of Mbau may be taken as a type of the Fijian constitution. First in rank was the Roko Tui Mbau (Sacred Lord of Mbau). His person was sacred. He never engaged personally in war. He was the special patron of the priests, who, in return, were unstinting in their insistence on his divinity \u2026 Next in rank came the temporal of chief, the Vu-ni-valu \u2026 who was at once Commander-in-Chief and executive sovereign. He never consulted the Roko Tui Mbau in temporal affairs, and he enjoyed tabu privileges little inferior to those paid to his spiritual suzerain \u2026 [62] The Tunitonga, the hereditary advisor and spokesman of the chiefs, ranked next \u2026 The Mbete (priests) and Mata-ni-vanua (Royal messengers, lit. Messengers of the land) were next in consequence, though the chiefs of the Fisher septs wielded influence in proportion to their force of character.\r\n\r\n\u201cEach sept had its own quarter of the town \u2026 Across the narrow straits were the planting lands of the subject tribes, who might be seen at every low tide, wading across the ford with contributions of food.\u201d (Thompson, 1908, pp 60-62)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9971, "valueset_pk": 9971, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9971, "jsondata": {}, "id": "fijians-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 121, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 121, "glottocode": "west2519", "ethonyms": "I-Taukei", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["I-Taukei"]}, "id": "fijians", "name": "Fijians", "description": "The modern state of Fiji includes the Fiji Islands as well as the remote island of Rotuma. In keeping with how the earliest ethnographic sources use the term, we consider 'Fijians' to include all the indigenous peoples of the Fiji Islands, but not Rotumans, who have been coded separately.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -17.8, "longitude": 178.0}, "name": "Fijians"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [178.0, -17.8]}, "id": "fijians"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "20472", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018District and their government\u2019 (Gardiner, 1898a, pp. 428-431)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe island was formerly sharply divided up into five districts, Noatau to the east, Faguta to the south, ltoteu to the west, and to the north Malaha and Oinafa ... Later Itoinotu (the part cut off) was separated from Itoteu, leaving a part to the west still belonging to Itoteu, but completely separated from it by the new district ... Faguta was divided into two districts, Pepji and Juju, by the other districts after a successful war, to weaken the power of its chief ... [429] ...The districts were subdivided into hoag, a name applied to all the houses of a family, which were placed together, forming, if the family was a large one, a small village; it is also applied to the family itself.\u201d (Gardiner, 1898a, pp. 428-429)\r\n\r\n\u2018The sou and his officers\u2019 (Gardiner, 1898b, pp. 460-466)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe head chief of the island, or fakpure, was also one of the officers of a spiritual chief, who was termed the sou, but who really had little to do with the government of the island, and  who lived wherever he was placed by the fakpure and the other chiefs. The position seems to have been directly comparable to that of the how of Tonga, but, while the latter had considerable tem-poral power, the sou had none... [461] ... The sou had as attendants a number of officers whose duty it [462] was to protect him, at the risk of their own lives, even if he was fighting with their own districts; they were drawn out of all the districts and supposed to be representative men of each ... Their names or titles were in order of precedence mua (chief priest), hagnata, titopu, fakpure (head chief), fanhoga (wife to sou), fahoa, fagata, tonhida (messenger), and mafuida (the presiding officer over all feasts) ... The duty of the sou was simply to see after the proper  performance of the various feasts, all of which had some religious rites. He was however in no way under the priests, of the different atua ... nor does he seem to have had any connection with them. It was his business to preside over the feasts, and, whatever might be desired, he had to pray for at the same time as he poured out the kava to the god.\" (Gardiner, 1898b, pp. 460-462)\r\n\r\nSmaller-scale religious offices:\r\n\r\n\"The 'hoag gods' were usually incarnated in the form of some animal, as the tanifa (the hammer-headed shark), juli (sand-piper), olusi (lizard), mafrop (gecko), etc. Should a man by any chance have happened to kill one of the particular animal which was his atua, he would have had to make a big feast, cut all his hair off and bury it, just in the same way as a man  would be buried. Other animals, other than their own particular one, could be killed as they liked, as only their own atua in this class had power over them. To take the tanifa, the god of Maftau: for him there was a priest, termed an apoiitu, who officiated on all great occasions, and a priestess, called by the  same name, whose business it was to cure sicknesses, and, [468] indeed, to see to all minor troubles ... Should Maftau be in trouble or be going to war, a big feast would be held, and the best of everything would be placed in the sea for the tanifa: a root of kava, a pig, taro, yams, etc., and always a cocoanut leaf. Much, too, would be given to the apioiitu, but always uncooked ...\u2026 The priestess was, on the other hand, really more a doctress, called in by the present of a pig and a mat \u2026 he would get inito a frenizy, and so drive the devil which was troubling the person away. At the same time she never failed to give them herbs and other remedies. These offices were held by families, and their mysteries, such as they were, passed on from parent to child.\u201d (Gardiner, 1898b, pp. 467-468)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9973, "valueset_pk": 9973, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9973, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rotuma-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 124, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 124, "glottocode": "rotu1241", "ethonyms": "Rotuman", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Rotuman"]}, "id": "rotuma", "name": "Rotuma", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -12.5, "longitude": 177.1}, "name": "Rotuma"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [177.1, -12.5]}, "id": "rotuma"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19330", "name": "3", "description": "\"The Ariki Kafika was the only chief entitled to recite formulae for the welfare of the whole community; the other chiefs were primarily responsible for the welfare of their own clans.\" (Firth, 1970, p 51). \r\n\r\n\"Government of Tikopia through the coajoint powers of the chiefs raises the question of the jurisdiction which each of them exercised. The basis of the Tikopia political system lay in the chief as head and representative of his clan. Every person in Tikopia as a member of a clan acknowledged obedience to his own chief. But the jurisdiction of each chief was not simply restricted to a clan alignment. It also operated on a local basis, although this was less clearly defined. Each chief lived in a separate village and in that village exercised great authority. Moreover, his authority also extended throughout the whole district \u2013 or side of the island \u2013 in which he regularly lived. For social purposes the jurisdiction of the chiefs was closely related to this district division. In particular, the single authority of the Ariki Tafua in the district of Faea contrasted with the treble authority of the other chiefs who together held sway over the district of Ravenga and its subsidiary Namo. These political relations of the chiefs were very important in general district rivalry and intra-district co-operation.\r\n\r\n\"But the jurisdiction of a Tikopia chief was not only in district terms any more than in purely clan terms. Every person in Tikopia acknowledged obedience to any chief in a situation with which both were immediately concerned. A chief could claim by general status much of which he was debarred from claiming by the lack of clan right. In other words, there was a notion of a general order in Tikopia in which a chief, by virtue of his office, had jurisdiction in respect of the whole society.\" (Firth, 1959, p 258)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9974, "valueset_pk": 9974, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9974, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tikopia-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 99, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 99, "glottocode": "tiko1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tikopia", "name": "Tikopia", "description": "Tikopia is a small volcanic island located north of Vanuatu and east of the Solomons. It is one of the 'Polynesian outliers', in that its people are clearly Polynesian, but live outside the area usually defined as Polynesia. Tikopia is noted for being the subject of detailed ethnographic study by the New Zealand anthropologist Raymond Firth, and for having maintained its indigenous religion well into the twentieth century. The last pagan chiefs of Tikopia converted to Christianity in 1955.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -12.3, "longitude": 168.8}, "name": "Tikopia"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [168.8, -12.3]}, "id": "tikopia"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21173", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The old cultic centers\u2019 (Dobbin, 2011, pp. 80-93)\r\n\r\n\u201cMuch of the tradition about the Pohnpeian religion before the twentieth century focuses on the three great ritual centers at Salapwuk, Wene, and Nan Madol.\u201d (Dobbin, 2011, p. 80)\r\n\r\nSalapwuk:\r\n\r\n\u201cFrom the oral histories of the priest-chiefs at the Salapwuk center, it appears that the site was a religious, ritual center perhaps dating back to between AD 1 and 500, a time frame that certainly predates the period when Nan Madol was an active political and ritual center (200). The earliest date of settlement at the Wene ritual sites is AD 408 (Ayres and Haun 1981; Mauricio 1993, 279). On the basis of both archaeological evidence and oral history, it is likely that the beginnings of the ritual center at Wene parallel the main construction at Nan Madol between AD 1000 and 1500. The reigning priest-chief there broadened the base of his territory during the Sapwataki wars about AD 1700. Sometime after the victory of the Wene priest-chief, he assumed or was given the title of the autonomous paramount chief of Nahnmwarki of Kitti. By the time of the first extensive Western exploration and ethnography (Christian 1899; Hambruch\u2019s work in 1910 was not published until 1932 and 1936), Nan Madol, Salapwuk, and Wene were no longer functioning as cultic centers, and the priests across the island had already died out.\u201d (Dobbin, 2011, p. 81)\r\n\r\n\u201cWhen Salapwuk became an important center is not clear in the traditional accounts. These accounts maintain, however, that there was a time before [82] Salapwuk and the other centers, a time when religion was not so focused and organized, when there were no ceremonies (Bernart 1977, 65) \u2026 The person who supposedly changed all that was the priest-chief called the Soumwen Leng: \u2018He was the man who started a ceremony to the high god entitled Daukatau,\u2019 wrote Luelen Bernart (1977, 65). The ceremony may have centered on the conferral of the very Soumwen Leng title that the high priest at Salapwuk received from Daukatau. In any case, the introduction of ritual and titles is viewed as the beginning of organized religion on Pohnpei. Besides serving as priest-chief, Soumen Leng was also said to be the first diviner or prophet on Pohnpei, predicting the great flood that he and his family all survived. He was also the priest-leader of the Salapwuk area, although little is known about how he governed the area.\r\n\r\n\u201cToday the Salapwuk area is still well known to Pohnpeians, although its function as an active ritual center died out at least a century ago (Mauricio 1993, 222). It is well remembered because Salapwuk and the Soumwen Leng represent the beginnings of the title and ranking system that continues to dominate Pohnpeian culture \u2026  [83] \u2026 The main function of Soumwen Leng was to preside over rituals to ensure good crops and harvest, to obtain good weather, and to set the annual calendar. 21 Some of the rituals performed by Soumwen Leng and his priests were closed to all but the priests; others demanded the participation of the entire community. One ritual for good weather, attended by the whole community, is described below as it was recorded by Hambruch in 1910 \u2026 Other rituals, too, are associated with Soumwen Leng. He gathered together his priests at an enclosure at Salapwuk to pray for a bountiful harvest (Hambruch 1936a, 135ff.). He led rituals to attract fish to the nearby fishing grounds (Mauricio 1993, 246). He was also called upon to prophesy future events and was sought as a diviner to help make decisions\u2014functions that may be related to his role in determining the calendar by astronomical observations. He was expected to set the times for festivals and ritual days in the annual calendar because it was believed that \u2018he knew the secret of the passage of time\u2019 (244). His role in this regard may have even extended well beyond his own territory, so that he was fixing the dates for worship and festivals across Pohnpei.\u201d (Dobbin, 2011, pp. 81-83)\r\n\r\nWene:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe high priest of Wene, Soukisen Leng, although he originally received his title at the hands of the high priest of Salapwuk, eventually was perceived as outranking him. Indeed, Soukisen Leng, who came to prominence after the Saudeleurs, \u2018was the greatest priest of all Ponape,\u2019 according to Luelen Bernart (1977, 146). It was Soukisen Leng who made Isohkelekel, the victor over the Saudeleurs, the first paramount chief (Nahnmwarki) of the new polity of Madolenihmw. It was Soukisen Leng, whose role changed from that of a semi-autonomous priest and chief to political leader, who became the first Nahnmwarki of Kitti. The high priests in both Salapwuk and Wene may have served as priestly leaders of their districts, but Soukisen Leng was much more involved than his counterpart from Salapwuk in the politics and political change on Pohnpei.\u201d (Dobbin, 2011, p. 87)\r\n\r\nNan Madol:\r\n\r\n\u201cThere is a certain irony in the fate of Nan Madol. The more than ninety artificial and man-made islets of the complex represent religion and politics on a grand scale. These basalt structures are so imposingly large that the other ritual centers of Salapwuk and Wene cannot be compared to them. One basalt enclosure, the residence of the Saudeleur ruler in Nan Madol, is almost the size of three American football fields (Morgan 1988, 75). Most of the fifty-eight islets in the \u2018upper town\u2019 section of Nan Madol were houses for the priests, elaborate mortuary structures, and places for sacrifice and worship. Neither of the two ancient and influential religious centers, Salapwuk and Wene, had anything resembling the grandiose architecture of Nan Madol. Nonetheless, in the end, the four or five hundred years of the Saudeleur reign seem to have left little mark on the customs of the people. Soumwen Leng of Salapwuk was credited with initiating the title system, a system that still dominates much of Pohnpeian culture. Soukisen Leng of Wene led the shift of the priesthoods into the more secular status of the paramount chiefs, a dual noble line headed by the Nahnmwarki and Nahnken that endures up to the present. Overall, the modern title system with its sakau rituals and its symbolic presentation of the first fruits to the Nahnmwarki is much closer to the rituals at Salapwuk or Wene than to the sacrifice of the turtle at Nan Madol.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe ritual most closely identified with religion at Nan Madol, as has been noted, was the sacrifice of a turtle to the sacred eel \u2026 [90] \u2026 Whatever the interpretation of the symbolism of the sacrifice, the rite was powerful enough to remain in force for perhaps two centuries after the fall of the Saudeleurs. It was performed as late as the reign of Luhken Kesik, the paramount chief or Nahnmwarki of Madolenihmw, who died in 1836 (Mauricio 1993, 157). This Nahnmwarki stopped the rituals at Nan Madol because of a squabble between the presiding priests, although the ritual sacrifice may have been performed later at other locations. What follows is Hambruch\u2019s record of the last performance at Nan Madol \u2026\u201d (Dobbin, 2011, pp. 89-90)\r\n\r\nFate of the cultic centres:\r\n\r\n\u201cAfter the wars against Sapwataki (c. AD 1700), Soukisen became the first Nahnmwarki of a united and greatly expanded chiefdom of Kitti. With the successor of Isohkelekel as Nahnmwarki of Madolenihmw and Soukisen of Wene as Nahnmwarki of Kitti, the ritual centers gradually ceased to function and the priestly titles were absorbed into the two royal lines. Undoubtedly the change from ritual centers and priests to ceremonial centers (nahs) and paramount chiefs was a process, not an event. The [93] crowning blow to the old cultic priests came with the smallpox epidemic of 1854, when many of the remaining priests, according to the missionaryphysician Luther Gulick, died as a result of their refusal to accept inoculation from the Christian missionary. With the demise of the ritual centers and their priests, the remains of the old religion of Pohnpei vanished as an institution separate from the secular powers.\u201d (Dobbin, 2011, pp. 92-93)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9978, "valueset_pk": 9978, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9978, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Pohnpei-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 81, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 81, "glottocode": "pohn1238", "ethonyms": "Ponape", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ponape"]}, "id": "Pohnpei", "name": "Pohnpei", "description": "Pohnpei is a high island in Micronesia. It is famous for its enormous megalithic structures, which were formerly religious sites. The most impressive of these had, however, been abandoned by the time the islanders came into regular contact with Europeans. Pohnpei is believed to mean 'upon a stone altar', a reference to the myth that the founding settlers had built up the island, with the help of the gods, from an enormous altar.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 6.9, "longitude": 158.2}, "name": "Pohnpei"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [158.2, 6.9]}, "id": "Pohnpei"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19238", "name": "3", "description": "\u20182.4.2.2. Priests (Ere)' (Hummell & Telaumbanua, 2007, pp. 26-27)\r\n\r\n\u20182.4.3.1. Traditional Ceremonies (Fondrak\u00f6) (Hummell & Telaumbanua, 2007, pp. 27-30)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe missionaries interpreted the term ere as meaning \u2018priest\u2019, whereas it literally means \u2018expert or skilful person\u2019 (for example ere huhuo= an expert of oration; ere hoho= an expert in telling stories or genealogies or myths in a very poetic way; ere maena = an expert in leading a traditional dance called maena; ere nadu= a priest of the primal religion, or an expert who has skill in leading rites related to adu; ere b\u00f6r\u00f6 nadu= the highest priest and lawmaker), who served in the region of B\u00f6r\u00f6 Nadu ... How did a person become an ere? It began with a person\u2019s being possessed by a spirit. This person would then leave the banua and stay in the wilderness for some time. Out there, he or she would have visions, experiencing hunger and thirst ... The candidate ere, having returned to the village, was required to sacrifice to the adu zatua and to take lessons from a more senior and experienced ere \u2026 After having [27] completed this phase successfully, he or she would visit various villages. Whenever leaving a village, he or she would take a young branch of a tree, split it and walk through it, thereby leaving behind the evil spirits of that village. If the candidate completed this tour without harm, he or she had passed the examination and was considered to be a qualified ere.\u201d (Hummell & Telaumbanua, 2007, pp. 26-27)\r\n\r\n\"The feast of reconciliation, celebrated in Teluk Dalam, i.e., in Maenam\u00f6lo, was called famat\u00f6 harimao ... This feast was celebrated by a federation of several banua, called \u00f6ri, once every seven years. Its purpose was to renew, and to reformulate the law, and then to validate the law as thus renewed ... After seven days, coming from three different directions, the clans \u2026 would congregate in Ono Hondr\u00f6 village. From here, carrying huge tiger statues ... they made a procession to the Jumali-Gomo River (near the village of Ono Hondr\u00f6). Upon their arrival, the ere or b\u00f6r\u00f6 nadu would throw the images down into the river, where they would be shattered. This was the symbolic ritual of redemption for individuals and the community ...The next day, all the people would again gather in Hili Amaigila, which was considered to be the equivalent of B\u00f6r\u00f6 Nadu in Gomo, since it was the residence of the ere. Here a meeting ... was conducted, particularly by the adat chiefs, including the ere. During this meeting, they would inspect and if necessary adjust all the afore (a staff or rod for measuring pigs), the lauru (a tool to weigh rice), the saga (weights for weighing pork), the ondrakhata (tools for weighting gold), and fix/set the prices for all daily needs (e.g. rice, pigs, gold, etct), as well as discussing and agreeing upon things related to community concerns and customs.\u201d (Hummell & Telaumbanua, 2007, p. 29)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe climaxing ceremony is the b\u00f6r\u00f6 n\u2019adu ceremony, which reportedly takes place every seven or fourteen years. At this time several districts comprising a ceremonial group assemble in one place. The gathering place is the exact spot where the legendary figures descended from the upperworld to Nias and is marked by a sacred temple and cosmic tree. During the b\u00f6r\u00f6 n\u2019adu all activities as garden work cease and feuds are suspended for the duration of this ceremony. Two sacred priests conduct the ceremony which consists of the destruction of totemic symbols \u2013 gigantic figures of tigers and females carved in wood and placed on high platforms \u2013 by throwing these figures into the sacred river.\u201d (Suzuki, 1958, p. 5)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9980, "valueset_pk": 9980, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9980, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nias-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 51, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 51, "glottocode": "nias1242", "ethonyms": "Niasan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Niasan"]}, "id": "nias", "name": "Nias", "description": "Nias is a large island off the west coast of Sumatra. Despite its long history of interaction with the Islamized peoples of Sumatra, the people of Nias maintained their indigenous religion, as well as their political independence, until the early twentieth century. However, Nias religion has identifiable Hindu elements, presumably dating to the time prior to the Islamization of Indonesia. The high god of Nias was called Lowalangi, and was conceived as a cosmic herdsman who kept human beings as his pigs.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.2, "longitude": 97.5}, "name": "Nias"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [97.5, 1.2]}, "id": "nias"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18496", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Priests\u2019: Oliver (1974, Vol. II, pp 869-876)\r\n\r\n\u201cIt was the high priest who played the supreme role in religious ceremonies. It may be that the marae\u2019s \u2018owner,\u2019 the king [i.e. tribal chief], was more important overall, but his role in religious ceremonies was purely passive, while the high priest, who mediated between king and deity, played a very active part in all religious events \u2026 But his activities were not confined within marae precincts; in other [secular] affairs as well he exercised immense influence, depending more or less on the character of the king (as is usually the case in such circumstances) \u2026 In fact, the high priest\u2019s jurisdiction resembled that of a bishop. It [usually] extended over all the maraes located in the territory ruled by his sovereign chief; but there were exceptions to such parallel jurisdictions. In some cases, for example, a chief had two or more high priests in his domain; in other cases a high priest\u2019s jurisdiction extended over two [independent] tribal domains. And finally, there were certain \u2018international\u2019 maraes served by the most renowned high priest thereabouts [regardless of tribal domain].\u201d (de Bovis, 1909, as quoted in Oliver, 1974, p 869)\r\n\r\nScale of Maohi \u2018tribes\u2019:\r\n\r\n\u201cNext to the household itself, the smallest territorial unit in these Islands was what I called a neighbourhood, consisting of one or more households. Evidence was presented earlier of Maohi beliefs relating to autonomous neighbourhoods, and during the eras when these Islands were being populated there must have been many such. But as noted earlier, by the late Indigenous Era there appear to have been no autonomous territorial units, or tribes, simpler than that of Tetaha, which consisted of several neighbourhoods combined into at least two neighbourhood subunits \u2026 The simplest tribe larger than a single neighbourhood would have been one composed of two or more neighbourhoods differentiated only to the extent that the chief of one of them exercised final authority over all of them in events involving all of them \u2026  Next in order of complexity was a tribe composed of two or more multineighbourhood units each with its own local chief but all subject to the ultimate authority of one among them. On Tahiti itself, during the era under study, this multi-multi-neighbourhood order of complexity seems to have been exemplified only by Fa\u2019a\u2019a (Tetaha, Te Fana I Ahurai \u2026 More complex still was a type of tribe composed of two or more multi-multi-neighbourhood units. On Tahiti one such unit was known as Te Porionu\u2019u, made up of the multi-multineighbourhood units of Pare and Arue, before their overall chief Pomare I succeeded in extending his sway elsewhere \u2026 The native label fenua seems to have been applied to tribes of both the third and fourth orders of complexity; and if one follows Morrison\u2019s usage, the major subdivisions of both would have been patu \u2013 although according to Bligh, pare and Arure were also known as the two mano of Porionu\u2019u. But again, some writers apply the labels mata\u2019eiana and va\u2019a mata\u2019eina\u2019a to these territorial units and their inhabitants, respectively \u2026 A fifth order of complexity was the type of unit latterly exemplified on Tahiti by Teva i uta and Teva i tai. As we saw, Bligh called such units \u2018grand divisions\u2019 or \u2018Princedoms,\u2019 and Morrison referred to them as \u2018alliances\u2019 \u2026 During the five decades after 1767 these and other Tahitian territorial units were linked to one another in various shifting combinations, and in the end all Tahiti (along with Mo\u2019orea) was united into a single, sixth-order unit.\u201d (Oliver, 1974, pp 976-977)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9981, "valueset_pk": 9981, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9981, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Maohi-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 117, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 117, "glottocode": "tahi1242", "ethonyms": "Society Islands; Tahitian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Society Islands", "Tahitian"]}, "id": "Maohi", "name": "Maohi", "description": "The indigenous people of the Society Islands, often known as 'Tahitians' after the largest island in the group.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -17.6, "longitude": -149.4}, "name": "Maohi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [210.6, -17.6]}, "id": "Maohi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17650", "name": "3", "description": "Settlement pattern:\r\n\r\n\"The Ata Tana 'Ai live in single-family-house compounds (mobo) constructed in gardens scattered throughout the forests of the valley and the surrounding mountain slopes. Clans and clan branches construct lepo, which are larger and more permanent houses of a distinctive architectural style. Hamlets of lepo, called kloang, are traditionally the only permanent multidwelling settlements in Tana 'Ai and are ceremonial centers.\" (Lewis, 1993, p 23)\r\n\r\nRitual authority:\r\n\r\n\"Tana 'Ai is divided into seven socially and politically independent ceremonial domains or tana. Each domain consists of a number of clans (sukun), usually five, of which one is pu'an (source, original). The source clan consists of descendants of the founding ancestors of the domain. Each clan consists of a number of lepo, which are ranked according to the precedence of their founding within the clan. One of the elder men of the pu'an house of the clan serves the community as its tana pu'an, in whom is vested ultimate ritual responsibility for the well-being of the domain.\" (Lewis, 1993, p. 24)\r\n\r\n(Coded uncertain because it is not entirely clear that the kloang rather the domain should be considered the local community.)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9984, "valueset_pk": 9984, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9984, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ata-tana-aai-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 77, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 77, "glottocode": "sika1262", "ethonyms": "Tana Wai Brama", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tana Wai Brama"]}, "id": "ata-tana-aai", "name": "Ata Tana 'Ai", "description": "The 'Ata Tana 'Ai are a branch of the Sikkanese people of Flores in Indonesia. Unlike the majority of Sikkanese, who have been Catholic for centuries, the 'Ata Tana 'Ai retained their indigenous religion into the twenty-first century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.6, "longitude": 122.6}, "name": "Ata Tana 'Ai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.6, -8.6]}, "id": "ata-tana-aai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17656", "name": "3", "description": "'The political system of Insana' (Schulte Nordholt, 1971, pp. 186-231)\r\n\r\n'The religion' (Schulte Nordholt, 1971, pp. 141-156)\r\n\r\nSchulte Nordholt (1971, pp. 186-231) provides a detailed description of the organization of one Atoni princedom, Insana, which was somewhat atypical since it was never part of the realm of Sonba\u2019i. The author also provides a survey of various others, and discusses the similarities and differences (see p. 381 for a summary). A simplified summary follows. Everywhere the ruler of the princedom was called the atupas. In Insana and possibly Beboki (also outside Sonba\u2019i) the atupas was assisted by a figure called the kolnel (Portuguese \u2018colonel\u2019), though this figure did not exist further west. Below the atupas (or the atupas-kolnel in the east) were figures called usif. In Insana and Beboki there were four, each associated with a \u2018quarter\u2019 of the princedom, whereas elsewhere there were only two and they were not linked to territorial units. At the same hierarchical level as the usif were the amaf naek (\u2018great fathers\u2019). In Insana and Beboki they each headed a \u2018quarter\u2019 (the same as were headed by the usif), and also played the role of tobe naek.  This quadripartite division also seems to have occurred elsewhere, though it is not clear quite how widespread it was. At a lower level were village elders (amaf or amnasi), each of which represented a particular lineage (ume) localised in one of the hamlets (kuan) which made up a village (also called kuan). \r\n\r\nThe atupas was everywhere the religious leader of the princedom, though their role appears to have been less confined to ritual in the west than the east:\r\n\r\n\"In the discussion of the political system we shall see, however, how important the implications of these fundamental religious notions are for all aspects of life, and especially for the political life, where the raja is the mediator between the living and the dead and between the community of the living and the dead on the one hand and the forces of the hidden world on the other. He is the most important being, the apex of the hierarchical order, which is not only a political one, but [153] pervades the whole of the lasi meto. Lasi meto is a contracted form of lasi atoni pah meta - the words or affairs of the people of the dry land, that is, the words handed down by the ancestors, especially those laid down in the ritual. They are the things man does or ought to do. It is the Timorese definition of the Indonesian adat concept. The raja is the principal preserver of this divine order. He is responsible for the ritual performed at the presentation of the harvest gifts, when his great altar (tola naek) is used for sacrificing, and for the ritual accompanying war. The latter takes place in the shrine (ume le'u) adjoining his palace. Thus he is also the religious centre of his realm.\" (Schulte Nordholt, 1971, pp 152-153)\r\n\r\n\"Parallel with this we also found a gradual transition from a low to a high degree of femininity in the nature of the rulership \u2026 [373] \u2026 Hence in the east of the Atoni area the feminine, immobile nature of the ruler's function is especially emphasized, and the ruler is therefore regarded first and foremost as the custodian of the sacred objects who is responsible for the ritual \u2026 Further to the west there is less emphasis on the ruler's feminine nature \u2026 [374] \u2026 The fact that the rulers in the west are less \u2018feminine\u2019, although here also they are definitely the atiut le'u who bear the responsibility for the ritual, is probably primarily a result of a general shift in emphasis on the structural principles, a similar shift to that observable in the kinship system.\" (Schulte Nordholt, 1971, pp. 372-374)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9985, "valueset_pk": 9985, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9985, "jsondata": {}, "id": "atoni-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 32, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 32, "glottocode": "uabm1237", "ethonyms": "Atoni Pah Meto; Pah Meto; Dawan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Atoni Pah Meto", "Pah Meto", "Dawan"]}, "id": "atoni", "name": "Atoni", "description": "The Atoni occupy large parts of Western Timor as well as the East Timorese enclade of Oecussi. Atoni lived inland and were historically noted for their aversion to the sea. This is reflected in one of their ethonyms, Atoni Atoni Pah Meto, which means 'People of the Dry Land'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.7, "longitude": 124.3}, "name": "Atoni"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [124.3, -9.7]}, "id": "atoni"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18997", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cLes Moken, soit quelques milliers de collecteurs nomades marins, vivent sur les \u00eeles du large de l'archipel des Mergui, \u00e9tir\u00e9 sur quatre cents kilom\u00e8tres le long des c\u00f4tes de la Tha\u00eflande et de la Birmanie. Pointe avanc\u00e9e des migrations austron\u00e9siennes, ils nomadisent en flottilles d'une dizaine d'embarcations regroupant une famille \u00e9largie. Ces flottilles, qui se rassemblent \u00e0 la saison des pluies sur une des \u00eeles de r\u00e9sidence, forment des sous-groupes exogames. Le dynamisme identitaire, essentiel \u00e0 la survie de ce peuple menac\u00e9 par son \u00e9clatement en petites unit\u00e9s \u00e0 la belle saison propice au nomadisme, est activ\u00e9 lors de ces r\u00e9unions annuelles. En effet, pour lutter contre les dangers de la saison des pluies o\u00f9 s\u00e9dentarit\u00e9 et agriculture menacent le groupe et s'opposent aux enseignements de son mythe, les Moken activent la communication avec l'au-del\u00e0. C'est alors le temps de la grande f\u00eate religieuse des Poteaux aux Esprits, bo loboung, litt\u00e9ralement \u00abfaire les poteaux aux esprits\u00bb ... [105] ... La f\u00eate a lieu chaque ann\u00e9e dans les cinq sous-groupes de l'archipel, \u00e0 la lune montante du cinqui\u00e8me mois (g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement avril), et dure trois, cinq ou sept jours, selon que l'ann\u00e9e a \u00e9t\u00e9 bonne ou mauvaise, ou selon qu'elle se d\u00e9roule sur une \u00eele de r\u00e9sidence principale ou de r\u00e9sidence secondaire.\u201d (Ivanoff, 1992, pp. 103-105)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Moken, a few thousand nomadic marine hunter-gatherers, live on the offshore islands of the Mergui archipelago, stretched over four hundred kilometres along the coasts of Thailand and Burma. At a far point of the Austronesian migrations, they migrate in flotillas of ten boats constituting an extended family. These flotillas, which gather in the rainy season on one of the islands of residence, form exogamous subgroups. The dynamism of identity, essential to the survival of these people which is threatened by their break-up into small units in the fine season favourable to migration, is activated during these annual meetings. Indeed, to fight against the dangers of the rainy season when sedentary lifestyle and agriculture threaten the group and oppose the teachings of its myth, the Moken activate communication with the hereafter. It is then the time for the great religious ceremony of Spirit Poles, bo loboung, literally \u2018doing the spirit poles\u2019 ... The ceremony is held each year in the five subgroups of the archipelago, at the rising moon of the fifth month (usually April), and lasts three, five, or seven days, depending on whether the year has been good or bad, or whether it takes place on an island of primary or secondary residence.\" (Ivanoff, 1992, pp. 103-105)\r\n\r\n\u2018Les officiants\u2019 (Ivanoff, 1992, pp. 108-110)\r\n\r\n\"Tous les officiants sont consid\u00e9r\u00e9s comme des a\u00een\u00e9s. Leur puissance spirituelle transcende le cadre de la parent\u00e9 r\u00e9elle. Toutes les flottilles, qui, chacune \u00e0 le [108] rejoignent le chamane pour la c\u00e9l\u00e9bration du rituel, lui offrent un sac de riz, des accompagnements ou de l'alcool ... \u2026 A la saison s\u00e8che, chaque ancien de flottille est responsable du bien-\u00eatre spiritual des hommes, essentiellement par le biais de techniques de gu\u00e9rison durant lesquelles il  entre en transe m\u00e9diumnique \u2026 Le nombre id\u00e9al d'officiants pour un rituel serait de deux chamanes (celui en titre, plus le successeur), deux ma\u00eetres de rituels (un sous les ordres de l'autre), un guerrier, une dizaine d'apprentis et autant de danseuses et chanteuses sacr\u00e9es. Les officiants r\u00e9unis \u00e0 terre pour la c\u00e9l\u00e9bration des Poteaux aux Esprits forment donc une communaut\u00e9 d'anciens potao. En cons\u00e9quence, tous les vieux, les personnes ayant environ cinquante ans, poss\u00e8dent une position dans la hi\u00e9rarchie religieuse et tissent, \u00e0 travers les \u00eeles et les sous-groupes, des r\u00e9seaux de solidarit\u00e9 et de communication (ils peuvent communiquer entre eux, \u00e0 distance, par l'interm\u00e9diaire des r\u00eaves, des transes et des esprits-messagers)  \u2026 Le chamane y le djinyang moken, est au sommet de la hi\u00e9rarchie des officiants, telle qu'elle est d\u00e9finie par les Moken eux-m\u00eames. Car, entrant en transe, tour \u00e0 tour poss\u00e9d\u00e9 et voyageur de l'au-del\u00e0, o\u00f9 il se rend pour recueillir le message des esprits, il est le seul \u00e0 pouvoir voyager impun\u00e9ment dans les diff\u00e9rents mondes qui se c\u00f4toient dans l'univers moken. Consid\u00e9r\u00e9 simplement comme un ancien \u00e0 la saison des pluies, il porte alors un turban noir. Le port de son turban blanc indique sa fonction de chef spirituel. Celle-ci est \u00e0 tendance h\u00e9r\u00e9ditaire, m\u00eame si les Moken ne le disent pas explicitement. Pour sa succession, on cherche d'abord parmi les enfants proches celui qui manifeste des pr\u00e9dispositions \u00e0 \u00eatre chamane. Si on ne le trouve pas, on va enqu\u00eater un peu plus loin dans la parent\u00e8le, mais sans trop s'\u00e9loigner ni g\u00e9ographiquement ni g\u00e9n\u00e9alogique- ment. C'est le chamane qui officialise le choix en partageant son turban noir.\u201d (Ivanoff, 1992, pp. 107-108)\r\n\r\n\"All the officiants are considered elders. Their spiritual power transcends the framework of real kinship. All the flotillas, which [108] join the shaman to celebrate the ritual, offer him a bag of rice, side dishes or alcohol ... In the dry season, the elder of each flotilla is responsible for the spiritual well-being of the people, mainly through healing techniques during which he goes into a medium-like trance \u2026 The ideal number of officiants for a ritual is two shamans (one with the title, plus the successor), two masters of ritual (one under the orders of the other), a warrior, ten apprentices and as many sacred dancers and singers. The officiants reunited on land for the celebration of the ceremony of the Spirit Poles form therefore a community of old elders. In consequence, all old people, people of about fifty years, have a position in the religious hieararchy and weave, across the islands and sub-groups, networks of solidarity and communication (they can communicate at a distance through dreams, trances, and spirit-messengers) \u2026 The shaman, djinyang in Moken, is at the top of the hierarchy of officiants, as defined by the Moken themselves. For, entering a trance \u2026 he is the only one who can travel with impunity in the different worlds that rub shoulders in the Moken universe. Considered simply an elder in the rainy season, he then wears a black turban. Wearing a white turban indicates his function as spiritual leader. This has a hereditary tendency, although the Moken do not say so explicitly. For his succession, on searches among his nearby children the one who shows the predispositions to be a shaman. If one does not find it, one will investigate a little further in the family, but not too far either geographically or genealogically. It is the shaman who formalizes the choice by sharing his black turban.\u201d (Ivanoff, 1992, pp. 107-108)\r\n\r\nOther religious officiants:\r\n\r\n\u201cLe guerrier (ulu balang) est un m\u00e9dium respect\u00e9, craint parfois, car il est en relation avec les mauvais esprits qu'il est charg\u00e9 de repousser, notamment durant le voyage du chamane, ce qui le d\u00e9signe souvent comme responsable en cas de difficult\u00e9 \u2026L'apprenti (belam) est un m\u00e9dium masculin qui poss\u00e8de souvent des techniques de gu\u00e9risseur \u2026. Le ma\u00eetre du rituel (l\u00e9ph\u00e8ng) est responsable de l'organisation mat\u00e9rielle des grandes c\u00e9r\u00e9monies \u2026 La m\u00e8re et les filles sacr\u00e9es. Parall\u00e8lement \u00e0 la hi\u00e9rarchie masculine, les femmes ont une place dans l 'organisation du rituel, bien que leur r\u00f4le soit plus important en tant qu'anc\u00eatres qu'en tant qu'officiantes. La bona, \u00abm\u00e8re\u00bb, est pr\u00e9sente dans le monde des vivants et dans le monde des anc\u00eatres. Elle se charge d'ouvrir les \u00abportes\u00bb et de porter les offrandes aux divinit\u00e9s.\r\n\r\n[110]\r\n\r\n\u201cQuelques femmes sont des officiantes dans le monde des vivants, dont la l\u00e9mang, \u00abl'assistante du chamane\u00bb (g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement son \u00e9pouse), qui est charg\u00e9e de la bonne ordonnance de certaines c\u00e9r\u00e9monies et est responsable des principales portes de communication avec l'au-del\u00e0: le feu et le b\u00e9tel. Elle n'entre pas en transe. Son r\u00f4le peut se comparer \u00e0 celui du ma\u00eetre du rituel bien qu'il soit moins important. Elle est plut\u00f4t la repr\u00e9sentante de la communaut\u00e9 feminine.\r\n\u201cLes siti, \u00abchanteuses et danseuses sacr\u00e9es\u00bb, r\u00e9jouissent les anc\u00eatres. Elles ont un r\u00f4le de premi\u00e8re importance puisqu\u2019elles donnent \u00e0 la f\u00eate son aspect spectaculaire. mportance puisqu'elles donnent \u00e0 la f\u00eate son aspect spectaculaire. Ce sont les chanteuses favorites du groupe, des danseuses reconnues, des musiciennes passionn\u00e9es.\u201d (Ivanoff, 1992, pp. 109-110)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe warrior (ulu balang) is a respected medium, sometimes feared, because he is in contact with the evil spirits that he is responsible for repelling, especially during the shaman\u2019s journey, which often designates him as responsible in case of difficulty \u2026 The apprentice (belam) is a male medium who often has healing techniques \u2026 The master of ritual (l\u00e9ph\u00e8ng) is responsible for the material organization of the great ceremonies \u2026 The sacred mother and daughters. Paralleling the male hierarchy, women have a place in the organization of the ritual, although their role is more important as ancestors than as officiants. The bona, \u2018mother\u2019, is present in the world of the living and in the world of the ancestors. She is responsible for opening the \u2018doors\u2019 and carrying the offerings to the divinities. [110]  Some women are officiants in the living world, including the l\u00e9mang, \u2018shaman\u2019s assistant\u2019 (usually his wife), who is responsible for the proper ordering of certain ceremonies and is responsible for the main means of communication with the hereafter: fire and betel. She does not go into a trance. This role can be compared to that of the master of ritual although it is less important. Rather, she is the representative of the female community.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe siti, \u2018sacred singers and dangers\u2019, celebrate the ancestors \u2026 They are the favourite singers of the group, recognised dancers, passionate musicians.\u201d (Ivanoff, 1992, pp. 109-110)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9987, "valueset_pk": 9987, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9987, "jsondata": {}, "id": "moken-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 41, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 41, "glottocode": "moke1242", "ethonyms": "Mawken; Selung", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mawken", "Selung"]}, "id": "moken", "name": "Moken", "description": "The Moken, who live in and around the Mergui Archipelago of Burma and Thailand, are one of the ethnic groups of Southeast Asia known as the \"sea gypsies.\" The Moken worshipped their ancestors, as well as believing in a remote high god named Thida.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 11.7, "longitude": 98.3}, "name": "Moken"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [98.3, 11.7]}, "id": "moken"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19251", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cFormerly there were dwellings on practically all the islands, and large villages on Luangiua, Pelau, Keila, Kiloma, Kepae, Kemalu, and \u2018Avaha. The only two villages of any size to-day are on Luangiua and Pelau.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe people are divided into two tribes. The members of one tribe, the less important both socially and numerically, own the part of the atoll near the island of Pelau, while the members of the other own all the remaining islands. Each tribe has its main village, one situated on Pelau island and [94] one on Luangiua. They have no distinguishing native names, but it will be convenient to call each after its own island.\r\n\r\n\u201cEach tribe is made up of a number of joint families, groups of individuals who are closely related. The joint family forms a compact unit, for it is practically autonomous, and the members own land and property jointly. Other economic units are the canoe-owning group, the house-owning group, the gardening group and the household. The tribe as a whole combines only to carry out religious ceremonies, the most important of which centre around the sanga rites, performed for one month of every year. Each tribe has a temple in its main village, and here ceremonies were formerly carried out daily by the priests.\u201d (Hogbin, 1934, pp. 93-94)\r\n\r\n\u2018Religious institutions\u2019 (Hogbin, 1934, pp. 166-168)\r\n\r\n\u201cOUR examination of the culture of Ontong Java has so far been confined to the relations between each individual and members of certain limited groups, which might be called primary groups, since, as we have shown, the members co-operate with one another practically all the time \u2026 But each of these primary groups represents only a small portion of the community. A joint family might at its maximum have included fifty persons, while the Luangiua tribe of pre-European days numbered three to four thousand. We now have to investigate how order was maintained within the society as a whole, or what were the forces regulating the relations of any individual towards members of primary groups to which he did not belong. For this purpose we must investigate the activities in which the whole tribe takes part.\r\n\r\n\u201cThese activities consist almost entirely in religious ceremonies. These are mainly concerned with the priests, of whom I shall speak by their native name of maakua or ali'i. The [167] Luangiua tribe had eight maakua. The position of headman\r\nin the joint families of the islands of Keila, Kepae, Kiloma, Kemalu, Akaha, Oko, and Keuolei carried with it the office of priest; that is to say, the headman of these groups were also maakua. The eighth maakua was the next senior man after the headman in the Kemalu joint family. Two members of this group were, therefore, maakua \u2026 The three maakua of Keila, Kepae and Kiloma may be distinguished from the other five. They had no special native name, but it will be convenient to speak of them as the major maakua. Each major maakua had an executive officer, his ka'ala. This man was either his sister's son or a man so classified. The two maakua of Akaha and Oko had special duties and had the additional title of ko'oi.' The remaining three, the two of Kemalu and the one of Keuolei, we will speak of as the minor maakua.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Pelau tribe had six maakua. Three of these were major maakua and three were ko'oi, there being no minor maakua.\r\nTo-day there are no maakua. The last died in 1925, more than two years before I first visited the atoll. It was consequently not possible to get information concerning them at first hand, and I had to rely entirely upon what other people told me.\r\n\r\nEvery year the whole Luangiua tribe came to their main village to celebrate a festival known as sanga. The festival lasted a month, on every day of which a different ceremony had to be performed. The maakua directed these ceremonies. When the last one had been carried out to its conclusion [168] all but one major maakua and one ko'oi returned to their islands. After they had departed any of the other people who wished were free to return also, though if they preferred to do so they remained on the main island. \r\n\r\n\u201cUntil twelve lunar months had passed, when the time for sanga came round again, the major maakua who had been left at Luangiua acted as the religious head of the tribe. Assisted by the ko'oi, he performed certain ceremonies every day to make the coconut and taro crops of the whole tribe flourish and to make the fish in the lagoon plentiful. After the next sanga these two maakua were replaced by two others, a major maakua and the other ko'oi. The following year the third major maakua held office and was assisted by the first ko'oi, and so it went on in regular rotation. \r\n\r\n\u201cPelau also had its sanga, identical in most respects with sanga at Luangiua. After the festival had concluded there, one major maakua, assisted by a ko'oi, acted as religious head of the tribe for a year. The next year a different major maakua and a different ko'oi were in office, and the third year the third major maakua and ko'oi took charge \u2026\u201d (Hogbin, 1934, pp. 166-168)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9990, "valueset_pk": 9990, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9990, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ontong-java-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 58, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 58, "glottocode": "onto1237", "ethonyms": "Lord Howe islanders; Luangiua; Ontong Javanese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Lord Howe islanders", "Luangiua", "Ontong Javanese"]}, "id": "ontong-java", "name": "Ontong Java", "description": "Ontong Java, also known as Lord Howe Atoll, is a large atoll north of the main Solomon Islands chain. As it is culturally Polynesian but is considered to be geographically outside Polynesia, it is considered one of the \"Polynesian Outliers\". The name \"Ontong Java\", bestowed by Abel Tasman, is misleading - the island is far from (and geographically dissimilar to) Java itself, and the people of Ontong Java share only a distant cultural relationship (by virtue of speaking an Austronesian language) with the Javanese. The atoll is sometimes known as Lord Howe, or as Luangiua, although the latter properly refers to only one of the two islets making up Ontong Java. Ontong Javanese society differed from many other Polynesian societies in having only a weakly developed concept of hereditary rank. Religion in Ontong Java was based on the worship of ancestors - there were apparently no gods.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.5, "longitude": 159.7}, "name": "Ontong Java"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [159.7, -5.5]}, "id": "ontong-java"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19000", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe Kosraean gods and priests are similar to the gods and priests found in old Pohnpei and Yap. Both Pohnpei and Yap had cultic centers dedicated to different gods and attended to by hierarchical colleges of priests. Kosrae is different, however, because of the supporting relationship between the rural priesthoods, the centralized priesthood, and the centralized political structure. One has the impression that the pantheon of gods was an islandwide belief, with different priesthoods as the focus for a cult to one god or another within the pantheon. This is a striking contrast with the Pohnpeians high gods (enihwos), who were highly localized within different parts of the main island and whose cult was often limited to certain clans (Mauricio 1993, 467-483).\" (Dobbin, 2011, p 107)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe earliest Western visitors to Kosrae \u2013 the French and Russian exploration ships la Coquille and the Senyavin in 1824 and 1827, respectively \u2026 described the island as politically unified with a population of no more than 3,000 people, which was divided into four distinct social strata. At the top was the paramount chief, who was both the secular and sacred head of Kosraean society and who held ultimate title to all land. Under the paramount there were about ten high chiefs, usually male relatives that were appointed by him. The high chiefs, who were obligated to live in Lelu with the paramount, controlled named land units called facl that ran from the high mountains to the reef. There were about fifty such facl  in Kosrae \u2026 Below the high chiefs were forty or fifty low chiefs who were land managers or overseers of the facl and who resided on the land for which they were responsible. Agricultural production was primarily the responsibility of the commoners, who occupied the lowest social strata. Low chiefs saw to it that needed food, labor, and tribute were provided to the paramount and high chiefs in Lelu.\u201d (Athens, 2007, p 262)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9992, "valueset_pk": 9992, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9992, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kosrae-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 102, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 102, "glottocode": "kosr1238", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "kosrae", "name": "Kosrae", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 5.3, "longitude": 163.0}, "name": "Kosrae"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [163.0, 5.3]}, "id": "kosrae"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17683", "name": "3", "description": "Figures called jurai tue were clearly the most important leaders in religious life. Chapter on adat (custom) (Collins, 1979, pp 152-223) overwhelmingly emphasises the \u2018ritual centrality\u2019 of the jurai tue in maintaining good relations between the living and their poyang (ancestors):\r\n\r\n\u201cThe traditional ritual centrality of the jurai tue which is represented in the location of his house, and the traditional prominence of the jurai tue in the social hierarchy which is represented in the three floor levels of his home have also undergone change.\u201d (Collins, 1979, p 178)\r\n\r\n\u201cMat Nur explained to us that according to Besemah adat a village was normally divided into four jungut and that each jungut had its poyang and its own pemipin (head, leader) who could be called the jurai tue of the jungut. But, Mat Nur went on, the real jurai tue of the village as a whole, stood outside the jungut and was not a member of any of them. The true jurai tue, Mat Nur explained, descended from the single founding ancestor of the village, the pangkal (beginning, source, root) down a straight line from eldest son to eldest son. The jurai tue was the anak yang tertue (the eldest child), Mat Nur emphasized, and he alone received the hak waris poyang (right of inheritance from the ancestor) which was a hak mutlak (absolute, unconditional right). The anak tertue, said Mat Nur, became a jurai tue not because he was believed in nor because he was elected like the pasirah nor because he had an inspiration like a dukun (healer, shaman), but because of his keturunan (descent).\u201d (Collins, 1979, p 183)\r\n\r\n\"The feature of the jurai tue which seemed to be central both in Haji Mat Nur\u2019s description and in the picture drawn for me by most informants is that he is the wakil (agent, deputy, representative). Although no informant volunteered to go on and specify who had deputized the wakil or on whose behalf he was the agent, it is clear from what people said about the jurai tue\u2019s ideal role in his community that he can really be understood both as representative of the poyang to the people and representative of the people to the poyang.\" (Collins, 1979, p 196-197)\r\n\r\n\"Besides being considered able to draw on his knowledge of history to make authoritative pronouncements about the moral health of his community the jurai tue is also held to possess the most reliable accounts of village precendent and tradition which enables him to mediate quarrels and disputes and to organize village cooperation. The jurai tue, my informants would say, is invited to every sedekah performed in the village. No ritual, they claimed, would be complete or possible without his presence.\" (Collins, 1979, p 199)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe other way of looking at the jurai tue as the wakil or representative of the people to the poyang is made clear in what the Besemah consider to be another signal responsibility of the elder and that is to bewace (utter the invocation). The jurai tue, as we know, is supposed to have custody of the sacred pusake of the poyang, which are supposed to contain a potent isi (contents, inherent spiritual substance). The pusake is considered to exert a beneficial and protective influence upon the entire ramified line of descendants of the poyang with whom the pusake originated \u2026 Originally, my Besemah informants explained, these pusake could only berekat (be effective) if the adat ritual feasts for them were properly carried out. And that would require that the jurai tue utter the formulas and incantations \u2013 bewace \u2013 which would explain to the poyang the needs of his descendants.\u201d (Collins, 1979, pp 200-201) \r\n\r\nSome of the more powerful jurai tue exercised authority over multiple villages:\r\n\r\n\"In the days before the Dutch invaded Besemah, he continued, the jurai tue of Keban Agung did not just take care of his own village but had the right to regulate and supervise twelve villages in the area of Sawah Batuan. In those days, Mat Nur said, the jurai tue were the leaders and their deliberations gave rise to the rules and laws \u2026 which kept Besemah secure, calm and orderly and in accord with the aturan (order) Atong Bungsu established for Jagat Besemah.\" (Collins, 1979, p 186)\r\n\r\nAt least two other kinds of ritual specialist \u2013 dukun (the shaman or healer) and the ulubalang (\u2018sorcerer-warrior) also existed. Collins describes these as part of a chapter on ilmu (something like \u2018magic\u2019) (pp 224-287) and stresses the individualistic rather than communal nature of these specialities:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn the last chapter we saw that the jurai tue in Besemah is credited with what is round-aboutly called kelebihan (something more). That kelebihan derives from the elder\u2019s possession of powerful heirlooms and from his authoritative knowledge of history that enables him to play a central part in defining the adat which unifies his community. Now we will consider some other figures in Besemah society who are credited with a power something like the elder\u2019s kelebihan but which is called ilmu. The point that I will be trying to make in this chapter is that, whereas the powers of the elder are recognized as ideally supporting community solidarity represented by adat and order, the ilmu powers of the dukun (shaman-healer) or the ulubalang (sorcerer-warrior) are understood to give expression to the centrifugal tendencies in society. The extreme of these centrifugal or self-interested strains in Besemah society which also stand in strong contrast to the ideal of adat and community will be illustrated in the next chapter by the ilmu-like powers that every man develops in order to obtain rezeki (his own advantage).\u201d (Collins, 1979, p 226)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9993, "valueset_pk": 9993, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9993, "jsondata": {}, "id": "besemah-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 35, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 35, "glottocode": "cent2053", "ethonyms": "Pasemah; Pasumah, Passumah", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Pasemah", "Pasumah, Passumah"]}, "id": "besemah", "name": "Besemah", "description": "The Besemah people inhabit the southern highlands of Sumatra. Like many of their neighbours, they speak 'Central' or 'Middle Malay', and are now Muslim. Traditionally the nearby volcano Gunung Dempo was sacred to the Besemah people, and was believed to be inhabited by various supernatural agents, including the spirits of their dead.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -4.1, "longitude": 103.3}, "name": "Besemah"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [103.3, -4.1]}, "id": "besemah"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17759", "name": "3", "description": "Barton (1946) does not provide a systematic description of the priesthood, and advises the reader (p. 99) to consult an earlier source for a description of the priesthood. However, this source (Barton, 1938, pp. 111-114) does not add much to the information scattered throughout Barton (1946).\r\n\r\nMost Ifugao men were priests, and rarely officited for anyone but their relatives. There were only two 'public rites', connected with 'rice ritual'. Speaking of the first settlers of the Ifugao region in the distant past, Barton writes:\r\n\r\n\"This expansive trend was, during the further history of the tribe, nursed along by conditions that developed in the new habitat. One of these was democratization of the priesthood. With the weakening of the tie of local solidarity, unrelated priests came to be objects of suspicion, and only priests connected by family ties were called on to perform the rituals. Nearly all the public ritual that abounds on the western side of the range, the great, fairly regularly recurring feasts of ward and town, was dropped with the exception of two rites, somewhat reduced in character, that occur once a year in connection with the rice ritual. The result was a great multiplication of priests. Whereas, according to Moss, the proportion of priests to people among the Nabaloi and Kankanai in Benguet towns is about 1 to 165, in central Ifugao every man of normal [24] intelligence and memory becomes a priest.\" (Barton, 1946, pp 23-24). \r\n\r\n'Rice ritual' (1946, pp. 109-126)\r\n\r\nIt is not entirely clear which of the two ceremonies of the 'rice ritual' Barton was referring to on p. 23. However, one of the ceremonies (pokol) is described as having 'the nature of a general welfare feast' (p. 114), another (tuldag) appears to have involved taboos that bound every resident of a village (p. 122), and another (takdog) involved all the inhabitants of a 'valley':\r\n\r\n\u201cPOKOL: May\u2014June\u2014Only by the rich on the night before harvest \u2026 This is one of the few agricultural rites to be performed at the house instead of at the granary. It partakes of the nature of a general welfare feast (honga).\u201d (Barton, 1946, p. 114)\r\n\r\nTULDAG: July\u2014For the return of the\u2019stolen\u2019 rice. \u2026 When everybody\u2019s rice is dry and ready to be stacked in the granary, a ritual idleness of three days is declared, during which nobody may leave the village. Each household that has a granary performs the tuldag.\u201d (Barton, 1946, p. 122)\r\n\r\n\u201cTAKDOG: August.\r\n\r\n\u201cWhereas the foregoing rite is performed individually by all the households of a region that have granaries, the takdog is performed communally by the whole region at the house of the first planter, the montonak. Certain fields in each region, it should be explained, are by custom planted first, and the owner of those fields, the montonak, determines for the whole valley the time of spading, repairing the dikes and planting.\r\n\r\n\u201cIn Central Ifugao, the takdog rite is preceded by a ceremonial idleness of three days. On the morning of the appointed day several atag mats are spread in a shady place in the village of the montonak, and the granary idols from all the granaries of the village are placed on them, together with the ritual chests (on top of which are piled clusters of betels) and any number of wine bowls ... This rite marks the ritual termination of the harvest and of the rice year.\u201d (Barton, 1946, p. 123)\r\n\r\nLambrecht (1932-1941, pp. 729-754 ) provides a detailed description of priesthood among the Ifugao of Mayoyao.\r\n\r\nGeneral description of the role of priests:\r\n\r\n\"The sole function of Mayawyaw priests as such is to perform rites and sacrifices. They have neither authority nor prestige in Mayawyaw society by virtue of their priesthood alone, but the counsels of the most learned among them may prevail in religious matters that concern either the whole or a considerable part of the community or a particular family.\" (Lambrecht, 1932-41, p. 729)\r\n\r\nAccording to Lambrecht there was 'no real hierarchy' among the priests, but some priests were more 'famous' than others. The 'manu'ngaw' priest may be a partial exception:\r\n\r\n\"The priests do not form a collective body. They are not organized in a society. Each one of them goes his own way. No one of them is subordinated to another more famous priest. There is no real hierarchy among the priests. There are however a few among them who on account of their more comprehensive knowledge of the rites and sacrifices have great prestige above all ordinary priests in all matters concerning religion ...\" (Lambrecht, 1932-1941, p. 730)\r\n\r\n\"In the various rituals of the Mayawyaw we have seen that the great majority of the rites and sacrifices are performed for the advantage and upon the request of individuals and their families. All these can be performed by ordinary priests. But now and then we have encountered rites and sacrifices which were performed, not for one particular family, but for a group of different families, for a part [731] of the Mayawyaw community or for the whole community. Such are the Elewo\u2032ng Sacrifice (Rr, 76-85), the Hi\u2032gnup Sacrifice of the manu\u2032ngaw priest (Rr, 154-58), the sacrifices offered at the burial of a beheaded Mayawyaw, or of a Mayawyaw who died a sudden death (Dr, 383-93; although they are done only for the advantage of one family they impose a tu\u2032ngaw binding a part of or sometimes the whole community), the sacrifices offered after a war expedition (Dr, 461-76; they also impose a tu\u2032ngaw binding others than the family of the nunggolo\u2032t), the sacrifice offered in cases of epidemic (see Illness Ritual), and some other rites. Only the famous priests can perform these sacrifices and it is therefore quite natural that they have acquired great prestige.\r\n\r\n\"At present those famous priests are: Banni\u2032ya, the manu\u2032ngaw priest (he is the most famous, just because he appoints the general tu\u2032ngaw binding the whole community: see Rr, 154-58), Mungko\u2032lnon (our chief informant, China\u2032pan (these three are the only priests who offer the Elewo\u2032ng Sacrifice), Ama\u2032won, Lacho\u2032na, Changwa\u2032djan, Chadja\u2032-ot and a couple of others. This does not mean that these seven or eight famous priests are always the leading priests in sacrifices where several priests have been called to perform the rites (for instance, in the solemn Pa\u2032hang and I\u2032pad Sacrifices: see Mr, 211 ss.). It may well be an ordinary priest who leads the rites, even if one or more of the famous priests are present and have also been called to take an active part in the sacrifice. However it has been our experience that on such occasions these famous priests often make remarks and give suggestions to the other priests present and even to the priest who is taking the leading part in the rites, and that invariably their desires meet with no opposition.\" (Lambrecht, 1932-1941, pp. 730-731)\r\n\r\nMore about the 'manu'ngaw priest' or 'rice chief', which Lambrecht goes as far as describing as 'the only authority among the Mayawywaw:\r\n\r\n\"\u201cThe day that the Manu\u2032ngaw priest, or rice-chief, performs the hi\u2032gnup-sacrifice for his own personal crop is the great rest-day of obligation for all the Mayawyaw under his jurisdiction. These are the people of the entire Mayawyaw valley, including the villages of Bo\u2032ngan, Maya\u2032wyaw, Ba\u2032nhal, Cha\u2032dja, Mapa\u2032woy, Choma\u2032ng, Bala\u2032mbang and Lu-u\u2032-an. The villages of Bunhi\u2032yan and Cha\u2032mag have each their own Manu\u2032ngaw, although their customs and rites are said to be the same. The people of these two villages are said to be descendants of Mayawyaw ancestors. On the rest-day or tu\u2032ngaw, in the strictest sense, is prohibited all work, such as gathering firewood and sweet potatoes, pounding rice, or harvesting ... [155] ... The Manu\u2032ngaw priest is always an old man, and one too who is well-to-do or fairly rich. He is not allowed to leave his district. Thus, the Manu\u2032ngaw of the Mayawyaw valley, on account of this personal taboo, never goes to the valleys of Bunhiyan or Damag, which are the districts of other Manu\u2032ngaw, or a fortiori to other valleys not inhabited by Mayawyaw people. The Manu\u2032ngaw priest is the only authority among the Mayawyaw and his power is exclusively that of indicating the tu\u2032ngaw day. He may, however, enjoy much prestige, as he is an influential priest and a rich man.\r\n\r\n\"His selection or appointment is made by the other men of influence in the valley. This does not imply that there is a meeting of all those men for this purpose at one particular place or date. They just talk the matter over a little now and then, and inform the priest to whom their preferences go. They must, of course, select him from among those priests who know the special rites of the manu\u2032ngaw function, or at least from among those most influential priests who would have no difficulty in learning these special rites if he does not already know them.\" (Lambrecht, 1932-1941, pp. 154-155)\r\n\r\nConklin (1980) provides a more tractable account of Ifugao sociopolitical organization. According to Conklin, the Ifugao lived in hamlets (buble) grouped into districts (himputon\u0101\u2019an):\r\n\r\n\u201cAll settlements (buble), districts (himputon\u0101\u2019an), and subdivisions of each are named. The several dozen hamlets of an average district lie dispersed within or near a clustered series of irrigated terraces and other holdings. Each district is defined by a single centrally located ritual rice field (punton\u0101\u2019an), traditionally the first parcel to be planted and harvested \u2026 In cultural, social, technical and environmental terms, agricultural districts are both the largest and most functional territorial units in Ifugao \u2026 If one examines the 1970 population totals for the survey areas (NCI: 14,621 in 563 hamlets), for the region studied in detail (PKB: 2,275 in 90 of those hamlets) and for the focal district (B: 390 in 17 hamlets, the following comparisons can be made \u2026 \u201d (Conklin, 1980, p 6)\r\n\r\nA few men within each hamlet served as \u2018priests\u2019:\r\n\r\n\u201cWith its requisite offerings of rice beer, betel ingredients, ritual incantations (b\u0101\u2019i) \u2013 and frequent animal sacrifices to the ancestors, local spirits, and hundreds of gods \u2013 Ifugao ritual concerns all households \u2026 A few men in each community acquire sufficient knowledge and repute to serve as almost full-time ritualists or \u2018priests\u2019 (mumb\u0101\u2019i). Several rites are performed by women specialists (mama\u2019o). Most adults participate in all major religious observances.\u201d (Conklin, 1980, p 12)\r\n\r\nThe tomona\u2019 (owner of the ritual field defining a particular agricultural district - presumably equivalent to the montonak described by Barton) had a degree of religious authority over the whole district, though if the owner was a woman this authority would be exercised by a male relative:\r\n\r\n\u201cEach district is defined by a single centrally located ritual rice field (punton\u0101\u2019an), traditionally the first parcel to be planted and harvested. Its owner, the tomona\u2019, makes all district wide agricultural decisions. He or she manages all ritual-field property, including a granary housing carved wooden guardian idols (b\u016bl\u016bl), and the basket reliquary (panu b\u016bngan), in which portions of consecrated sacrifices from all agricultural first rites are kept.\u201d (Conklin, 1980, p 6)\r\n\r\n\u201cFor fields poorly supplied with water or structurally deficient, early planting \u2026 may take place a month ahead of the normal schedule with the permission of the tomona\u2019, who may combine the role of main ritual parcel owner and district agricultural priest; if the owner is a woman, a close male relative performs the necessary rituals \u2026\u201d (Conklin, 1980, p 20)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9994, "valueset_pk": 9994, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9994, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ifugao-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 21, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 21, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Ifugaw; Ipugao; Yfugao", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ifugaw", "Ipugao", "Yfugao"]}, "id": "ifugao", "name": "Ifugao", "description": "The Ifugao are one of several large, historically non-Christian ethnic groups living in the mountains of northern Luzon. The Ifugao have been noted for worshipping a very large number of supernatural agents (over 1000, according to Barton, 1946). Since the 1960s, most Ifugao have converted to Christianity.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 16.7, "longitude": 121.2}, "name": "Ifugao"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.2, 16.7]}, "id": "ifugao"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18607", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cAs well as being responsive to population levels and structure, agriculture was organised within a social framework provided at contact by a stratified political system, reflected in a settlement hierarchy of chiefdoms or 'tribes' each divided into a number of districts. Each chiefdom had at its head a high chief (natimarid), with a number of petty or district chiefs (natimi alupas) subservient to him \u2026The districts are the basic settlement unit with the households within them in a dispersed pattern among the gardens \u2026\u201d (Spriggs, 1981, p. 55)\r\n\r\n\u201c\u201cIt is often stressed in the missionary accounts that the 'civil' role of chiefs was inextricably bound up with their 'sacred' role  (ioid: items 6, 8, 9, 22, 25, 30, 38, 44d, 45). Thus natimarid were described as 'high priests' or priest-sorcerers renowned as disease-makers, rain-makers, fish-makers, fruit and crop-makers, famine-makers and so on. Other priest-sorcerers, a 'numerous and influential' group, were usually also natimi alupas. The sorcerer's role was also a hereditary one (ibid: items 19b, 45), and Inglis went so far as to state that great warriors or disease-makers, 'being most dreaded, possessed greatest influence' \u2026 Chiefly power was thus based, as in many small-scale chiefdoms (cf. Godelier 1977: 201-2~ 1978: 767), on ritual rather than physically coercive powers - power of sorcery against enemies, power over the elements to control success in agriculture and fishing.\r\n\r\n\u201cThere are various ways in which chiefs were distinguished from commoners. Only chiefs could regularly participate in kava \u00b7drinking \u2026 and cannibalism was also a special prerogative of chiefs (ibid: items 27b, 44b). Polygamy was practised principally among the chiefs (ibid: items 18, 23), with three wives being the maximum number noted by the missionaries (Inglis, HR, Dec. 18.55: 182). Chiefs had some say (with family heads) in arranging marriages within their own chiefdoms or districts \u2026 and they themselves tended to intermarry with other chiefly families to extend alliances. Only natimarid had the right to be carried on men\u2019s shoulders in \u2018baskets\u2019 on ceremonial occasions \u2026  and their person was considered sacred \u2026 There were various ceremonies on the accession of a chief \u2026 and each chief had an area of sacred ground where rituals were performed \u2026 Inter-district and inter-chiefdom feasts, a central feature of Aneitymese social life, were given and received by the [60] chiefs (ibid: item 28, 44d). They could place a taboo on various foods for up to six months or more before a feast to ensure maximum food supplies for it \u2026\u201d (Spriggs, 1981, pp. 58-60)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9996, "valueset_pk": 9996, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9996, "jsondata": {}, "id": "aneityum-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 129, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 129, "glottocode": "anei1239", "ethonyms": "Anejom", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Anejom"]}, "id": "aneityum", "name": "Aneityum", "description": "Aneityum is the southernmost island of Vanuatu. While many of Vanuatu's islands are linguistically diverse, the people of Aneityum constitute a single ethnolingustic group. Among other things, Aneityum is notable for having suffered one of the worst cases of depopulation in the Pacific following European contact.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -20.2, "longitude": 169.8}, "name": "Aneityum"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [169.8, -20.2]}, "id": "aneityum"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17719", "name": "3", "description": "The following chapters provide an overview of Chuukese settlement pattern and social organization:\r\n\r\n'Chuuk and Its People' (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 17-28)\r\n\r\n'Traditional Chuukese Society' (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 29-46)\r\n\r\nThe following chapters describe the ritual life of the Chuukese:\r\n\r\n'Spirit Mediums and \"Effecting Spirits\"' (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 156-178)\r\n\r\n\u2018Divination: Rituals of Responsibility\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 179-191)\r\n\r\n'Bringing Breadfruit and Fish: Rituals of Sustenance' (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 192-209)\r\n\r\n\u2018Rituals of Health\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 210-227)\r\n\r\n\u2018Rituals of Crafts and Other Specialties\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 228-246)\r\n\r\n\u2018Rituals of Courtship\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 247-260)\r\n\r\n\u2018Saying Things with Food\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 261-266)\r\n\r\n\u2018Rituals of Aggression: Sorcery\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 267-272)\r\n\r\n\u2018Rituals of War\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 273-289)\r\n\r\n\u2018Itang and the Rites of Political Power\u2019 (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 290-320)\r\n\r\nThe Chuukese lived in \u2018communities\u2019 that were often, but not always, coterminous with \u2018districts\u2019. Some communities consisted of multiple districts. It is not clear that districts ever included multiple communities:\r\n\r\n\"Settlements were not densely clustered. Rather, a local community consisted of a number of extended family households scattered in isolation or in small clusters over suitable lands to which the households had access. The resulting hamlets were connected by footpaths; and a main path tended to go around, or part way around, an island parallel to and a little way back from the shore, where the higher ground begins, linking its several communities together.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p. 23)\r\n\r\n\"Local residential communities of people sharing their lives as neighbours often were contained within the boundaries of a single district. Here and there, however, and from time to time, a community might involve two or more [43] districts together. By marrying back and forth, the members of the various lineages came to have holdings in the several districts. The chief of one could owe first fruits to the chief of another and vice versa ... In such a situation, the several households in the community might be distributed over lands in the several neighbouring districts or they might be concentrated on lands within one of them ... In any case, a community, whether it was coterminous with a district or included more than one, was a group of lineages that married back and forth among one another and that were held together, therefore, by a network of overlapping kinship ties.\" (Goodenough, 2002, pp 42-43)\r\n\r\nMany religious specialists are described, but the most important were clearly the itang ('political priests'). Indeed, Goodenough describes the itang as 'the most prestigious and awesome members of Chuukese society'. Itang clearly for the most part operated at the district level:\r\n\r\n\"IN THE RITUALS OF war, we encountered a major role of the political priests, the itang, on Chuukese religious life. Their importance as the most prestigious and awesome members of Chuukese society went well beyond warfare. Their knowledge gave legitimacy to chiefs and provided a system of sanctions upholding the political and social order. They were the orators at assemblies, where they expounded on public morals, preaching on the proper way for people to behave to one another and to their chiefs. They were the principal players in the competitive politics through which chiefs sought to gain renown. THey competed with one another to enhance their own reputations as men who had rhetorical skill, historical knowledge, and access to the most efficacious and formidable spirit power (manaman) ... Efot (1947) described the range of subject matter comprising itang lore as 1. medicines (s\u00e1feey, 2. A special cryptic way of talking (kkapasen itang) and rhetorical arts generally, 3. Lore of the land (kkapasen f\u00e9n\u00fa), including local history (wuruwo), and 4. Lore relating to the creation or beginning of the world (also wurowuro) \u2026 [291] \u2026 The medicines that itang dealt with were those relating to war (s\u00e1feen m\u00f3\u00f3wun), those relating to the safeguarding of the land (s\u00e1feen f\u00e9n\u00fa), and medicines of people (safeen aramas), including various roong (spells and medicines) known to healers and particularly the medicines to cure illness that itang could inflict on others through their knowledge of sorcery and cursing spells \u2026 The special way of talking including the use of archaic words and constructions \u2026 [292] \u2026 Lore of the land (wuruwoon f\u00e9n\u00fa) included the history of the founding of a district and the critical events thereafter leading to the current political situation: the succession of chiefs and their actions. Such lore also included the history of land ownership and transactions, on which the founding of a districts constituent lineages and their political rights depended \u2026 Contrasting with the lore of the land (wuruwoon f\u00e9n\u00fa) was lore of people (wuruwoon aramas). The latter consisted of knowledge of genealogies and of the traditions of clans and lineages.\u201d (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 290-292)\r\n\r\nEach district appears to have had a \u2018senior itang\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"Aside from the chief, a district\u2019s military leader was the senior itang (political priest) who in many respects outranked the district chief.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 277)\r\n\r\nHowever, there were also itang 'schools' or 'leagues' that incorporated many districts:\r\n\r\n\"By the beginning of the nineteenth century, there were two major rival political leagues, each with its own tradition and, within it, regional schools of itang lore, the M\u00e1chewen S\u00f3pwunupi and the M\u00e1cheweyi-Chch\u00fan. The former was associated with W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 \u2026 Island and the latter with Feefen \u2026 Island. Most of Chuuk\u2019s islands and districts were affiliates of one or the other of these two leagues. Politically independent of the two major leagues was the M\u00e1chewen W\u00fanaap, associated with Wuumaan \u2026 Island. But the W\u00fanaap school of itang was also present in several subtraditions in W\u00fat\u00e9\u00e9t and other parts of Chuuk \u2026 A tradition of itang lore was also associated with Chuuk\u2019s neighbouring atolls and with the districts making up the northern tier of W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 (Efengin W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9) but I have no information about it.\u201d (Goodenough, 2002, p. 301)\r\n\r\nDistricts within a league were ranked, so presumably the senior itang of the highest-ranked district was considered the senior itang of the league:\r\n\r\n\"Quite apart from conquests of this kind were major interdistrict leagues, under the leadership of the most powerful chiefs and districts. In the nineteenth century, all of Chuuk, except for Wuumaan and the northern districts of W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9, was divided into two great leagues that were pitted against each other in political and military rivalry. The leagues went by the names of the body of war rituals controlled by the particular schools of political priests (itang) that were headquartered on W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 (Moen) and Feefen Islands. The league based on W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 was called M\u00e1chewen S\u00f3pwunupi ... An old district on W\u00e9\u00e9n\u00e9 named Iras ... was by tradition the highest ranking district in the league ... The league based on Feefen and its school of itang were called M\u00e1cheweyi-Chch\u00fan ... F\u00f3\u00f3ngen on Feefen was the highest ranking district in that league. These leagues were chronically at war.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p. 38)\r\n\r\nThe only communal activity engaged in by the leagues appears to have been war. Itang ('political priests') were considered ideal war leaders, though chiefs could also serve in this role. Both chiefs and high-ranking itang belonged to 'chiefly lineages', so leadership of the leagues could be seen as vested in lineages rather than individuals.\r\n\r\n\"Chiefs might serve as war leaders, but it was preferable for an itang (political priest) to be leader (Kr\u00e4mer 1932:266; Efot 1947). If a chief led, his followers were more liable to be killed than if an itang led, because the latter knew the more powerful rituals and spells for protecting combatants from injury. Itang renowned for their achievements as war leaders were sought as allies.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 275)\r\n\r\n\"Aside from the chief, a district\u2019s military leader was the senior itang (political priest) who in many respects outranked the district chief. It was the itang who performed the principal rites to ensure military success. It was he who decided, through divination, on the manner of attack. He indicated who would go in what canoe on a military expedition. Anyone violating his orders was liable to die in the ensuing battle.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 277)\r\n\r\n\"Chuuk\u2019s itang were not formally organized as a professional group. Those who were knowledgeable taught their sons and their sister's sons, occasionally also their sister's husbands and their daughters to hold in trust for their children. Itang did not meet with other itang outside their kinship circle to exchange secrets and share what they knew. (Eiue 1947).\r\n\r\n\"Interdistrict dealings between chiefs and itang, however, required shared knowledge of a secret message system. A basket (ch\u00fa\u00fak) would be sent to the chief or itang in a neighbouring district. In it tobacco leaves were placed on top of an object of value ... The type of object conveyed the message, such as \u2018there is war, come to help us.\u2019 The chief or itang receiving the basket would open up what appeared to be a gift of tobacco and then announce some news to the mystification of the uninitiated (Kekin 1947).\" (Goodenough, 2002, p 302)\r\n\r\n\u201cKnowledge of itang was confined to members of chiefly lineages and to the children and descendants of chiefs. Ideally, chiefs themselves were expected to have such knowledge, but often there were other members of their lineage who were more proficient in it. More importantly, chiefly lineages of the S\u00f3pwunupi clan or of its clan offshoots were considered those most entitled to the knowledge and to be more knowledgeable, and hence more powerful in the use of that knowledge, than others who might also claim to know itang.\r\n\r\n\u201cThose with such knowledge who were in the direct line of transmission \u2013 members of the founding clan or in the direct line of descent through males from that clan \u2013 were ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro (\u2018people of the arc\u2019) \u2026 Mw\u00e1\u00e1niireeto \u2018men of near persons\u2019) were eldest among a set of lineage brothers knowing itang. The younger brothers, mw\u00e1\u00e1niireen\u00f3 (\u2018men of far persons\u2019) had to defer to their eldest brothers, or the eldest among them who was present, and not display their knowledge in speeches at public meetings without proper indications of deference \u2026 Among ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro, there were recognized grades of knowledge (Efot 1947). At the highest level was the itang\u00fapwpw\u00fan (\u2018dirt itang\u2019), presumably so called because of his power to make an ordinary person ill when chewing red earth by simply addressing words directly at him. It took about two years of schooling to achieve the highest level of knowledge required to be an itang\u00fapwpw\u00fan \u2026 [305] \u2026 Those who had acquired knowledge of itang but who were not in the direct line of descent (who were not ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro) were ach\u00e9 or ach\u00e9\u00e9maaraw (\u2018payment makers\u2019 or \u2018unripe payment makers\u2019). They might include a sister\u2019s husband of an itang, married into the chiefly lineage, who had been taught the lore so he could pass it on to his children in that lineage, or to an itang\u2019s wife\u2019s brother, who would teach it to his sister\u2019s sons, the itang\u2019s children. Some women in the line of descent were also taught itang lore. They could not practice as itang, but they could hold the knowledge in trust for their children.\r\n\r\n\u201cMore numerous among the ache were the purchasers (as the term implies) of itang knowledge and their descendants. For an itang to reveal the special meanings of itang talk to someone not eligible by descent to learn it would result in his own or his sister\u2019s son\u2019s death, unless appropriate payment was made \u2026 Lineages of clans that were not in the direct line of descent often gained a district chiefship through war or through succession as \u2018children\u2019 of a chiefly line that had died out. To validate their chiefly position it was essential for them to acquire knowledge of itang \u2026 Lineages needing to acquire such knowledge did so by paying a sizeable tuition to an itang to teach them. An ach\u00e9 was [306] not entitled to make a public display of his knowledge in the presence of a ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro. It was also understood that ach\u00e9 did not ordinarily have the same depth of knowledge as the highest grade of ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro. (Boutau 1965).\r\n\r\n\u201cThe two great political leagues under the aegis of the itang schools of M\u00e1chewen S\u00f3pwunupi and M\u00e1cheweyi-Chch\u00fan were thus comprised of [sic] districts with chiefly lineages in the senior line of descent (the highest ranking) and chiefly lineages in the senior line of descent (the highest ranking) and chiefly lineages in junior lines of descent \u2013 all of them ch\u00f3\u00f3yiro, \u2018people of the arc [of heaven]\u2019 \u2013 together with districts whose chiefly lineages had knowledge of their school of itang as ach\u00e9 (purchasers).\u201d (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 304-306)\r\n\r\nAnother comment on the importance of the itang vis-a-vis other religious specialists:\r\n\r\n\"The breadth of their knowledge, the centrality of their role in political and social life, and the power of their spells and curses made them the most feared and prestigious among the different kinds of religious specialists in Chuuk.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p. 315)\r\n\r\nOther religious specialists who served groups of people were the 'medium' and the 'breadfruit summoner', and probably also the 'fish summoner':\r\n\r\n'Mediums' could operate at the 'lineage', 'district', or 'community' level:\r\n\r\n\"People valued having a medium within their own lineage or kindred so they could have ready access to the spirit world, especially in case of illness. Every community had its own 'effecting spirit' (or spirits), each with its own distinctive spirit name ... Kubary (as quoted by Kr\u00e4mer 1932:318) reported from the 1880s that mediums were usually close to chiefs by birth and that there were usually two mediums, one male and one female, in each clan. Presumably he was referring to whatever was the chiefly lineage in a district.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p. 158)\r\n\r\nThe 'breadfruit summoner' performed on behalf of the 'community' or 'district':\r\n\r\n\"The breadfruit summoner had to perform the summoning rites each year to ensure a good harvest, because the very existence of breadfruit in Chuuk was a result of this ritual. He performed it on behalf of the community by request of the chief. Without such a request, he performed the rites privately on his and his kin's behalf. (Efot 1947).\" (Goodenough, 2002, p. 193)\r\n\r\n\"During the course of these events, the men of the summoner's community or district had set to work making toy sailing canoes (nuunu) of their own or had arranged to have them made for them.\" (Goodenough, 2002, p. 196)\r\n\r\nThe same appears to have been true of the 'fish summoner', though this is not stated explicitly:\r\n\r\n\u201cA \u2018fish summoner\u2019 (sowuy\u00f3toowik, \u2018master of making fish come\u2019) was often also a breadfruit summoner; but the two offices were district, each with its own title and not necessarily combined in the same person \u2026 [204] \u2026 It is clear that the ritual for summoning fish was generally similar to that for summoning breadfruit, but was not as elaborate.\u201d (Goodenough, 2002, pp. 203-204) \r\n\r\nOther religious specialists (e.g. diviners, craftsmen who used magic, appear to have served only individual clients.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10000, "valueset_pk": 10000, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10000, "jsondata": {}, "id": "chuuk-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 25, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 25, "glottocode": "chuu1238", "ethonyms": "Aramsen Chuuk; Truukese; Trukese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Aramsen Chuuk", "Truukese", "Trukese"]}, "id": "chuuk", "name": "Chuuk", "description": "Chuuk (or 'Truk') is a complex atoll consisting of a ring of coral islets surrounding a cluster of volcanic high islands. Prior to the adoption of Christianity in the early twentieth century, the Chuukese worshipped a wide array of supernatural agents, including 'sky gods' and deified high chiefs.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.3, "longitude": 151.6}, "name": "Chuuk"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [151.6, 7.3]}, "id": "chuuk"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17732", "name": "3", "description": "The eastern Sumbanese were divided into \u2018domains\u2019, which consisted of multiple villages:\r\n\r\n\"The population of Eastern Sumba is divided among numerous, typically small and (in former times) largely autonomous traditional domains each comprising a number of distinguishable villages and hamlets and inhabited by segments of a number of patrilineal clans ... The domain is called tana or paraingu ... Apart from indicating the territory as a whole, paraingu is also used to refer specifically to the chief village of a domain ... This double meaning of the term is consistent with a traditional pattern of settlement found throughout eastern Sumba, in which the ancestral houses and graves of the ruling nobility and commoner clans longest established in the [46] domain are located in the chief village. The pattern varies from place to place, however; and in Rindi, besides the houses of the noble clan, only those of four commoner clans which hold special ritual duties were ever situated in the principal village of the domain ... The majority of Rindi clans have thus always resided in subsidiary villages that surround the chief village.\" (Forth, 1981, pp 45-46)\r\n\r\nForth (1981, pp 235-264) discusses the \u2018division of authority\u2019 in Rindi and other East Sumbanese domains in detail. The typical pattern was a division of authority between two groups of clans called maramba and ratu, the former having \u2018temporal\u2019 authority and the latter religious. These statuses, it might be emphasised, belonged to clans rather than to individuals. \r\n\r\n\u201cWhile a separation of two sorts of authority can be discerned in various contexts of eastern Sumbanese social and conceptual order, its clearest expression is found in a dual partition of leadership functions between lineal descent groups within the domain, the most inclusive level of political and territorial integration \u2026 Since the pattern is rather less pronounced in Rindi than elsewhere, however, it is useful first to outline a more elaborate form that appears in the neighbouring domain of Umalulu \u2026  Temporal power and spiritual leadership in Umalulu are divided between the noble rulers (maramba) and the ratu, the highest religious authorities. Rindi differs from this domain in that the latter office is formally absent there. Contrary to the impression conveyed by some earlier writings on Sumba, in Umalulu the title of ratu applies not exclusively to a particular individual leader, but collectively to a number of clans; and all members of these clans can be called ratu. Another potential source of confusion is the translation of ratu as 'priest' (see Wielenga 1909a:307), since this word is more appropriately used to designate elders (ama bokulu), of any clan, who engage in priestly duties. As noted, unlike ratu, this is not an hereditary office but a vocation requiring no more than age and experience.\" (Forth, 1981, p 237). \r\n\r\nRoles of the ratu and maramba clans:\r\n\r\n\u201cDue to the abandonment of the chief village in Umalulu and the consequent neglect of customary undertakings that once required the concerted involvement of the two sorts of leaders, it is now difficult to determine what precisely were their roles in specific situations. [242] From what I was told, however, it seems that in general the ratu, by virtue of their authority and expertise in customary and religious matters, informed decisions formally taken by the two leaders together, which were then expedited by the mar\u00e0mba. While the noble rulers might initiate projects, the prior approval of the ratu for any undertaking was necessary in order to secure for it the divine sanction of the ancestor (see Wielenga 1909c:371). In matters that concerned only their own particular spheres of influence, however, it seems the mar\u00e0mba acted mostly independently of the ratu. Thus the secular leaders, by contrast to the spiritual leaders, can be said to represent segmentary interests. This, too, finds expression in spatial terms. In accordance with the superiority of Palai Malamba to Watu Pelitu .... Palai Malamba and Watu Pelitu govern respectively the upstream and downstream halves of the entire territory of the domain.\r\n\r\n\u201cAs is consistent with their separation from secular concerns, the four ratu clans, occupying the central section of the village, do not figure in this dual division of the territory. While they have agricultural lands outside the village, these are found in the upstream half of the domain, controlled by Palai Malamba \u2026 so the ratu's sphere of influence is confined to the chief village itself and then specifically to the centre. As accords with their occupation of the outer sections of the village, the nobles, on the other hand, are mainly concerned with external affairs, which in former times included the defence of the village, and especially the centre, against attack, and waging war on other domains. The latter activity, as I was told, was one means by which the nobles accumulated wealth in the form of slaves and goods, and so in this respect became vastly superior to the ratu. The ratu and the mar\u00e0mba may therefore be characterized as oriented upwards and outwards respectively: the former are concerned with 'vertical' relations between man and spirit, and the latter with 'horizontal' relations among groups of men.\u201d (Forth, 1981, pp 241-242)\r\n\r\nRole of the ratu in domain-level ceremonies:\r\n\r\n\u201cMuch of what has been said above concerning the ratu refers specifically or especially to the principal member, Watu Waya, and I have yet to discuss how the four ratu clans are distinguished among themselves. The groups comprise two pairs: Watu Waya and Muru Uma, and Ongga and Marapeti. The former pair is superior to the latter, and Watu Waya and Marapeti are the senior members of their respective pairs \u2026 By contrast to the other two ratu, in ritual matters Watu Waya and Muru Uma are expected only to take decisions and to issue instructions  ...[244]  ... Hence the division of active and passive between the two pairs of ratu clans replicates that between the mar\u00e0mba and the ratu as a whole. The fact that Muru Uma is assigned the special task of summoning (paaungu) the other clans of the domain to attend collective rites which concern the uma nda pataungu might be taken as an indication that this clan is marginally more active than Watu Waya. But otherwise there is little difference in function between the two; and I suspect that the main reason they are distinguished is simply to effect a quadripartition of the ratu clans. The more active role in ceremonial life, therefore, is taken by the junior ratu, in particular by Marapeti; so once again, superior and inferior are contrasted as inactive and active respectively.\u201d (Forth, 1981, pp 243-244)\r\n\r\nIn Rindi the situation was different. There were no ratu clans, but secular and religious authority were divided between different lineages of the same clan:\r\n\r\n\"As noted above, an important difference between Umalulu and Rindi is that the office of ratu is formally absent in the latter domain ... This does not mean, however, that there is no separation of secular and religious authority in Rindi, but only that it is differently expressed. Specifically, the division is manifest within the Rindi noble clan itself, between the lineages Uma Penji and Uma Jangga. The former, which is the highest ranking of the six noble lineages of Ana Mburungu, is the secular leader both within the clan and throughout the domain; thus men of Uma Penji were appointed as district administrators by the Dutch. As regards ceremonial concerns, on the other hand, greater authority is accorded to Uma Janggak, whose members are in generally considered to belong to the lower nobility (maramba kudu).\" (Forth, 1981, p. 254)\r\n\r\nLike the ratu and m\u00e1ramba clans elsewhere in East Sumba, Uma Janggak and Uma Penji were considered genealogically senior and junior respectively. However, unlike in other domains, there is no indication that the religious leaders were considered superior (indeed, the reverse may have been the case):\r\n\r\n\u201cThe apical ancestors of Uma Jangga and Uma Penji were both sons of Umbu Nggala Lili, the common forbear of all noble members of Ana Mburungu (see Fig. 7). Uma Jangga, however, descends from the eldest son of Nggala Lili's first wife, a woman from the Umalulu noble clan Palai Malamba, while the Uma Penji ancestor was a child of a later wife, a noblewoman from Tabundungu. The difference in rank between Uma Penji and Uma Jangga ultimately derives from the fact that the second wife was of somewhat higher standing than the first \u2026 As their ancestors are distinguished as elder and younger and, in terms of class, as lower and higher, therefore, the relation between these two lineages is precisely the same as that between Watu Waya and Palai Malamba, the principal ratu and mar\u00e0mba in Umalulu. Perhaps what we encounter in Rindi, then, is a nascent form of the more developed pattern of dual leadership found in longer established domains.\u201d (Forth, 1981, p 254)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe house of Uma Penji, the temporal leader in Rindi, is found at the upstream end of the village, while that of Uma Jangga, the ceremonial authority, is placed at the downstream end, both in the principal row of houses (see Chapter II). That the ceremonial authority should apparently occupy the inferior of the two outer sections thus suggests an important difference between the organization of the chief villages in Rindi and Umalulu; and it is in accordance with this that Uma Jangga is not recognized as ultimately superior to Uma Penji in the same way as the Umalulu ratu are regarded as superior to the mar\u00e0mba.\u201d (Forth, 1981, p 256)\r\n\r\nRole of Uma Jangga in domain-wide ceremonies:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn its capacity as the ceremonial authority, Uma Jangga is called 'the red jar, the green urn' (mb\u00e0lu rara, kihi muru). The phrases also refer to the group's spokesman. Traditionally this was the most senior man, but it has more recently become the practice among the nobles to appoint someone of Uma Jangga (or the derivative lineage, Uma Kopi) to fill the position by virtue of his individual ability and knowledge of custom ... [255] ... It is he who presides over all major ritual undertakings that concern the noble clan (and hence, often, the domain as a whole), and meetings at which preparations for these are discussed take place in Uma Jangga's principal house.\u201d (Forth, 1981, pp 254-255)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10004, "valueset_pk": 10004, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10004, "jsondata": {}, "id": "eastern-sumbanese-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 93, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 93, "glottocode": "kamb1299", "ethonyms": "Sumbanese; Tau Humba", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sumbanese", "Tau Humba"]}, "id": "eastern-sumbanese", "name": "Eastern Sumbanese", "description": "Sumba is an island in Eastern Indonesia. The people of the eastern two-thirds of the island speak a single language and share a relatively homogeneous culture, while those in the west are more diverse. The indigenous religion of Eastern Sumba centres around beings called Marapu, the divine ancestors of the Sumbanese. Information on this culture is largely drawn from Forth's (1981) ethnography of the traditional Eastern Sumbanese domain of Rindi.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.9, "longitude": 120.3}, "name": "Eastern Sumbanese"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.3, -9.9]}, "id": "eastern-sumbanese"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19758", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe highest-ranking priest in Kodi was a \u2018Father Time\u2019 figure, the Rato Nale, or \"Lord of the Year.\" In Tossi, the ritual center of the domain, this office was held by Ra Holo, a patient and considerate host to me on my many visits \u2026 His counterpart in the outlying village of Bukubani, Ra Ndengi, agreed to narrate certain myths and allow me to observe the ceremonies of the new year; he was not, however, as reflective and questioning of his own task as Ra Holo.\u201d (Hoskins, 1997, p. 10)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe early 1960s were a time of great disorder and turmoil throughout the country, expressed in Kodi by the burning of several important ancestral villages \u2013 not only Tossi, but also Rangga Baki, home of Raja Horo, and five others that contained significant wealth and heirloom objects. Some of the suspected arsonists were described as \u2018communists\u2019; yet they, too, were engulfed in the blood of violence that spread over the country in 1965, after generals crushed a reported coup. At this point it is unclear just where local politics stopped and national politics began. Anyone who seemed to wield power or privilege was the object of assaults, with quick [133] retaliation a foregone conclusion. The result was to paralyze not only the national political system but also the local ceremonial cycle.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe office of Rato Nale in Tossi remained vacant for much of the sixties as villages tried to summon the resources needed to perform a ceremony calling back the soul of each of the destroyed houses, which would permit them to be rebuilt. No one dared to assume the politically dangerous position of high priest lest further arson and attacks be the result. For almost a decade, therefore, Ra Ndengi alone performed the calendrical rites, \u2018holding the year\u2019 in place from his secluded home in Bukubani. The lapse in ritual performance created a sense of social fragmentation, and a loss of hierarchy. People no longer gathered for large-scale festivities, feasting and jousting to welcome the sea worms, but simply prayed in their isolated garden huts.\r\n\r\n\u201cIn 1972, a divination was held in the newly rebuilt Tossi, and Ra Holo, the grandson of Mbiri Koni, was selected to become the new head priest.\u201d (Hoskins, 1997, pp. 132-133)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10007, "valueset_pk": 10007, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10007, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kodi-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 136, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 136, "glottocode": "kodi1247", "ethonyms": "Kodinese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kodinese"]}, "id": "kodi", "name": "Kodi", "description": "The Kodi people are an ethnolinguistic group of Western Sumba in Indonesia, and traditionally formed a religious community centred on the 'Sea Worm Priest' (Rato Nale).", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.6, "longitude": 119.0}, "name": "Kodi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.0, -9.6]}, "id": "kodi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17741", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cEthnographic studies of Futunan society were carried out by Burrows (1936) and Panoff (1970), both of whom described the social structure. The major social units are the k\u0101iga, or local residential group, and the kutuga, or ramage. Chiefly titles (aliki) are inherited within kutuga. There are 25 such aliki or titled chiefs, each of whom is responsible for a particular village, or village section (potu). The island is divided into two independent and formerly warring chiefdoms, [258] each headed by a paramount chief (sau).\u201d (Kirch, 1994, pp. 257-258)\r\n\r\n\"As far as can be ascertained, there was no separate class of priests in Futuna. Rather, the chiefs (aliki) and lineage elders (pule kaiga) served as the ritual officiants. Indeed, at certain tapu periods, the chiefs' bodies were believed to become the 'tabernacles' of  these deities.\" (Kirch, 1994, p. 262)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe early missionaries wrote repeatedly about the belief that Futunan gods were incarnated in the king, and spoke through him. The terms for priests given by Gr\u00e9zel \u2026 were applied to these persons in whom gods descended: toe-matua, vaka-atua \u2026 and fa\u2019asinga-atua \u2026 The name taulua-atua, applied in Wallis Island and elsewhere to priests of this kind, does not appear in Futuna, so far as I can find.\u201d (Burrows, 1936, p 110)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10008, "valueset_pk": 10008, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10008, "jsondata": {}, "id": "futuna-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 37, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 37, "glottocode": "east2447", "ethonyms": "East Futuna; Futunan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["East Futuna", "Futunan"]}, "id": "futuna", "name": "Futuna", "description": "The island of Futuna, sometimes known as 'East Futuna' to distinguish it from another island of the same name, is in Western Polynesia. The island is known, among other things, for its connection to the martyr Pierre Chanel, whose murder in 1841 precipitated the conversion of the island to Christianity. Prior to this event, the islanders had worshipped Fakavelikele, a deified founding ancestor.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -14.3, "longitude": -178.0}, "name": "Futuna"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [182.0, -14.3]}, "id": "futuna"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17744", "name": "3", "description": "\"The headman of the village district is a tangata sore, lit. 'great man'. The largest districts, Ipau, etc. have each their chiefs, called teriki, lit. 'the ruler' ... Chiefs in these islands did not hold quite the same position of veneration as in Polynesian islands generally. Though the headman might be a 'great man', and the chief the 'ruler', his position might be surpassed by that of the tangata tapu, the sacred man.\" (Capell, 1958, p 4)\r\n\r\n\"There were priests and priestesses, but the bulk of their work clearly comes within the sphere of magic. Certain ceremonies took place at the fare riki which involved the supernatural a'tua of the various districts or occupations, others took place anywhere and at any time with magical aims.\" (Capell, 1958, pp 45-46)\r\n\r\n\"First, then, the people who exercised priestly power were the a fa'kau no 'hmori, the 'spell-ers' or 'praying people', also called fa'kau 'tapu (singular 'tangata 'tapu) ... The evidence as to whether chiefs were or were not also sorcerers is conflicting. Dr. Paton speaks of 'A Sacred Man, a Chief who had been on Tanna', but Dr. Gunn writes to me in a letter 'The teriki were not necessarily a 'tangata tapu. The sacred men might be ordinary as regards rank, but their craft was generally hereditary ... Popoina, one of the teachers, was a priest in heathenism and also a teriki. This, I think was not general; at least I don't remember any who was in such a high position as Popoina'.\r\n\r\n\"This is very important. Williamson in his 'Social Organisation of Central Polynesia' sought to establish for Polynesia the general proposition that 'chiefs ... were ex officio priests of their groups' (see Vol. II, p. 406). For Futuna and Aniwa that is emphatically not the case. The meeting of the chieftainship and priesthood in one person was clearly just a coincidence.\" (Capell, 1958, p 46)\r\n\r\n\"Only one full example of the actual ceremonial of worship in the fare riki is preserved by Dr. Gunn; it is the ceremony observed during the flying-fish season, from October to March. \r\nIn it:\r\n\r\n\"1. The performers were priest, chiefs, commons, and two young sacred girls.\r\n\r\n\"2. The priest prayed to the a'tua in control of flying-fish.\r\n\r\n\"3. He then presented a fish to it. Such a fish would be a small one, not much loss to the fishermen!\" (Capell, 1958, p 50)\r\n\r\nDescription of religion in Futuna and Aniwa: Capell (1958, pp 34-58).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10009, "valueset_pk": 10009, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10009, "jsondata": {}, "id": "futuna-west-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 116, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 116, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Aniwa; Futuna; West Futuna", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Aniwa", "Futuna", "West Futuna"]}, "id": "futuna-west", "name": "Futuna-Aniwa", "description": "Futuna and Aniwa are 'Polynesian Outliers' in southern Vanuatu, speaking dialects of the same language (Futuna-Aniwa). Futuna is sometimes called 'West Futuna' to distinguish it from the island of the same name further to the east.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -19.5, "longitude": 170.2}, "name": "Futuna-Aniwa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [170.2, -19.5]}, "id": "futuna-west"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17753", "name": "3", "description": "\"Our sources are explicit; the king is the supreme mediator between men and gods ... As we have seen and this text confirms, the king can delegate certain aspects of his mediating function to priests or even other members of the nobility. Nevertheless, in cases where all of society is threatened or simply involved, no delegation is possible; the king himself must approach the gods and consecrate sacrifices to them.\" (Valeri, 1985, p 140)\r\n\r\n\u201cTraditional Hawaiian political and economic life was organized around a formal, nested hierarchy of units (Kirch and Sahlins 1992). Each independent kingdom \u2026 included an entire island (mokupuni), sometimes with smaller subsidiary islands, which in turn was usually subdivided into either six or twelve districts, called moku \u2026 Moku in turn were segmented into a large number of smaller territorial units called ahupua\u2019a \u2026 Ahupua\u2019a typically ran from the coast to the upland forests, crosscutting the concentrically zonated resources of an island \u2026 Although they were central to Hawaiian economic organization, the ahupua\u2019a were yet again divided into smaller segments called \u2018ihi, each of which comprised multiple households and agricultural plots \u2026 This territorial land structure corresponded to an equally precise political and administrative hierarchy of overlords, consisting of ali\u2019i of various grades, not to be confused with the hierarchical ranking system of chiefs described earlier. At the apex of the polity sat the king, the ali\u2019i nui or \u2018great ali\u2019i\u2019, sometimes called the mo\u2019i. The ali\u2019i nui ruled over the entire mokupuni, assisted by various administrative aides \u2026 The districts (moku) into which the kingdom was divided were each under the control of a major chief of high rank, called the ali\u2019i-\u2018ai-moku. The operative term \u2018ai in this compound term has the core meaning of both \u2018food\u2019 and \u2018eat\u2019 but with metaphoric extensions connoting to \u2018consume,\u2019 \u2018grasp,\u2019 or \u2018hold onto\u2019 (Pukui and Elbert 1986:9) ... In a parallel fashion, the more numerous ahupua\u2019a territories were apportioned to chiefs who were called the ali\u2019i-\u2018ai-ahupua\u2019a, the chiefs who \u2018ate\u2019 the ahupua\u2019a. Low-ranked chiefs might hold just a single, marginal land unit, but more powerful and higher-ranked ali\u2019i frequently held more than one ahupua\u2019a.\u201d  (Kirch, 2010, pp 47-48)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10011, "valueset_pk": 10011, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10011, "jsondata": {}, "id": "hawaiians-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 135, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 135, "glottocode": "hawa1245", "ethonyms": "Maoli", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Maoli"]}, "id": "hawaiians", "name": "Hawaiians", "description": "The Hawaiian Islands represent one of the most remote outposts of Polynesian culture. Pre-contact Hawaiian polities were highly complex, and have been labelled 'archaic states'. The Hawaiians worshipped many supernatural agents, of whom the principal deities were Kanaloa, Kane, Ku, and Lono.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 19.6, "longitude": -155.5}, "name": "Hawaiians"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [204.5, 19.6]}, "id": "hawaiians"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17774", "name": "3", "description": "At the lineage level:\r\n\r\n\"Every Redjang village is composed ideally of four patrilineal sections (sukau). We have observed that in some newly established villages there are only two sukau [256] to start with, but within a few years these two bifurcate and there are four \u2026 Each sukau is represented in the kutai nateut village community council by an elder (tuai sukau) who is regarded as its jural and ritual chief.\" (Jaspan, 1964, pp. 255-256)\r\n\r\nAt the village level:\r\n\r\n\"In every village there is at least one shaman-cum-medicine man (duku\u2019en) who is the chief officiator at family and community ritual occasions (kedurai). He is the guardian of the old religion, sacred tribal knowledge, ancestral relics (kumeut an) and the forms of public ritual bequeathed by the ancestors. At kedurai and vow redemption rituals (misai sod or misai nazar) he is called upon to placate angry or dissatisfied ancestral spirits and to invoke their assistance for their living descendants.\" (Jaspan, 1964, p. 77)\r\n\r\n\"In the past, as in the case of a village, each subclan had two shamans, one to counter the devils of the sea (duku'en lau'eut) and the other to counter the land devils (duku'en da'eut).\" (Jaspan, 1964, p. 143)\r\n\r\n\"The clan and the subclan heirlooms were stored in the attic of the pesir\u00eba 's house \u2026 Possession of sacred mergo heirlooms (kumeut an) reinforced a pesir\u00eba's claim to the legitimate sovereignty of his mergo and to the ritual obedience of his subclan.\" (Jaspan, 1964, p. 209)\r\n\r\nAt the clan level:\r\n\r\n\"The constitution of the confederation is unwritten but recounted in a number of ketje. By comparing and analysing the archaic metaphors of these ketje it becomes evident that the Four Pillars were equally represented at a Long Council House (Baleui Panjang) where the adjai, clan shamans (duku'en mergo), village headmen (ginde) and patrilineage elders (tuai-tuai dju\u2019eui or sukau) assembled as occasion demanded to resolve difficult or long-standing conflicts and to conciliate the opposing parties.\" (Jaspan, 1964, p. 31)\r\n\r\nAt the Rejang level:\r\n\r\n\"The Njang Serai cult serves furthermore to stabilise the traditional political system by reinforcing at each rice season the values upon which clan and lineage exogamic exclusiveness are based. We have seen that the Njang Serai field shrine ritual is conducted not only by individual  farmers - who may overlook or disregard it in some years -but most importantly by the elder of each village patrilineage (sukau), at a ceremony to which all members of the sukau are invited. In Topos such sukau rites are carried out both before the first dibble-planting and at harvest time. In the Bemanai clan, the Njang Serai ceremony takes the form of a corporate mdundang poi clan feast for the ritual remarriage and rebirth of paddy. \r\n\r\n\"The exogamic character of the original four patriclans is repeatedly stressed during the five, seven or nine days of the mdundang poi festival. Although it is essential for all four clans to take part in it, the dancing and courtship of the youths is nevertheless strictly regulated by the exogamic principle. The festival, apart from stressing the ideal exogamic structure and relationship of the four pillar clans, emphasises their unity as an integral polito-ritual confederation within which bride-exchange occurs, blood money is paid and the rice goddess is propitiated. Whilst the Bemanai clan is both host and owner of the mdundang poi festival, it is managed by a council of the four pillar clans. It is nowadays one of the rare occasions, other than when summoned for administrative purposes by the government, when the pesirea of all four clans (and their localised subclans) meet. (Jaspan, 1964, p. 109)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10012, "valueset_pk": 10012, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10012, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rejang-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 61, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 61, "glottocode": "reja1240", "ethonyms": "Redjang", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Redjang"]}, "id": "rejang", "name": "Rejang", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.4, "longitude": 102.8}, "name": "Rejang"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [102.8, -3.4]}, "id": "rejang"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17777", "name": "3", "description": "Description of Ifaluk religion: Burrows & Spiro (1952, pp 207-343)\r\n\r\nMost important religious leader was the tamon al\u00fasuia \u2013 his authority appears to have been islandwide:\r\n\r\n\"The association of religion and medicine is found not only in the healing of individuals, but also in the group or public ceremonies and rituals. All public ceremonies are medicine ceremonies, in which medicine is prepared and consumed, as a prophylactic against future illness, and in which the al\u00fasemar are invoked to protect the people from illness. Though many al\u00fas are involved, it is Tilitr that plays the important role in these ceremonies. Tilitr lives in Fatuma with the pantheon of high gods, but descends to Ifaluk frequently, particularly when he is invoked at the public ceremonies, and then returns to Aluelap to report to him. Tilitr, as has already been indicated, is the patron saint of Ifaluk, protecting the people from evil and from illness.\" (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p 227)\r\n\r\n\"Having neither calendars nor other formal methods of reckoning time, religious ceremonies are not held at regularly defined intervals, but are called by the chiefs at the suggestion of Arogeligar, when he feels the time is propitious.\" (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p 228)\r\n\r\n\"The person who has figured so prominently in these ceremonies is Arogeligar. He is the tamon al\u00fasuia, literally, \u2018the leader for (matters concerning) the al\u00fas\u2019. The tamon al\u00fasuia is the religio-medical specialist, but like the other specialists he devotes only part of his time to his specialty, since he assumes the same economic responsibilities as the other men. The office of tamon al\u00fasuia is inherited patrilineally, it being passed on from the incumbent to any male relative in his patrilineal line \u2026 But descent is not a sufficient qualification for this office; a successor in a state of possession must be designated by Tilitr for the office. The incumbent appoints a male relative as his successor upon the latter's request, and instructs him in the lore and knowledge of the position. At the death of the tamon, his designated successor seeks possession or a vision \u2026 Unlike the other people who are possessed only by the al\u00fas of their lineage, Arogeligar is possessed only by Tilitr and by Tilikong, an al\u00fas who does the bidding of Tilitr \u2026 It is apparent that though the possession and induction into the office of tamon al\u00fasuia involves a personal, psychological experience, it is one that is [Page 243] completely culturally patterned. Only certain individuals can inherit the office and since they prepare for it by formal training and by psychological conditioning, it is not strange that the sought-for vision should materialize.\" (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, pp 242-243)\r\n\r\nIfaluk was a very small island and every adult seems to have known each other personally. However, it was divided into territorial units \u2013 two islands, each of which were divided into two districts:\r\n\r\n\"Discussion of the pattern of relationships among the people of Ifaluk may well begin with a list of the bonds that unite the whole population. This unit has all the characteristics ordinarily cited to define a society, community or tribe. In fact, few of the aggregations called by those names are held together by as many bonds as the people of Ifaluk. They share, to begin with, a common habitat and a common culture. Being so few, and confined within so little space, they are all personally acquainted by the time they grow up; though of course the degree of acquaintanceship varies widely. (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p 121)\r\n\r\n\"The largest territorial subdivisions of the population are determined by residence on one or the other of the two inhabited islands, Fal\u0101rik and Fal\u0101lap. Although some individuals have ties on both islands, and shift their residence rather freely from one to the other, nearly everyone is clearly identified, for participation in communal activities, with one or the other \u2026 Each of the islands is further divided into two districts (gapil\u0101m). On Fal\u0101rik island these are Fal\u0101rik district, to the north households 1\u20138 inclusive), and Rauau (households 9\u201319). On Fal\u0101lap they are Ievang, to the north (the name means \u2018north\u2019\u2014households 20\u201324) and Iauru (\u2018south\u2019 households 25\u201329).\" (Burrows & Spiro, 1953, p. 123)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10014, "valueset_pk": 10014, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10014, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ifaluk-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 80, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 80, "glottocode": "wole1240", "ethonyms": "Woleiai; Woleiaian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Woleiai", "Woleiaian"]}, "id": "ifaluk", "name": "Ifaluk", "description": "Ifaluk is part of the cultural and linguistic region of Micronesia known as Woleiai. Ifaluk has been of interest to ethnographers because its relative isolation meant that its indigenous religion was retained under after World War II, when the islanders began to convert to Christianity. Prior to the arrival of the colonial powers Spain, Germany and Japan in the area, Ifaluk and the other Woleiai islands were vassals of the chiefs of Yap.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.2, "longitude": 144.5}, "name": "Ifaluk"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [144.5, 7.2]}, "id": "ifaluk"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18064", "name": "3", "description": "The Kwaio lived in fanua (\u2018shrine territories\u2019), each of which was the property of a small descent group and contained a number of tiny \u2018settlements\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"According to Kwaio traditions of their past, the land was first cleared some twelve to twenty generations ago. The pioneer settlers cleared primary forest for gardens, and in doing so they and their descendants progressively established title over named tracts of secondary forest. The founding settlers, coming from an established territory, established a shrine to their ancestors, linked to the parent shrine \u2026 In time, a patchwork of named tracts and associated settlement sites, with a focal shrine and often several branch shrines, expanded to the margins of another group's territory. Such a cluster of land tracts, title to which was held by descendents of the founding ancestors, comprises a fanua 'shrine territory' ... Each fanua is, or once was, the estate of a small descent group, comprising those descendents of the founding ancestors who have a primary commitment to that territory and shrine \u2026 [16] \u2026 As of late 1927, when the Kwaio mountains were first pacified, the mean number of adult men per descent group was 8.68, the range 3 to 20 \u2013 small even by the standards of seaboard Melanesia (Hogbin and Wedgwood 1953) \u2026 [18] \u2026 Kwaio settlements were tiny, even by Melanesian standards \u2026 As of 1928, Kwaio settlements ranged in size from 2 to 29, with a mean of 9.95. The number of component households ranged from 1 to 8, with a mean of 2.19. Usually settlements were moved every few years, although a few old settlement sites had been occupied continuously for several generations. The fluidity of residence meant a circulation through the named land tracts of a fanua; each tract has an old settlement site, characteristically reoccupied several times in a lifetime.\" (Keesing, 1982, pp. 17-18)\r\n\r\nEach local descent group had a \u2018priest\u2019, whose official role appears to have been solely religious:\r\n\r\n\"Each descent group normally has one 'priest' ... who acts as officiant when the group sacrifices to its principal ancestors ... on their behalf. In ideal circumstances he is a senior [88] man agnatically descended from the founding ancestors ... A priest is not a full-time ritual specialist: in everyday life he works and lives in ways scarcely different from his fellows \u2026 ... But when he acts as officiant in important rites, he enters into sacred and dangerous communion with the ancestors, requiring special isolation and sacredness. Many men find these rules, particularly those enjoining chastity, onerous; hence succession to the responsibilities a priest carries is not always eagerly sought \u2026 In theory, it is the ancestors themselves who choose a successor to become priest, through divination \u2026 But where a man has been thoroughly trained by an aging [89] priest (ideally, his father) to succeed him, the outcome would be a foregone conclusion (if it were put to divination at all).\" (Keesing, 1982, pp 87-89) \r\n\r\n\"Some men are oriented primarily toward the sacred, as custodians of ritual knowledge and intermediaries between the group and the spirits. Such priests are not necessarily attributed power in secular pursuits, and have no substantial political role in secular life except as channels through whom [207] the ancestors communicate \u2026 But in a number of other cases, a man who in his seventies or eighties was a revered and sacrided priest had decades earlier been a feared warrior or renowned feastgiver \u2026 Secular power deemed to be ancestrally conferred is, as it were, sacralised by age in the life cycle, as a strong man approaches ancestorhood.\" (Keesing, 1982, pp. 206-207) \r\n\r\nLocal descent groups are described as \u2018fully autonomous\u2019, but groups of them often formed single congregations from time to time:\r\n\r\n\"Throughout Malaita, both agnatic descent - down through lines of men from the founding ancestors - and cognatic descent - through links of out-marrying women - are important ... Politically, local descent groups seem to have been largely autonomous, despite the conceptualization in terms of regional clusters reminiscent of the much larger-scale phatries of highland New Guinea. In the central zone that includes Kwaio - geographically the most mountainous and fragmented sector of the island - small scale local descent groups are fully autonomous (although linked together by ritual interconnections, as we will see for Kwaio in chapter 6.\" (Keesing, 1982, p 10).\r\n\r\n\"We can see from these diagrams that a wide range of Kwaio in different descent groups trace relationships to and propitiate the same ancient ancestors. Thus the congregation united by common relatedness to Amadia or La?aka is large and dispersed. (We will see that individuals propitiate a half-dozen or more of these ancient ancestors, so that there is substantial overlap between a category of descendants of Amadia and of descendants of La?aka or Kwateta.) These broad categories have limited significance. La?aka as sacrificed at A?ofolo is regarded as a sort of different manifestation of the adalo than La?aka as sacrificed at Fouafoafo?o, using a different complex of magic. But there are contexts, as we will see, where all ritually senior males related to La?aka can partake of a sacrifice together; or where all relatives of La?aka comprise a temporarily relevant social category. \r\n\r\n\"The genealogies maintained by descent group priests and other knowledgeable men and women are generally similar in structure. They begin with a founding ancestor \u2026 [78] \u2026 But the most powerful ancestor(s) propitiated by the descent groups may not be the founders(s) \u2026 Thus Amadia is the princioal ancestor of (among other groups) Giru?i, Naangari, and Darilari; and La?aka is the principal ancestor of (among other groups) A?ofolo, Fouafoafo?a, and Kafusiisigi. By traditional ties of intermarriage, members of a descent group will not only sacrifice to their own focal ancestor(s) through their own priest \u2026 but will propitiate the powerful ancestors of other groups, though priests of those groups \u2026 Pairs of descent groups with contiguous lands represent the outcome of segmentation and concurrent ritual segmentation. In such a case, one is regarded as senior, the other junior ... These relationships are expressed ritually in procedures of sacrifice, through coparticipation of both priests.\" (Keesing, 1982, pp 77-79)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10017, "valueset_pk": 10017, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10017, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kwaio-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 26, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 26, "glottocode": "kwai1243", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "kwaio", "name": "Kwaio", "description": "The Kwaio historically lived in small, autonomous groups in the interior of the large island of Malaita. Their religion was heavily based on ancestral deities and their maintenance of moral standards within the community. The Kwaio were notable for their fierce resistance to colonisation and Christianisation, which resulted a punitive expedition being mounted against them in 1927, during which their religious sites were deliberately desecrated. Subsequently, many Kwaio converted to Christianity, although around a third continue to adhere to their indigenous religion to this day.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.0, "longitude": 160.9}, "name": "Kwaio"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.9, -9.0]}, "id": "kwaio"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18067", "name": "3", "description": "The Lau lived on thirty-two artificial islands (fera) in a large lagoon. These islands fell into three geographical \u2018groups\u2019 (Ivens, 1930, p. 49). All of the Lau (or at least all of the Lau chiefs) seemed to have considered themselves to be descended from a common ancestor, Leo, and this was also true of the three subgroups (Ivens, 1930, pp. 57, 59, 64). The Lau felt themselves to be \u2018one family\u2019, and at times acknowledged a leader or representative called the Aofia, whose role was to \u2018keep the peace\u2019. The first three had also been \u2018priests of the ancestral worship on Sulu Vou\u2019, but the last was simply a \u2018chief\u2019. While the role of Aofia was given legitimacy by supernatural beliefs, it is not clear that the role itself carried any specifically religious duties.\r\n\r\n\"An instance of the general peaceable character of the Lau is afforded by the appointment of one of the chiefs to be Aofia ... The Lau Aofia was a man of chiefly rank, an actual chief at the time of his appointment, or the son of a chief, who was formally dedicated to be the embodiment in himself of peace ... The motive underlying the appointment of an Aofia was that there should be present among the Lau peoples one whose influence was exercised to keep the peace. The succession does not appear to have been maintained regularly, but at least four men have occupied the position since the days of Leo of Sulu Vou ... The first three of these were also priests of the ancestral worship on Sulu Vou. It was to the interest of the Aofia to maintain peace, for it was held that if peace was broken the ancestral ghosts would kill the Aofia. Doubtless his efforts would be directed mainly towards the maintenance of peace between the Lau peoples, who felt themselves to be all one family. The opposition of [91] the ancestral ghosts would not be likely to manifest itself in the case of war between Lau and Tolo. It was the introduction of firearms that caused a break in the succession of the Aofia, and set the Lau peoples fighting among themselves.\" (Ivens, 1930, pp 90-91).\r\n\r\nEach island had two priests - one for the ancestor cult and one for the cult of sharks and war ghosts:\r\n\r\n\"PRIESTS are called hata aabu (holy name) in Lau \u2026 In general practice each large island has two priests, one for the ancestral worship, the other for the war ghosts and the shark worship.\"(Ivens, 1930, p 149)\r\n\r\nA hierarchy among the priests of different islands is not evident. However, the cults of certain supernatural agents worshipped throughout the lagoon (and perhaps beyond) was in the hands of the priests of particular islands:\r\n\r\n\"\"These war ghosts are not the ancestors of their worshippers like the ordinary agalos are \u2026 The official worship of Sina Kwao, the right of sacrificing to him, is entirely in the hands of Buga, who is [142] a Fuaga man.\" (Ivens, 1930, pp. 141-142)\r\n\r\n\"The Ada Gege people sacrificed pigs to Sina Kwao at Sulu Vou after the murder of three of their young men \u2026 The pigs were taken to Sulu Vou for Buga to offer.\" (Ivens, 1930, p. 147)\r\n\r\n\"Buga is also the one man at Sulu Vou who has to do with the worship of sharks. There is no shark altar at Sulu Vou, but certain attentions are paid there to those ancestors who are incarnate in sharks. The big shark altar is at Fuaga, with Buga as the priest \u2026 Buga is sent for to conduct the ceremonies at the big feasts, and to make the sacrifices to the ancestral ghosts in many places south of Sulu Vou, both on the artificial islands and up on the foothills.\" (Ivens, 1930, p. 151)\r\n\r\n\"Some of the artificial islands have shark altars on them, others have a shark bae on the shore \u2026 Sulu Vou made use of \u2018O\u2019ona\u2019s bae at Manu eu behind the present village of Fou I\u2019ia \u2026 Fuaga has a shark altar which is served by Buga, and a big pig is killed and eaten there when a chief\u2019s son belonging to one of the neighbouring islands is afflicted with sores.\" (Ivens, 1930, p. 158)\r\n\r\n\"O\u2019ona of Manu eu, who invited Leo to come and settle [165] near him, was a shark priest, and there were two shark altars at Manu eu \u2026 Sacrifices of pigs were made at the altars to ancestral sharks, i.e. to dead and gone ancestors of O\u2019ona, who were said to be incarnate in sharks. The shark worship at Manu eu must therefore have been in existence long before the days when Leo settled in the neighbourhood. The Manu eu priests confined their attention mainly to the shark worship, but they had power over crocodiles as well \u2026 Leo, after settling on Sulu Vou, did not build a shark altar, and his descendants who were married to Manu eu women participated in the shark worship at shore altars.\" (Ivens, 1930, pp. 164-165)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10018, "valueset_pk": 10018, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10018, "jsondata": {}, "id": "lau-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 29, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 29, "glottocode": "lauu1247", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "lau", "name": "Lau", "description": "The Lau people historically lived on artificial islands made of coral in the Lau lagoon of northern Malaita. The Lau economy centred around resources from the sea, but the Lau also practiced agriculture on land they owned on the mainland. Lau religion centred around on the worship of ancestral beings, some of whom took the form of sharks. In the 1980s, the Lau were the subject of a documentary involving the decline of their indigenous religion due to Christianity and forces of modernity.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.3, "longitude": 160.8}, "name": "Lau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.8, -8.3]}, "id": "lau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18512", "name": "3", "description": "Simbo was divided into districts (gusu), each of which contained one or more \u2018hamlet clusters\u2019 and was associated with a butubutu (kin group):\r\n\r\n\"The most apparent feature of Simbo social structure is the division of the island into a number of districts or gusu (Hocart 1922:75-76) each of which corresponds with a partially localized butubutu. The land of the district is the property of the butubutu, and both bear the same name \u2026 The account by Hocart (1922:75-80) of local organization in 1908 refers to the districts as villages, but he notes that they were not, except for Nusa Simbo, compact groups of houses. Rather, there were numerous hamlets consisting of a few houses, each hamlet being named and further grouped into a \u2018hamlet cluster\u2019 which was also named. One or more clusters formed a district.\"(Scheffler, 1962, pp. 137-138)\r\n\r\nReligion was centred in the butubutu, though one ceremony was islandwide:\r\n\r\n\"Each of the major butubutu maintained its own ancestral shrines, skull houses, and other sacred places for propitiating various gods and spirits. In general, each carried out its rites independently of the others. But in at least one series of rites concerned with the productivity of the land, called by Hocart (1922:284-289) the \u2018Coming Forth of the Gods,\u2019 there was a pan- Simbo organization and significance. Only after an initial series of rites had been carried out by priests (iama) and bangara from all the butubutu in unison could each butubutu perform the cult rites concerned more specifically with its individual welfare.\" (Scheffler, 1962, p. 152 )\r\n\r\nDirect interaction with the supernatural was believed to be highly dangerous. According to Dureau (1994), all iama (\u2018priests\u2019) were captives who were chosen for their role by the banara (chiefs). Their duties were overseen by a \u2018senior lineage member\u2019, who was also exposed to danger, though presumably to a lesser degree:\r\n\r\n\"The person who managed a shrine [tabuna], who led offerings and invocations, was a senior lineage member of the group attached to a particular shrine. This was a dangerous duty which nevertheless helped validate their authority in lineage matters. While senior people were responsible for ensuring the adequate observance of ancestral care and for seeking their blessing, direct involvement at shrines was preferably directed onto others. The potent ancestral forces were as potentially fickle as those of the forest tomate and the \u2018priests\u2019 (iama), those who were responsible for the care, building and supervision of tabuna and the preparation of skulls, were not those who sought political status but those who were obliged to take on the role. Such men ultimately became wealthy through the payments they extracted for their duties, but this wealth was reluctantly sought \u2026\" (Dureau, 1994, p. 84)\r\n\r\n\"Dureau: So why did people want to assume the tasks of iama?\r\n\r\n\"Leoke: No. We didn't want it. We were afraid. The banara chose the iama.\r\n\r\n\"Dureau: Really? Is that why all the iama were captives?\r\n\r\n\"Leoke: Yes. We didn't want that task. We were afraid of leprosy and similar things [of the shrine].\" (Dureau, 1994, p. 84)\r\n\r\nHocart (1922, p. 285) makes a statement to the effect that priesthood could be hereditary, which seems to contradict the view that all iama were captives. However, Hocart does not use the word iama in this context, and it seems plausible that by \u2018priest\u2019 he is referring to the \u2018senior lineage member\u2019 who managed a shrine. \r\n\r\nThere is no clear indication in the sources that the managers of shrines were as a rule bangara, though this seems possible. In any case, the bangara clearly played an important religious role. They sponsored headhunting raids, the motivations for which were in large part supernatural (to secure enemy skulls to offer to the ancestors, and to create malevolent ghosts that would weaken enemies):\r\n\r\n\"Enemy heads were necessary to inaugurate skull houses (tabuna), communal houses (paile, zelepade) or war canoes (qeto), on the death of banara and to release the widows of banara from confinement (Hocart, 1931: 303).\" (Dureau, 1994, p. 68) \r\n\r\n\"While there seems little doubt that the more powerful banara did engage in raiding, through sponsorship even if not participation, the heads obtained were far more important in political legitimation, as visible signs of prowess, than as forms of wealth.\" (Dureau, 1994, p. 69)\r\n\r\n\"Leoke's concluding point about tomate maza confirms that headhunting was motivated by a concern, not to acquire mana, but to create malign forces within enemies' communities. If a successful raid served to debilitate one's enemies through loss of population and wealth, a successful headhunting raid also had supernatural consequences in the creation of voracious endo-cannibalistic spirits. The tomate maza (literally, \u2018beheaded spirit\u2019) was one of an array of spirits, considered below, who had died untoward deaths. Marked by the style of death, they were left to haunt their own lands, inflicting anyone unfortunate enough to happen upon them, rather than becoming beneficient ancestors.\" (Dureau, 1994, p. 73)\r\n\r\n\"The living fed and housed the dead, gave them offerings of shell rings and shell valuables. It was in this context, I would maintain, that Tinoni Simbo sought enemy skulls\u2014as propitiatory offerings to their antecedents. The value of skulls, per se, lies in their being a particular manifestation of this practice of ancestral offerings. It is notable that the only Simbo shrines containing enemy skulls were those used to solicit ancestral blessing for raids or to give thanks for success \u2026 [78] \u2026 Enemy skulls were reserved for the place of warfare precisely because it was warfare they facilitated \u2026 For every skull displayed in a communal house or on an altar, a portion had been burned and given to the ancestors.\" (Dureau, 1994, pp. 77-78)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10019, "valueset_pk": 10019, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10019, "jsondata": {}, "id": "simbo-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 82, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 82, "glottocode": "simb1256", "ethonyms": "Mandegugusu; Eddystone Island", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mandegugusu", "Eddystone Island"]}, "id": "simbo", "name": "Simbo", "description": "Simbo, known locally as Mandegugusu, is a small island in the western Solomons. Historically, headhunting played a major role in the indigenous religion, although its precise meaning is debated. In the second half of the nineteenth century, headhunting raids by the Simboese and their allies from Roviana led to the near-depopulation of other parts of the Solomon Islands. Soon after the British forcibly put an end to these raids, the anthropologists W.H.R. Rivers and Arthur Hocart conducted fieldwork on Simbo (then known as Eddystone), and interpreted the abolition of headhunting as having brought about cultural and demographic decline. Pat Barker's Booker-winning novel 'The Ghost Road' (1995) contains powerful passages detailing Rivers' memories of his time on this island.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.3, "longitude": 156.5}, "name": "Simbo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [156.5, -8.3]}, "id": "simbo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21246", "name": "3", "description": "\"Mabuchi describes the Northern Tsou as made up of four 'tribal' territories, each with a chief living in a head village (hosa) that is genealogically and ritually senior to a varying number of branch settleement. The \u2018tribe\u2019 comprises a single ritual group, wherein branch villages observe the same rituals and taboos as the head village, and wherein the \u2018tribal\u2019 chieftain is both secular and religious leader. The senior village men's house serves a combined administrative, military, and ritual center for the entire complex. Chieftainship is in principle hereditary within chiefly patrilineages, and heads of satellite settlements are likely to be paternal relatives of the 'tribal' chief. These chiefly lines do not, however, constitute a privileged aristocracy as among the Paiwan-Rukai farther south. [Mabuchi 1952, 1960, 1966). The above account is given added historical depth by Kojima, who describes what appear to have been river drainage districts or domains, each controlled by a hereditary priest-chief (peonshi), who might at the same time function as war leader (ijomu) ... Peonshi were entitled to wear distinctive head gear, but they received no tribute and worked their own fields (Kojima 1915-22:4, 238-258).\" (Lebar, 1975, p. 141)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10024, "valueset_pk": 10024, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10024, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tsou-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 4, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 4, "glottocode": "tsou1248", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tsou", "name": "Tsou", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 23.4, "longitude": 120.7}, "name": "Tsou"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.7, 23.4]}, "id": "tsou"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18406", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cTHE Samoan islands are divided into districts, which are subdivided into settlements, and these again into villages.\" (Stair, 1897, p. 83)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe priesthood, Taula-aitu \u2026 were divided into four classes, viz. priests of the war-gods, keepers of the war-gods, family priests, and prophets or sorcerers.\r\n\r\n\u201c1. The Taula-aitu-o-aitu tau (anchors of the priests of the war-gods) were important personages, being consulted upon all warlike occasions. This class invoked the assistance of various war-gods, but most of all Nafanua, a female deity who was reverenced by the entire population, and who in conjunction with Savea-se-u-leo may be considered the national gods of war. In [221] addition to these, however, each district had its own war-god.\r\n\r\n\u201cIt was one of this class, the representative of Le Tamafainga, that usurped the regal power of the islands, and reigned with great tyranny over the whole of Samoa until the year 1829, when he was slain by the people of A\u2019ana. He was worshipped as combining both regal and divine attributes. \r\n\u201c2. O Tausi-aitu-tau (keepers of the war-gods) \u2026 next claim our attention. To their custody were committed the objects supposed to be inspired by the district war-gods \u2026 [222] \u2026 3. O Taul\u0101-aitu-o-ainga (anchors of gods of families, or priests of families) are the next class to be noticed. These summoned the aid of various gods \u2026 This office was sometimes held by the head of the family or his sister. If held by the former, it [223] gave him great power and authority over the different branches of his family, which he seldom failed to make use of in the acquisition of wealth \u2026 Some one of the aforementioned deities was selected by the family as the object of their veneration, and at certain times the god was supposed to enter into the Taul\u0101-aitu, or priest, to answer inquiries or deliver demands \u2026 Perhaps the god worshipped by the family was Moso, and upon the announcement, \u2018I am Moso, I am just arrived from the land of spirits to visit you,\u2019 one of the elders of the party present answered, with much fear and reverence, \u2018Approach; we are your subjects, and are here waiting to receive your commands,\u2019 which address to the ghostly visitor was always made in the highest chief\u2019s language. At the close of these introductory speeches the occasion of the visit was made known. Perhaps this was to utter a complaint of carelessness in bringing donations of food and property, accompanied with severe threats of vengeance if a liberal [224] supply was not speedily brought to his representative. Or perhaps the god\u2019s anger was directed against some unfortunate who had been treasuring up a valuable mat, the existence of which had been known to the speaker and the possessor was threatened with quick punishment if the said mat were not immediately forthcoming \u2026 4. O Taul\u0101-aitu-vavalo-ma-fai-tu\u2019i (anchors of the gods to predict and curse, or prophets and sorcerers) \u2026 This class of the priesthood invoked the assistance of the following aitu \u2026 and many others. Their services were sought after by persons who had been robbed or otherwise injured, and who sought to know the spot where the stolen articles were hidden, as also who was the thief, or the cause of the injury or curse that was supposed to have fallen upon them. They were also consulted by persons who sought to revenge themselves on others, and asked that curses might be uttered upon parties who were specially named. The sick were also taken to the Taul\u0101-aitu, and they were consulted as to the occasion of all the sickness and probable issue, at the same time they were besought to invoke the aids of gods in the removal of the disease. In return for these services they received large presents of food and valuable property.\u201d (Stair, 1897, pp. 220-225)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10030, "valueset_pk": 10030, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10030, "jsondata": {}, "id": "samoan-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 97, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 97, "glottocode": "samo1305", "ethonyms": "Samoan; Tagata Samoa", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Samoan", "Tagata Samoa"]}, "id": "samoan", "name": "Samoa", "description": "Samoa is a group of large, volcanic islands in western Polynesia. In pre-Christian times, Samoans believed in a range of supernatural beings. Pan-Polynesian gods such as Tagaloa, conceived as the creator of the world in Samoa, were present. Beings called aitu, which had more local powers and, according to the interpretation of Cain (1971), were the spirits of miscarried or aborted children. Today, Samoans are overwhelmingly Christian, the largest denominations being Protestant.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -13.9, "longitude": -171.8}, "name": "Samoa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [188.2, -13.9]}, "id": "samoan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18423", "name": "3", "description": "'The Laboya and their neighbours': Geirnaert-Martin (1992, pp. 1-15)\r\n\r\n'Daily and ritual life in the \"houses\" of the Laboya': Geirnaert-Martin (1992, pp. 16-32)\r\n\r\n'A buffalo village': Geirnaert-Martin (1992, pp. 134-165)\r\n\r\n\u2018Social morphology: Kinship and marriage rules\u2019 (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, pp. 193-227)\r\n\r\nReligious authority in Laboya appears to have been vested in groups (kabihu and Uma) rather than individuals, but it was exercised by religious practioners called rato. Various kabihu and Uma played specific roles in the Pan-Laboyan pa\u03b4u and nyale ceremonies. No one group predominated, and there was a considerable 'turnover' of which group occupied which role. The Kabihu 'Modo', who played an important (though not supreme) role in the ceremonies, was recognised as the 'Lord of the Land' throughout Laboya and had certain religious prerogatives.\r\n\r\n\"Pa\u03b4u and Nyale are the names of the two main yearly rituals which punctuate the Laboya agricultural cycle, their social and ceremonial life ... Pa\u03b4u is held at the end of the dry season, in October for Laboya proper and in November for Patyala ... Both Laboya proper and Patyala celebrate Nyale together in February, at the height of the rainy season, ideally just before the planting of the rice seasons ... Pa\u03b4u is the most important yearly ceremony for for mountain people, such as Lolinese, whereas Nyale festivities are the prerogative of coastal communities such as Kodi and Wanokaka ... Pa\u03b4u is not entirely absent from the ritual cycle of the Kodinese or of the inhabitants of Wanukaka but to them this ritual plays a subsidary role ... [12] ... Apparently, location determines which of the two ceremonies is the most important. The Laboya, however, consider themselves an exception, a state confirmed by the sayings of all other West Sumbanese. The Laboya, following the instructions of the ancestors, hold both ceremonies because as they say, you cannot have Pa\u03b4u without Nyale and vice versa ... The Laboya take considerable pride in the fact that they alone are entitled to celebrate both Pa\u03b4u and Nyale. The underlying idea is that being blessed by the ancestors, they contribute most to the spiritual and material needs of all West Sumbanese.\" (Geirnaert, 1992, pp. 11-12)\r\n\r\n\"Under the name of Ubu Jara (Lord Horse), Ubu Raba became the ancestor of kabihu Modo and Ubu Jara's original loom, heddle stick, shed rod and sword are kept among the sacred heirlooms in the ancestral house of kabihu Modo right up to this day. Like Ubu Jara, kabihu Modo is the Mori Tana, Ind. Tuan Tanah, the 'Lord of the Land,' the 'Owner of the Earth' of Laboya. Whenever one digs a hole on a new plot of land, one has to inform kabihu Modo and give their [37] religious practitioner (rato) a chicken, betel and areca nut so that he may proceeed and make offerings to the spirit of Ubu Jara.\" (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, pp. 36-37)\r\n\r\n\"Hodana is the village where the first ancestors of Laboya settled after their long migration from camp Sasar. Ubu Raba, who often took the shape of a python and who became later an ancestor of kabihu Modo ... invited all people to come to Hodana. To insure the arrival of the rains and to organize farming, Ubab Raba and other elders ... decided to organize and perform Pa?u and Nyale for which each kabihu was assigned a ritual task. The assignment of ritual tasks to each kabihu during Pa?u and Nyale constitutes the foundation of Laboya society.\" (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, p 138). \r\n\r\n\u201cGeographically and ritually, Hodana is the centre of Laboya, from where all kabihu of Laboya proper and of Patyala have originated. Ideally, all of them are supposed to have their ancestral house in Hodana. In practice, several kabihu, for example Welowa, Ubumaleha and Kadengara, have established their own ancestral villages elsewhere long ago \u2026 [145] \u2026 The site where an ancestral house should stand is supposed to correspond to the one appointed by Ubu Raba, Ubu Rehi, Anamalangta Bawe and other apical ancestors. At the time when they organized Pa?u and Nyale, the ancestors assigned specific tasks in the yearly rituals to each kabihu and Uma and this arrangement is presented as immutable. In accordance with their ceremonial role during Pa\u03b4u and Nyale, the kabihu were given a special place on which to build their first house. Therefore, the geographical mapping of Hodana corresponds to a ritually significant social division.\u201d (Geirnaert, 1992, pp. 144-145)\r\n\r\n\"Next to these five categories of people, exists another group of people called the rato who are part-time religious practitioners. Unlike the former, the latter is determined by patrilineal descent. Ideally a rato is a direct descendant of an uma's [house's] founding ancestor ...In the ancestral villages of Hodana, Motodawu and Malihu, a rato is in charge of the ritual tasks assigned by the first ancestors to his Uma for the celebration of pa?u and Nyale ...Rato are supposed to lead exemplary lives ... I was told that, in the past, they were also not allowed to take part in head-hunting raids. Perhaps the rato formed a relatively neutral category with mediatory skills ...  It seems that rato were in charge of religious affairs whereas the ata pote [rich men] took care of the increase of the wealth and renown of their Uma, a division found in other parts of Indonesia as well.\" (Geirnaert-Martin, 1992, pp 198-199)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10031, "valueset_pk": 10031, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10031, "jsondata": {}, "id": "laboya-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 100, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 100, "glottocode": "lamb1273", "ethonyms": "Lamboya", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Lamboya"]}, "id": "laboya", "name": "Laboya", "description": "The Laboya are one of the many ethnic communities (suku in modern Indonesian terminology) inhabiting the western end of the island of Sumba in Eastern Indonesia. The indigenous religion was a form of ancestor worship. The more distant an ancestor was, the more powerful this ancestor was believed to be. The founding ancestors, called marapu as elsewhere in Sumba, were believed to have had godlike powers. More ordinary spirits of the dead were believed to undergo a series of transformations, eventually becoming clouds and rain.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.7, "longitude": 119.4}, "name": "Laboya"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.4, -9.7]}, "id": "laboya"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18828", "name": "3", "description": "'Traditional social and political organization' (Erb, 1987, pp. 41-52)\r\n\r\n\"Traditionally there were three classes in Manggarai society: nobility, commoners and slavers ... In the noble class were the dalus, who were rulers of a large region, and their representatives in small village clusters called the gelarang... Usually within a gelarangship, but sometimes within each individual village, there was a hereditary position of 'lord of the land', the ritual leader, [42] considered the 'owner' of the land. I have been told in northeastern Manggarai, that this position fell to the younger brother lineages of the noble gelarang clans ... This political division into a system of dalus and gelarangs seems to be a rather ancient system of government in Manggarai, but it is uncertain whether it is an indigenous system, or whether it was inspired or influenced by the presence of foreign powers that dominated Manggarai for such a long time. Coolhaas quotes the fieldnotes of Van Heuven, an administrator at the turn of the century in Ngada and southeastern Manggarai, who says that this system was not the original political organization (1942:329-330). He argues that the only traditional position of power in the Manggarai political system would have been that of the 'lord of the land', called in Northeastern Manggarai the tua teno, lebok teno or dor tana ... [43] ... Early writers on Manggarai culture agree that this ritual land leader was traditionally much more powerful than he was at the time of the entry of the Dutch into the Manggarai region. In terms of each separate local region, the tua teno had absolute authority over the land. This included rights of choosing the land to be cultivated, dividing it up to be used each year, judicating disputes which had anything to do with the land, and performing all rituals during the agricultural year (Coolhaas 1942: 33-334, Van Bekkum 1946: 126-129) ...[44] ... The rights of the tua teno have continued to the present day, though his absolute authority over land is considerably weakened nowadays by the role the central government plays in regulating land use. Apparently in the past, there was no other functionary at all, not even the gelarang or dalu, who could temper the absolute authority of the 'lord of the land' over land and agriculture performed on it. Power of the tua teno weakened when the Dutch took control and instituted reforms to modernize Manggarai agriculture (Van Bekkum 1946b: 130) ... It seems possible, in light of the above data, that there had developed in Manggarai a 'dual organization', typical of Eastern Indonesia first described by Van Wouden. The ritual land leaders were concerned with the [45] organization of agricultural matters and, since it was considered very important to the well-being of the crops, the often regulated relations with the spiritual world. The gelarang or a village chief, an elder of the noble clan, was concerned with maintaining order within the village, as well as relations with outsiders ... This division of authority over the land and over village affairs, coincided, and still to an extent does to the present day, with a division into 'sacred' and 'secular' authority ...  In Todo and Pongkor, according to Coolhaas, this division of power between the secular and the sacred is not so much divided between the land holder and the village chiefs or kinds, but instead between areas. There is recognized between the ruling clans of Todo and Pongkor the relationship of elder brother and younger brother. The elder brother line in Todo is said to be [46] the 'spiritual' or 'sacred' king, while the younger brother line in Pongjor is said to be the 'secular' or 'worldly' king (Coolhaas 1923:340ff).\" (Erb, 1987, pp. 41-46)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10032, "valueset_pk": 10032, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10032, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manggarai-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 43, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 43, "glottocode": "mang1405", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "manggarai", "name": "Manggarai", "description": "Manggarai is the name given to a region in western Flores, to the people inhabiting this area, and to their language. Prior to the advent of Christianity, the Manggarai practiced a religion based on ancestral spirits. A supreme being was present in Manggarai religion, but was believed to involve himself in human affairs only rarely.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.6, "longitude": 120.4}, "name": "Manggarai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.4, -8.6]}, "id": "manggarai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17653", "name": "3", "description": "\"The basic unit in Atayal society is the so-called ritual group (qotox gaga), an organization of patrilineally related persons observing a common set of taboos and ritual procedures (gaga) inherited from a common set of ancestors in order to maintain the spiritual protection of those ancestors. A gaga \u2018owns\u2019 its ancestral spirits (rutux) and shares in the communal eating of its sacred millet (gaxak), the latter under the protection of the gaga chief/priest ... In some areas, ritual group equals village, whereas in others a village may be composed of several ritual groups ... In the southwest \u2018homeland,\u2019 an entire village federation or \u2018tribe\u2019 may comprise a single ritual group ...  By all accounts the local settlement was originally a cluster of neighbouring hamlets whose inhabitants constituted a localized kin group functioning as a single ritual group.\u201d (Lebar, 1975, pp 146-147)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10033, "valueset_pk": 10033, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10033, "jsondata": {}, "id": "atayal-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 31, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 31, "glottocode": "atay1247", "ethonyms": "Tayal; Taiyal", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tayal", "Taiyal"]}, "id": "atayal", "name": "Atayal", "description": "The Atayal live in the mountains of northern Taiwan. They were notorious for headhunting, and were among the last group of Taiwanese aborigines to be brought under Japanese control.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 24.4, "longitude": 121.3}, "name": "Atayal"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.3, 24.4]}, "id": "atayal"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18888", "name": "3", "description": "The Kwara'ae lived in small territories ('ano' or 'fanoa') centred on shrines ('fera\u0101bu'). Each of these territories appears to have been occupied by a small descent group that Burt calls a 'small clan' or 'local clan', which was part of a dispersed 'big clan'. Each 'small clan' had a priest (fata\u0101bu). Some shrines were considered to belong to 'big clans', and hence their priests were in some sense the priests of the entire dispersed group:\r\n\r\n\"Although the genealogies remembered by different clans often disagree on how they are related to one another, it is none the less generally acknowledged that all Kwara\u2019ae, if not all Malaitans, are descended from one man whose sons and grandsons dispersed from their home in the central bush to the lands which now belong to the Kwara\u2019ae people. Their claims to this land today are traced back to the time when these ancient ancestors discovered areas of virgin forest [25] which they settled by clearing land for villages and gardens \u2026 The settlement and burial sites of these men \u2026 were dedicated to them as \u2018tabu places\u2019 (kula \u0101bu) by their descendants, and the names of these places were given to the surrounding areas and the communities that lived there. In some of these places they built shrines (fera\u0101bu) where the ghosts remained in continuing association with the land \u2026 In a country where people often move their settlements and the forest soon covers all signs of human habitation, \u2018tabu places\u2019 are the permanent signs of rights in land established by notable ancestors and [26] inherited by their descendants to the present day ...Kwara\u2019ae often refer to such an area simply as a \u2018land\u2019 (ano), but it is also a \u2018home\u2019 or habitation, fanoa, a word which covers any inhabited space from a village to the whole of Kwara\u2019ae or Malaita ... A Kwara\u2019ae \u2018clan\u2019 can mean a group of hundreds of people tracing descent from a common ancestor ten or twenty generations ago. But those who live together in the same neighbourhood may amount to no more than the families of two [27] or three \u2018father\u2019, \u2018brothers\u2019 and \u2018sons\u2019, as a local sub-clan descended from the same father or grandfather. Kwara\u2019ae distinguish these more or less inclusive groups only as \u2018big\u2019 or \u2018small\u2019 clans. In the past extended families of the same local clan would have formed separate small settlements (fanoa), hardly large enough to be called villages and probably seldom larger than two or three households each \u2026 Men of a clan, particularly those who live together, normally have a strong sense of solidarity and identity, not only with the living but also with the dead ancestors whom they replace generation after generation as heirs to the land \u2026 As a clan they are usually named for places inherited from these ancestors, where, in the past, the men sought spiritual support and protection by sharing sacrificial meals of pigs and vegetables with their ghosts at shrines marking the land they claimed. The greatest of these sacrifices were periodic festivals (maoma) in which large numbers of pigs were sacrificed to all the ancestors of the clan while feeding and entertaining relatives and neighbours from far and wide \u2026 The priest (fata\u0101bu) whom the ancestors chose to mediate between them and the living was ideally the firstborn man of the senior line, so that the list of principal ancestors through which the clan traced its descent would often be conceived as a list of successive priests who were also the leaders for the land ... The following brief history is based on research by Adriel Rofate\u2019e into the origins of his own clan of Gwauna\u2019ongi \u2026 [27] \u2026 In about 1920, when the Gwauna\u2019ongi people because Christians, they included four or five more or less distinct subclans \u2026 amounting altogether to probably little more than twenty families. Ten independent clans further away were also regarded as in some sense belonging to Gwaunga\u2019ongi. Each of these clans would sacrifice to their own ancestors at local shrines and hold sacrificial festivals for them every few years. But all of them, even those living far away, would also maintain links with the land and people they had \u2018emerged from\u2019 (saka ana) by sending back occasional sacrifices to the ancient common ancestors cared for by the priests of Faureba \u2026 Gwauna\u2019ongi is only one of several places in the central bush from which groups of local clans in East and West Kwara\u2019ae trace their common origins, remembered through genealogies and reaffirmed through sacrifices sent back \u2018up\u2019 to their ancient ancestors. But these major clans did not in themselves form local communities. Kwara\u2019ae histories show how, as clans continued to disperse generation after generation, they settled not only on vacant land but also on land already claimed by other clans, to produce a pattern of clan-land relationships of bewildering complexity. \" (Burt, 1994, pp. 24-28)\r\n\r\n\"The priest\u2019s congregation and sphere of influence centred on his local clan group of fathers, brothers and sons and their families.\" (Burt, 1994, p. 67)\r\n\r\n\"As \u2018important men\u2019, priests contributed to exchanges of wealth and feasting through the sacrificial system, receiving on behalf of the ghosts both pigs and shell money offerings used to buy pigs, which were shared with other adult men in sacrificial meals and festivals. Sacrifices to ancestors also brought together their dependants within the local clan and beyond. When people were asked for pigs by ancestors from whom they were \u2018born of women\u2019, the sacrifice reaffirmed relationships with uncles and cousins in other clans, and claims to their clan lands. When they sent pigs \u2018up\u2019 to the ancient ancestors of their own clan at the shrines they derived from generations ago, they joined a wider congregation of local clans under the leadership of a priest of the senior line. The priests in charge of the ancient shrines of dispersed clans \u2026 had special opportunities for leadership through the hierarchical descent system ... Priesthood had its greatest scope for leadership in the \u2018festivals\u2019 (maoma, from mao, \u2018dance\u2019) which united the living and dead members of a clan in peace and friendship with relatives and neighbours in the wider community. (Burt, 1994, p. 69)\r\n\r\n\"The scale of a festival reflected the prosperity and power of the clan and its ancestral ghosts. In recent times, with congregations depleted by conversion to Christianity, they have been quite modest affairs \u2026 A few generations ago things were very different \u2026 Such was the case with Siale, widely regarded as the most ancient shrine in Kwara\u2019ae. Among the many clans which trace their origins to the first ancestors who settled there from overseas, a group of four or five clans, widely dispersed from the lands near Siale from which they are named, joined to celebrate festivals at the shrine. Their priests each had particular ritual tasks under the leadership of the senior priest responsible for the Siale shrine itself \u2026 Siale is by no means the only shrine where festivals on this scale were once held. (Burt, 1994, p. 73)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10034, "valueset_pk": 10034, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10034, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kwaraae-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 66, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 66, "glottocode": "kwar1239", "ethonyms": "Fiu", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Fiu"]}, "id": "kwaraae", "name": "Kwara'ae", "description": "Kwara'ae are a bush tribe in the northern half of Malaita Island, which is within the Solomon Islands. They have largely converted to Chrisitanity after a fair amount of conflict with colonial powers.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.7, "longitude": 160.8}, "name": "Kwara'ae"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.8, -8.7]}, "id": "kwaraae"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19879", "name": "3", "description": "'Religion' (Ferdon, 1987, pp. 69-95)\r\n\r\n\u201cThere is no doubt that the first-fruits \u2018inasi ceremony was the most important religious event of the year, since it was observed by all the people of Tonga \u2026 It represented an offering of the first products of the land, as well as other edibles such as fish, to all of the gods through the person of the divine chief Tu\u2019i Tonga.\" (Ferdon, 1987, p. 82)\r\n\r\n\u201cLike the differences between gods and their attributes on Tongatapu and on the northern islands of Vava\u2019u and Ha\u2019apai, the limiting of the tautau ceremonies to these latter islands is yet another indication of a former societal separation within the Tongan archipelago. Just when the entire group came under the domination of Tongatapu is not clear. That this did occur, at least by late prehistoric times, is strongly suggested by the pan-Tongan occurrence of the two Tu\u2019i tonga \u2018inasi ceremonies with their heavy tribute \u2026 Although the tribute demands of the Tu\u2019i Tonga spread to the northern islands, the other gods of Tongatapu were less successful and failed to penetrate the traditional religion of the north.\u201d (Ferdon, 1987, p. 95)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10035, "valueset_pk": 10035, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10035, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tonga-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 17, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 17, "glottocode": "tong1325", "ethonyms": "Tongan; Friendly Islands", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tongan", "Friendly Islands"]}, "id": "tonga", "name": "Tonga", "description": "Tonga is a group of islands in western Polynesia. In prehistoric times, the kings of Tonga had a sphere of influence, sometimes known as the 'Tongan Empire', which encompassed many neighbouring groups of islands. Although Tonga had a close relationship with Britain during the twentieth century, it is notable as the only Polynesian nation never to have lost its sovereignty.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.2, "longitude": -175.2}, "name": "Tonga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [184.8, -21.2]}, "id": "tonga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18121", "name": "3", "description": "Settlement on Rennell was traditionally dispersed:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe introduction of Christianity has recently caused a change in the type of settlement. As NORTHCOTE DECK has it: \u2018The result has been a wonderful revolution in their social life. For whereas before, they lived scattered about in the bush, just one or two families together, so great has been their desire to be taught of God, that the whole population \u2026 has come together in about ten large villages\u2019. Whether the good missionary\u2019s enthusiasm is legitimate from an economic point of view is, perhaps, questionable, and in actual fact it is somewhat exaggerated. There are still but three or four villages with more than about 50 inhabitants such as Lavanggu, which is a quite modern creation due to the anchorage in Kanggava Bay \u2026 Other fairly large villages are Te Avamanggu in the western part of the island, Hutuna on the southern shore of the lake, and Tingoa at its eastern extremity. But in many cases people still live in small clusters of houses scattered over the island near the lake and along the fertile zone. The greatest number of dwellings originally observed by NORTHCOTE DECK in a single place was eight.\u201d (Birket-Smith, 1969, p 45)\r\n\r\nTraditionally, the island was divided into six 'chieftainships'. One of these, Te Nggano, was considered 'the principal chieftainship':\r\n\r\n\"As previously mentioned the native name of Rennell is Munggava or \u2018the large island\u2019, in contradistinction to Munggiki, [39] \u2018the small island\u2019, also known as Bellona. Tradition tells us that originally both islands were ruled by a common chief who lived on Bellona, but sixteen or seventeen generations ago the [40] Bellona chief, Taupongi, was killed and his four sons separated. One of them, Manu, stayed on Bellona; another one, Sao-e-mangongena, was killed like his father and his people scattered, whereas Uaimango and Maitongo went to Rennell and settled at Lake Te Nggano. Up to the present day Te Nggano is considered the principal chieftainship, and its head occupies a position superior to that of the other chiefs of the island. Around Kanggava Bay, immediately west of Te Nggano, is the chieftainship of Te Mungginuku; it is also known as Te Manggavai, which is, however,more or less a nick-name. Then follows Banggikanggo, the principal settlement of which is Te Avamanggu, Te Tuakoi, and Taungganggoto with Hatanggoa as the main village, and farthest to the west Senggema, where the largest village is Kanggoa.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 38-40)\r\n\r\nTaupongi, who occupied the Te Nggano chieftainship in the 1930s through the the 1950s, was considered the 'high chief of the whole island', though it is not clear that he had more than nominal power over the other chiefs (the various chieftainships often fought each other):\r\n\r\n\"For administrative purposes Rennell is divided into three districts, Te Nggano, Kanggava, and Te Manggihenua. Each district has a headman who is appointed by the Governmcnt with the common consent of the people and is paid a salary af \u00a32 a month. During our sojourn the headmen were the three chiefs, Taupongi. Tahua, and Tigesua, but it must not necessarily be a chief. Both Taupongi and Tigesua were dignified old gentlemen, and Taupongi in particular, who was the old high chief of the whole island, possessed no little authority ... Tahua was somewhat younger and not very popular.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, p. 18)\r\n\r\n\"Bellona was the only island with which Rennell had regular intercourse, though not always of a peaceful character. The same is true of the districts on Rennell itself. LAMBERT emphasizes the jealousy between Te Nggano, the original population centre, and Te Mungginuku- or, as he calls it, Kolugu - around Kanggava Bay, which acquired added importance in modern times on account of the anchorage there, and says that it resulted in a war when the ancestors of that chief settled in the latter place three generations ago. It was quite evident, also when we visited the island, that relations were rather strained between the old high [117] chief, Taupongi, and Tahua, the chief of Te Mungginuku. As a rule, however, the three eastern districts, Te Nggano, Te Mungginuku, and Banggikanggo were allied against the westernmost ones, Taungganggotu and Senggema. Thus, for instance, was the state of affairs during the last war on the island. The central chieftainship, Te Tuakoi, was connected by family ties to both sides and joined sometimes one and sometimes the other of the fighting parties and enjoyed the doubtful privilege of being the habitual battle field.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 116-117)\r\n\r\nChiefs appear to have been the main (and perhaps the only) religious practitioners on Rennell Island:\r\n\r\n\"The chiefs, anggiki, claim to descend from Kaitu'u, the leader of the first immigrants, and through him they also descend from\r\nTe Hainggi-atua. No wonder, therefore, that the chiefs of Rennell\r\nlike those of other Polynesian islands were sacreu. At interval\r\nthey were possessed by a spirit so that they fell into a trance,\r\nand they would also summon the gods to the assembling places\r\nor make them enter the sacred emblems. Their authority seemed to a great extent to depend upon their ability to being entranced, and in practice this might even influence the succession although the dignity theoretically passed to the oldest son.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, p. 41)\r\n\r\n\"A separate priesthood does not occur.\" (Birket-Smith, 1969, p. 45)\r\n\r\nBirket-Smith (1969, pp. 59-63), citing Macgregor (1943), describes series of harvest ceremonies led by Taupongi at Te Nggano in the 1930s. It is unclear whether these ceremonies was performed for the welfare of the whole island or Te Nggano alone, but given the closely interwoven nature of religious and political authority on Rennell and Taupongi's status as high chief, the former seems more likely:\r\n\r\n\u201cRegular first-fruit offerings to Te Haingi-atua and Te Hua-i-ngavenga were made of taro and of both species of yam, as well [60] as of coconuts the first time the tree bears fruit ... The ceremonies took place on the nggoto-manggae, where the fruits provided for Te Hainggi-atua were placed in front of the chief's house, because he was the supreme god, and those offered to Te Hua-i-nggavenga behind the house. I heard nothing of the offering at the ancestral graves mentioned by HOGBIN ... MACGREGOR has given a detailed account of the food offering he witnessed during his stay at Te Nggano. Yams and taro were piled on the nggoto-manggae, and dancing commenced at sunset to be continued at daybreak. During the morning dance the chief- the same Taupongi who was still high chief at the time of our visit -was sitting in his house on a new mat spread over two coconut fronds, and on the western side of the manggae was placed a mat-covered board spread over more fronds and intended for seats for the visiting gods. When the dance was finished, the chief sat down on the board and invited the god (Te Hainggi-atua?) to his seat of honour in front of the house. Then, with a ceremonial spear in his hand, he took some yams, spoke over them and ordered three \u2018headmen\u2019 (nobles?) to put them aside in baskets, whereas the rest were divided into piles in a line at the side of the assembling place. After another invocation he led the men in a dance, at the close of which he again addressed the gods before the yams, and now the men formed a line moving backwards and forwards with bowing gestures in order to lead the god into [61] the house from which he was supposed to depart, in conclusion slapping the roof of the house while the chief delivered a short speech. Finally the men carried the yams to the women behind the house where the earth oven had been prepared in which the yams were cooked during the day. In the evening they were taken to the chief, who placed them on a sand mat before the middle post on the front side of the house, partook a little of four yams on behalf of the god, and gave the rest to his household.\u201d (Birket-Smith, 1969, pp. 59-61)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10036, "valueset_pk": 10036, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10036, "jsondata": {}, "id": "rennell-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 19, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 19, "glottocode": "renn1242", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "rennell", "name": "Rennell", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -11.6, "longitude": 160.3}, "name": "Rennell"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.3, -11.6]}, "id": "rennell"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21240", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The Rotinese: A general introduction\u2019 (Fox, 1968, pp. 1-69)\r\n\r\n\u2018Chapter III. Domain and clan\u2019 (pp. 120-187)\r\n\r\nThe island of Roti was divided into eighteen independent 'domains':\r\n\r\n\u201cTraditionally, Roti is further divided into 18 self-ruling domains called nusak. Each domain is governed by its own Lord who, together with the lords of the various clans that make up the kingdom, presides at a law court and makes decisions based upon the customary usage of his domain. Although borders have always been disputed, it is clear from information in the Dutch archives that most of these domains have existed as independent states for over 300 years.\u201d (Fox, 1968, p 7)\r\n\r\nEach domain (nusak) had a capital 'village' (nusak-lain) and was headed by a 'Lord' (manek) and a 'Head of the Earth' (dae langak). The Head of the Earth appears to have formally outranked the Lord, but the Lord held the majority of de facto power. Supreme religious authority was clearly in the hands of the Head of the Earth, while supreme secular authority appears to have been shared by the Lord and the Head of the Earth (the Lord could make legal and other important decisions, but the Head of the Earth had the right to veto them):\r\n\r\n\u201cNusa(k), the word which I translate as 'domain\u2019 in most contexts, has a number of interrelated meanings. First, the word can mean \u2018island\u2019 \u2026 Secondly, the word can refer to the independent political subdivisions of the island, the states which I describe as 'domains' \u2026 Another use of the word nusak, occurs in the expression, nusak lain, which is commonly shortened to simply nusak \u2026 Nusak lain, \u2018high nusak\u2019, is literally as well as figuratively the high point or centre of a domain. Within each domain, the nusak-lain is the village in which the Lord of a domain has his principal residence \u2026 Although Termanu is somewhat unusual in the extent of its former [121] fortifications, several of the nusak-lain in other domains are situated in positions, often on hill tops, that could be secured against attack. Other nusak-lain were moved to more accessible areas during the peace of the Dutch period.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe nusak lain is the seat of a Lord\u2019s court. This court is also called nusak and is usually held each week in the courtyard of the house of the Lord. The court is the centre of Rotinese political life and the chief duty of a lord with his councillors is to hear law cases (dede\u00e4 nusak) and to act as judge over his realm ... [122] ... The nusak, as court, is presided over by a Lord (manek), a lord-fetor (mane-fetor, or simply fetor), and by the lords of the clans that make up the domain. Among the clan lords is the lord who holds the title of \u2018Head of the Earth\u2019 (dae langak) and another lord who holds the somewhat obscure position of \u2018Lord of the Knife\u2019 (mane dope). In addition to these lords the court may be attended by the nobles (mane-ana) of the Lord\u2019s lineage or clan and by the lesser nobles (sometimes called mane-feto-ana) of the fetor lineage of clan. Finally, there are always elders (tou-lasi-kala) who attend court and participate in the discussion on questions of customary usage (hadak) ... The court is thus representative of the entire domain.\u201d (Fox, 1968, pp 120-122)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Lord of a domain is the most important figure in the realm but in certain ritual affairs he is subordinate to the Head of the Earth. The Head of the Earth is recognised as the foremost authority on the customary usage (hadak) of the domain. Although it is the Lord who decides cases at court, the Judgement of the Head of the Earth is sought and often required before a decision is made on important law cases. The Head of the Earth has the authority, I was always assured, to reverse or annul the decision of the lord. Formerly, the consent of the Head of the Earth was required for the installation of a new Lord or a new clan lord. His approval was also required before the domain could go to war or make a raid on another domain. The Head of the Earth was also the chief sacrificer at times of disaster or epidemic and still today his office is occasionally described as \u2026 \u2018the sacrificer of the domain\u2019. The Head of the Earth would also sacrifice at the opening of any new rice field. Until the 1870s the Head of the Earth kept within his own house the staff of office which the Dutch East India Company had conferred upon each Lord of a domain.\u201d (Fox, 1968, p 129)\r\n\r\n\u201cThere exists a traditional antagonist between the Head of the [131] Earth and the Lord of a domain. Each domain has its own particular legend to explain this antagonism. What is surprising is that these different legends all emphasise the foolishness of the Head of the Earth. Although he is acknowledged as the ultimate authority on Rotinese adat, the Head of the Earth is Spoken of as 'stupid\u2019 (nggoa) because his ancestor, the first human to inhabit the domain, allowed himself to be deceived by the ancestor of the Lord and thereby surrendered his rule over the domain. The Lord of the Earth thus lost his secular power but retained his ritual and religious authority.\u201d (Fox, 1968, pp 130-131)\r\n\r\nElsewhere describes Rotinese religious authority as having \u2018never gone  beyond the clan\u2019, which is odd considering the domain-level religious structure described above:\r\n\r\n\"Roti has no lunar calendar, and religious organization on the island has never gone beyond the clan, whose only major ritual was an annual harvest ceremony known as the hus or limba .... Furthermore, the Rotinese have no priesthood. Clans were represented by their titled court official and by the elders of the clan's lineage segments ... Traditionally each individual household made its own offerings to the ancestral spirits, so that on Roti, religion has had a far more individualized expression than on Savu.\" (Fox, 1977, p 85)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10038, "valueset_pk": 10038, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10038, "jsondata": {}, "id": "roti-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 85, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 85, "glottocode": "term1237", "ethonyms": "Atahori Rote; Hataholi Lote; Rote; Rotinese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Atahori Rote", "Hataholi Lote", "Rote", "Rotinese"]}, "id": "roti", "name": "Roti", "description": "Like its neighbour Savu, Roti is dry and not very fertile. Historically, the islanders subsisted primarily upon the sap of the lontar palm, which grows abundantly on the island. The indigenous Rotinese religion involved two classes of spirits: spirits of the inside (benevolent ancestral spirits), and spirits of the outside (malevolent spirits of unknown origin). While Christianity has been practiced on Roti for centuries, most of the population did not convert until well into the twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.7, "longitude": 123.2}, "name": "Roti"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [123.2, -10.7]}, "id": "roti"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19336", "name": "3", "description": "\"Fakaofo had created Tokelau and was its overlord ... Fakaofo's pre-eminence is restated yet again in a spiritual idiom. In the accounts of the battles between the atolls there is absolutely no mention of gods or spirits; a few spirit familiars are invoked in the stories of voyagers and warriors; and the spirits in the story of mutual theft have no human counterparts. However, once Fakaofo achieved pre-eminence Tui Tokelau, the great god of all Tokelau, becomes a presence and appears instantiated in a large stone erected in Fakaofo. In essence, Tui Tokelau is invoked with the estab-[137] lishment of the overarching polity of Tokelau itself, and is solidly positioned in Fakaofo where the paramount aliki was the god's principal supplicant and celebrant.\r\n\r\n\"Fakaofo overlords exacted tribute from Nukunonu as annual offerings to Tui Tokelau ... Fakaofo exercised pule 'political control/authority' over Nukunonu. All 'laws and regulations' were decreed from Fakaofo, and Fakaofo made appointments to positions of authority within Nukunonu and assigned Fakaofo men - specifically male descendants of Pio, the son of Nau - as deputies of the Fakaofo aliki there. Though civil affairs continued to be administered by Nukunonu's elders, they were constrained by Fakaofo authority, which in turn was sanctioned by Fakaofo's privileged access to Tui Tokelau, the source of fecundity and prosperity.\" (Huntsman & Hooper, 1996, pp. 136-137)\r\n\r\n\u201cTui Tokelau was all all-pervasive atua, a god whose being was beyond, in the sky or heavens. Newell (1895:606) wrote, \u2018The story of the remarkable man Tuitokelau, who was deified as a great god, is \u2026 forever lost.\u2019 More likely there never was a story, for no other source imagines Tui Tokelau as a man. The god was just there, instantiated in the huge stone enveloped in mats, standing outside the god-house in Fakaofo \u2026 Tui Tokelau was the ultimate cause and controller of good fortune and of the productivity and fruitfulness of the whole Tokelau world. The theme of life-giving productivity was central to the formulaic invocation of the god which was made on behalf of all Tokelau by the Fakaofo aliki \u2026 [151] \u2026 In addition to the prayer, offerings in appreciation of blessing and bounty were directed to Tui Tokelau when the god\u2019s blessings were realised, particularly when there were abundant catches of fish \u2026 As well as regular offerings recognising the god\u2019s beneficence, there was an annual ceremony in honour of Tui Tokelau when offerings were conveyed to Fakaofo from Nukunonu and Atafu, at which appears were made to the god for continuing prosperity.\u201d (Huntsman & Hooper, 1996, pp. 150-151)\r\n\r\n\"In May every year the chief priest at Fakaofu set aside four weeks for the worship of Tui Tokelau and appointed emissaries to announce the time to the other islands ... [67] ... Many new mats, mother-of-pearl pendants, the unused halves of the shells made into bonito shanks, pandanus malo and coconut leaf skirts, and sennit braid were made and collected to send to Fakaofu as offerings. Food was gathered for the crew of the canoe bearing the offerings and as gifts to the chief priest.\" (Macgregor, 1927, pp. 66-67)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10039, "valueset_pk": 10039, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10039, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tokelau-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 62, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 62, "glottocode": "toke1240", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tokelau", "name": "Tokelau", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.4, "longitude": -171.2}, "name": "Tokelau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [188.8, -9.4]}, "id": "tokelau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18930", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018General discussion of the social order\u2019 (Handy, 1923, pp. 35-36)\r\n\r\n\u2018Leaders and professionals\u2019 (Handy, 1923, pp. 36-39)\r\n\r\nExcept on Ua Pou, political organization did not extended beyond the 'tribe'. 'Tribes' could have a unitary structure, or could have 'subdivisions', each of which had its own chief. Some tribes with 'subdivisions' also had a chief with authority over the tribe as a whole, whereas in other cases the subdivisions were independent. It is unclear how common each of these arrangements was.\r\n\r\n\u201cIt has been pointed out that in some of the large valleys there were single great tribes with subdivisions, while in other places there was a number of unrelated tribes; that, beyond certain loose alliances there was no unity between different sections of islands and different valleys, and even that there was warfare within single valleys between related tribes. In other words, political organization in the Marquesas never went beyond the tribal stage.\r\n\r\n\u201cEvery tribe had its chief. When some of the great tribes were subdivided, the subdivisions had each its own chief, who was entirely independent; in other tribes the chiefs of the subtribes were under the authority of the chief of the larger group ... \r\nIt has already been pointed out that it was only on the island of Ua Pou that there was any approach to political unity on one island through dominance by a single chief: in other words, that this was the only island which had what might properly be called a king. It is my opinion, however, that it is unnecessary to dignify any chief in the Marquesas by the title, 'king,' for the political organization was always of the very simplest order, and the relationship of the haka-iki and his people was always that of a chief to his fellow-tribesmen, never approaching that of a king to subjects.\" (Handy, 1923, p. 35)\r\n\r\n'Community structures' (Handy, 1923, pp. 42-44)\r\n\r\nThe settlement pattern in the Marquesas was dispersed. The closest thing to a 'local community' appears to have been the 'tribe' or 'subtribe':\r\n\r\n\"Dwellings were not concentrated in villages but scattered throughout the length of the valley, or, in a few bays, along the shore. There seems to [43] have been little tendency toward the formation of village communities. Private establishments consisted of a large sleeping house on a stone platform, a cook house near-by, a sacred house for old men, a house for storing food, and in the near vicinity a sacred place. The chief's establishment was the community center. It included his sleeping house, which was larger and more elaborate than most private dwellings and was built on a stone platform; his cook house, storage house, the dwellings of his attendants on stone platforms; a warriors' house, also on a stone platform; a paved dance area, on which were sometimes special houses for canoes, for the preparation of feasts, or the like, with surrounding platforms for spectators, on which were erected temporary structures at the times of rites and festivals; ovens; a temple, which was usually associated with this feast place and with the chief's establishment; and a vai ke'etu, an enclosed, fresh-water basin made of cut, red stone slabs, reserved as the sacred bathing place of the chief's eldest son. In secluded and usually elevated locations there were other sacred places (me'ae), which also belonged to the chief and served for tribal ceremonial and burial.\" (Handy, 1923, p. 42)\r\n\r\n\u2018Priests\u2019 (Handy, 1923, pp. 223-230)\r\n\r\nReligious organization, like political organization, does not as a rule appear to have extended beyond the tribe:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe tribal inspirational priest was called tau'a, tau'a nui, or sometimes atua, which means literally god. The tau'a, who filled the r\u00f4le of tribal inspirational priests, must be distinguished from those of less prominence, called by the same name, who were private practitioners. Tau'a was a term which referred to all persons who were subject to possession by spirits or gods.\r\n\u201cAfter the tribal inspirational priest, the next in importance in tribal worship was the ceremonial priest, tuhuna o'ono (tuhika o'oko), who may be characterized also as the tribal bard and director of ritual, since it was he who led, and at times sang alone, the sacred chants in rites. He was also the teacher of chants and legends.\r\n\r\n\u201cMoa, u'u, or taputoho were men who were the guardians and assistants of the inspirational priest and consecrated to the work of serving as assistants in ceremonial. Tauoha, veveahu, or tauahi were servants of the inspirational priest.\r\n\r\n\u201cTuhuna as a class, including the \u2018old men\u2019 who were masters of different professions, constituted a body that furnished the choirs which intoned the sacred chants during the ceremonials in the sacred places and on the feast places. Each of the above classes of religious functionaries will be discussed separately. Each tribal temple of importance had one inspirational priest, several ceremonial priests, and a considerable number of assistants.\u201d (Handy, 1923, p. 223)\r\n\r\nHowever, according to Thomas (1990), some tau'a were recognized over much larger areas than any chief:\r\n\r\n\"The importance of tau'a is undelrined by the fact that, while evidence for any supralocal authority in the early contact period (except on 'Ua Pou) is lacking, the potency of some tau'a was clearly recognized in more than one valley: that of Tamapuameini was acknowledged over a whole island. There thus seems to have been a crude difference between the renown of certain shamans and that of any chief.\" (Thomas, 1990, p 36)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10041, "valueset_pk": 10041, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10041, "jsondata": {}, "id": "marquesas-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 118, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 118, "glottocode": "nort2845", "ethonyms": "'Enata, Marquesan, Te'enana", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["'Enata, Marquesan, Te'enana"]}, "id": "marquesas", "name": "Marquesas", "description": "The Marquesas are a group of very rugged volcanic islands in Eastern Polynesia. Rainfall is highly unpredictable in the Marquesas, and as a result famines were common, and were sometimes catastrophic. The most important supernatural agents were deified spirits of deceased chiefs and priests. Human sacrifice played an important role in Marquesan religion - for example, the deification of a deceased leader required ten human sacrifices. The victims of these sacrifices were always captives obtained in war rather than members of the group.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.8, "longitude": -139.0}, "name": "Marquesas"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [221.0, -9.8]}, "id": "marquesas"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18965", "name": "3", "description": "'Minahasa explored: equality, hierarchy and mobility' (Schouten, 1998, pp. 11-38)\r\n\r\n\"The smallest territorial unit, the village (in Tontemboan ro'ongi or wale), consisting of at most a few dozen households, constituted a cultic unit.  This was reflected in rituals...\" (Schouten 1998, p 17)\r\n\r\n\"Settlements were not autonomous in the seventeenth century, but formed part of a larger political and ritual units, the walak, ranging from a few hundred to several thousand souls ... There was constant contact between the component settlements of the walak.  One of the villages \u2013 usually bearing the same name as the walak \u2013 was the main settlement and point of reference; this was the 'mother village' from which all the other villages were believed to have been founded ... The walak dominated the village above all in the political respect.  The location of a new village was decided (or, at least, needed approval) at walak level, and the walak\u2019s political and ritual leaders attended the most important of the founding ceremonies.  The authority to exercise control over land, especially unreclaimed land, was also vested in the walak \u2026 The walak was endogamous and virtually self-sufficient; peaceful contacts outside it were rare.\" (Schouten, 1998, p 19)\r\n\r\n\"Direct contact with the gods was the privilege of the shamans, the walian, who among the Tontemboan were usually female.  Their performance was essential in many rituals ... The other category of religious specialists consisted of the tona'as, executors of rituals, some of whom were also skilled in augury. Tona'as is also a general term for 'leader' or 'specialist' in an activity (J.A.T. Schwartz 1907c:88), always with a religious connotation, since it was believed that no undertaking could be successful without supernatural help and observance of the correct rituals.\" (Schouten, 1998, p 22)\r\n\r\n\u201cAmong the Totemboan, the walian, or ritual leaders, were usually female. These walian also had a central function in the ceremonies fundamental to the continuation of life: those connected with agriculture, and those performed at critical moments in the life cycle \u2026 sometimes the highest political and ritual offices of a community were found together within one household: the man was headman, the woman was the chief priestess.\u201d (Schouten, 1988, p 35)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10042, "valueset_pk": 10042, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10042, "jsondata": {}, "id": "minahasa-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 8, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 8, "glottocode": "tont1239", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "minahasa", "name": "Minahasa", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.3, "longitude": 124.9}, "name": "Minahasa"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [124.9, 1.3]}, "id": "minahasa"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18979", "name": "3", "description": "Manihiki and Rakahanga had an unusual settlement pattern. The population lived on one atoll at a time, and periodically migrated between them due to food shortages:\r\n\r\n\"Manihiki and Rakahanga, atolls 25 miles apart, are occupied by a people sprung from one family of settlers. The whole population once lived on one atoll at a time and moved back and forth from one atoll to the other when forced to do so by depletions of the coconut and puraka (species of taro) supplies\" (Buck, 1932, p. 4)\r\n\r\nThere was one village on Rakahanga and two on Manihiki:\r\n\r\n\"Manihiki is the larger of the two atolls and contains about 1,250 acres of land. It has a fine lagoon abounding in pearl shell and Tridacna, but there are no large natural passages through the reef. The boat passages opposite the two villages are short and boats or canoes must be run up onto the reef, from which they are dragged to the deeper water on the inner side of the reef flat \u2026 [5] \u2026 Rakahanga, with an area of 1,000 acres, is smaller than Manihiki \u2026The small island, Te Kainga, in the southwest, was the original home of the people, but the site of the single village was changed to Rakahanga across the inter-island channel to the south.\" (Buck, 1932, pp. 4-5)\r\n\r\n\u2018Titular system\u2019 (Buck, 1932, pp. 43-56)\r\n\r\n\u2018Tribal history\u2019 (Buck, 1932, pp. 57-65)\r\n\r\nThe entire population formed a loosely-knit political community. There were four 'tribes' (matakeinanga) that were largely independent and were each headed by a whakamaru. The tribes were grouped into pairs under an ariki, whose role was mostly religious. All four tribes cooperated during migrations between the atolls:\r\n\r\n\"Each matakeinanga elected its head independently of the others. The special term whakamaru was coined to distinguish him. His powers have been defined. For practical purposes, the matakeinanga was a small tribe, independent of the others as regards local government, but uniting with another matakeinanga under the two priestly ariki for religious purposes. All four matakeinanga federated for voyages back and forth between Mani-hiki and Rakahanga.\" (Buck, 1932, p. 60)\r\n\r\nThe two ariki were called Whainga-aitu and Whakaheo. Their roles were complementary:\r\n\r\n\"The opposing factions were pacified by a compromise, for the native historians state that in the period of Temu-matua and Tianewa-matua the authority (pohatu) was divided (I to raua tuatau i ngaha te pohatu). The compromise was the creation of a dual arikiship. Temu-matua was made an ariki and was the first to hold the Whainga-aitu title. Tianewa-matua was made an ariki and was the first to hold the Whakaheo title.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe people also divided into four tribes, and two tribes supported each title. The old tribes, Numatua and Tia-ngaro-tonga, upheld the Whakaheo title. Two newly-created tribes, Heahiro and Mokopuwai, banded together under the leadership of the Whainga-aitu ...  The lands in both Rakahanga and Manihiki became divided among the tribes. The dual ariki ruled over their respective tribes, with evidently no serious friction, as there are no traditional records of local wars. The ariki were supported by their hui rangatira (assembly of chiefs), which included the special officers dealing with land and food, and the heads of subtribes. There was some differentiation in the powers of the two ariki. (See p. 210.) The dual arikiship existed down to the advent of Christianity, when the offices gradually fell into abeyance owing to changed conditions affecting the social structure of the people.\" (Buck, 1932, p. 48)\r\n\r\nBoth ariki roles appear to have been almost exclusively religious:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Whainga-aitu title was a full ariki title, but the special term must have been developed locally, for it does not appear, so far as I know, in any other part of Polynesia. The term is said to be derived from the words whai (to follow), nga (the), and aitu (gods). The title thus stresses the priestly functions of the office, for the Whainga-aitu was the principal medium between his people and the gods ...[49] \u2026 He ruled over the two tribes, Heahiro and Mokopuwai, but did not interfere in the sharing out of land, which was left to the tribal heads, or whakamaru. The Whainga-aitu was the spiritual head and could command the assistance of the supernormal powers that commanded the productivity of land and sea. The whakamaru were the executives who superintended economic details.\" (Buck, 1932, pp. 48-49)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe term Whakaheo is said to be derived from waka (canoe) and heo (to surround). In the voyages made by the whole population between the two atolls, the ariki holding the title surrounded the canoes with his priestly and supernormal powers and thus insured safe transport ... The Whakaheo had power over the phenomena of nature. He could demonstrate his power by causing the lightning to flash, the thunder to sound, and the rain to fall. He thus controlled the winds and storms, and it was through this power that he was able to surround the voyaging canoes with his priestly protection and insure a safe passage between the atolls.\u201d (Buck, 132, p. 52)\r\n\r\nEach ariki was assisted by an 'assembly of chiefs', whose role is not quite clear, as well as 'certain chiefs who had to deal with the economic details within the tribes', about which little is said. The whakamaru were probably the heads of the four tribes. One among them, the moa, was senior and could overrule the others. The moa was 'associated with the Whainga-aitu', but it is not clear that he was under his direct control:\r\n\r\n\"It was held that each ariki had his hui rangatira (assembly of chiefs). The term hui rangatira is a Rarotongan one which includes the heads of families who are closely related to the ruling ariki ... Associated with the ariki were certain chiefs who had to deal with the economic details within the tribes ... Whakamaru was the local taohanga (title) given to the heads of tribes ... Whakamaru (to give shelter or shade) is thus an expressive term, as the head of the tribe [55] sought to shelter his people. According to some informants, there were two whakamaru under each of the dual ariki, thus making one representative for each of the four tribes. Others seemed to think that the heads of subtribes were also whakamaru. Some of the subtribes must have been fairly small in number, and it is hardly likely that the term would have been applied to the heads of many subtribes ... The duties of the whakamaru were to act as public custodian over tribal lands, to settle disputes, and to prevent outside interference from another tribe. He had to do with directing the planting of food crops and the protection of the coconut plantations and puraka swamps from theft. He had power also over the redistribution of tribal lands which had to be adjusted to the ebb and flow of population. His decision was final, and not even his ariki could interfere with him in matters that concerned the interior economy of the tribe. His status was as high or even higher than that of the ariki in local matters. When it came to questions which concerned the intervention of the tribal gods, however, the ariki was superior, owing to his special priestly functions. From a modern point of view, the whakamaru in his own tribal district was judge of the native land court, Crown ranger, and director of agriculture. He also had a priestly function. When the whole population crossed from one atoll to the other the whakamaru from the tribes went first to the marae to conduct the appropriate ritual to the god (ka whai i to ratou atua). It was also stated that certain lesser tribal gods were in the keeping of the whakamaru.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe moa was a speaker or messenger between the whakamaru and the ariki. He was a whakamaru appointed by whakamaru. In discussions among the whakamaru he assumed seniority, and his decision was final. The title-holder seemed to be associated particularly with the Whainga-aitu.\" (Buck, 1942, pp. 54-55)\r\n\r\nAnother figure whose authority apparently encompassed the whole population was the papa, whose role was religious and economic:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe papa was a special title held by one Tuteru-te-tahua. He dealt with economic matters with which the ariki, by virtue of his priestly position, was not allowed to concern himself. He thus controlled land and food supplies. He had power with the Whainga-aitu division through his father and power with the Whakaheo division through his mother. He could thus conduct the religious ritual at the Poutu marae at Tauhunu and at the Akaroa marae at Tukou. He probably was a super whakamaru who by birth and ability carried influence with the whakamaru of the four tribes.\u201d (Buck, 1932, p. 56)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10045, "valueset_pk": 10045, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10045, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manihiki-rakahanga-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 137, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 137, "glottocode": "raka1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "manihiki-rakahanga", "name": "Manihiki-Rakahanga", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.4, "longitude": -161.0}, "name": "Manihiki-Rakahanga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [199.0, -10.4]}, "id": "manihiki-rakahanga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "20977", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018The pre-contact period\u2019 (Facey, 1982, pp. 38-54)\r\n\r\n'The contact period' (Facey, 1982, pp. 55-62)\r\n\r\n\"Nguna is divided today into a number of \u2018dominions\u2019 (this word being the translation of namarakiana which denotes \u2018that which. is ruled or led\u2019, each of which is an area defined by common boundaries that it shares with. its neighbouring dominions \u2026 [39] ... The \u2018village\u2019 as we know it today - a highly nucleated aggregation of dwellings inhabited by people of whom many are not consanguineally related to each other - had not yet come into existence in the 19th century. Today dominions and villages are in a one-to-one relationship, so that one may cite one village and thereby imply the entire area to which its members lay claim. This was not true in the past ... Within any given dominion there were once various numbers of dispersed hamlets or villages, each composed of smaller groups of houses \u00b7inhabited by extended families. Guiart (1973: 3381. describes each such cluster of houses, called varea, as a patrilineal, patrilocal unit. My own investigations indicate that this was a residential rather than a descent unit.\" (Facey, 1982, pp. 38-39)\r\n\r\n\"The political norm within a dominion was cooperation with a strong sense of identification ... Contrasting sharply with this: intra-dominion ethos was inter-dominion hostility ... [42] ... Guiart describes the traditional political system as \u2018hierarchical\u2019 (ibid:408). In each varea only one man was designated by the term nawota which is translated as \u2018chief\u2019 ... He was considered titular owner of that varea's men's house and dancing-ground. Several other men in each varea bore titles, too, but theirs were of a lower order than that of the chief. The entire area defined as a \u2018dominion\u2019 was presided over by one of the chiefs who, in contrast to all the other varea-chiefs (or \u2018small\u2019 chiefs) was known as the \u2018big\u2019 or \u2018high\u2019 chief ... Of these various title-holders only the latter, in any given dominion, would be involved in such relationships with. men of other dominions or even other islands.\u201d (Facey, 1982, pp. 41-42) \r\n\r\n\u201cThe naleoana was, in essence, an exchange of gifts, in food and pigs, between visiting villages and the host village of a particular dominion. They took place with considerable frequency, if not regularity, and were mandatory on the occasion of a marriage and at specified intervals throughout the period of mourning following a death. In order to carry one off the chief in charge had to activate relationships in which he was \u2018dominant\u2019 as well as [44] utilizing the produce of specific plots. of land set aside for this unique use within his own dominion. The explicit purpose of these feasts, however, was not the glorification of the host chief himself, but rather the appeasement of the spirits of the dead ancestors and, when they followed a death, the necessary supplication to the deceased to ensure that he did not remain nearby as a harmful ghost.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe naleoana served, then, to regulate the relationship between the dead and the living. In this way chiefs, in staging naleoana, were seen to perform a vital task on behalf of their people. Hence the latter's burden of obligation to the former in terms of material goods and labour was perhaps seen as balanced or tempered with this reciprocal action for the common good.\u201d (Facey, 1982, pp. 43-44)\r\n\r\n\"Each chief had a body of aides who also occupied hereditary positions and were, ideally, of the same clan as he. These included a principal assistant latavi), who accompanied his chief constantly and saw that his word was. carried out; a priest or ritual expert (munuai) who could perform extraordinary feats by virtue of his ritual knowledge and personal relationship with the world of spirits and gods; a speaker (namena) who voiced the chief's word in public; one or more war-champions (maau); and others (tasiga; naatamoli vasa) who variously mediated in marriage negotiations, supervised feasts, and directed communal undertakings. such. as yam-planting or varea building. Each of these functions was associated with a particular title and at least the first three listed entailed rights to a substantial number of plots of land.\u201d Facey, 1982, p. 46)\r\n\r\n\u201cDuties of the chief concerned dominion-welfare: war-making; peace-making; resource-management (through the application of taboos to certain crops or areas to ensure a sufficiency for special feasts; and the appropriate allotment of land for everyday gardening needs throughout his dominion.\r\n\r\n\u201cEverything in his dominion, including the people, was the chief's. Periodically tokens were presented to him by each. household declaring precise. numbers and kinds of pigs, yams, kava and mats which. were his to command. He would then be able to decide how he might best utilize these resources in political display and exchange, particularly on the inter-dominion level. In the meantime, his people stored or, in the case of livestock, continued to care for their pledged contributions until the chief should need them.\u201d (Facey, 1982, p. 48)\r\n\r\n\"So far I have spoken of \u2018small\u2019 and \u2018big\u2019 or \u2018high\u2019 chiefs; but one \u2018higher\u2019 than these is in existence today. He is the grandson of Matokoaale to whom Milne referred many times as \u2018head-chief\u2019 [53] of Tanoropo and as the \u2018highest chief on Nguna\u2019. Matokoaale is said to have been a descendant of a supernatural female being who was captured on Efate and married to a man of Siviri village on the North coast of Efate. This quasi-woman had two sons, one of whom crossed to Nguna and was given land and a people to rule by chief Masekaau of Raitoa [see Appendix II). In due time this newcomer, whose chiefly name was Taripoaliu, became high chief over that whole dominion as well as four others. He initiated the slaughter of an unheard-of number of pigs \u2013 1,000 - at his investiture, earning the name \u2018head of a thousand\u2019 (napau ni manu}. Thereafter at the investiture of other \u2018big\u2019 chiefs within his newly-created realm 50 rather than 100 pigs were sacrificed.\r\n\r\n\u201cThis is said to have taken place many generations ago. Matokoaale held this. position in 1870, but the chiefly name, Taripoaliu, had already been officially passed to another man \u2026 Although the origin of the first Taripoaliu and the line of descent linking Matokoaale with him remain relatively obscure, it is clear that Matokoaale was more powerful than the other \u2018high chiefs\u2019 with whom he was allied.Milne cites an incident in which Matokoaale had the high chief, Masekaau [also known as Masikailapalapal, killed. [54] In Milne\u2019s words this was\r\n\u201c\u2019\u2026[for] becoming rich and ambitious. He owned many pigs and he wore very broad armlets and, in his arrogant belief that no one dare interfere, he had misconducted himself with the wife of a Tanoropo man.\u2019 (In Don 1927: 151)\r\n\r\n\u201cParsonson's research further illuminates this event. He has suggested (per letter: Dec. 5, 1980) that Masekaau was \u2018... a high chief in his own right, if not sometime head of one of the confederacies on the island\u2019. Moreover, he adds this crucial bit of information: the heir to the murdered Masekaau made claim to the title of Taripoaliu in 1936 and the then incumbent (Suasavil) Taripoaliu offered to stand down in his favour. This was never effected, but it strongly indicates that the murder of Masekaau was not a jural act to punish sexual \u2018misconduct\u2019, as Milne interpreted it. It was, rather, the calculated removal of a real or potential rival to Matokoaale. Matokoaale was able to maintain his position thereafter, but Parsonson points out that he left soon after that incident to teach on Emae. This does not sustain the image of a man in a supreme position, a \u2018paramount chief\u2019. It has more the character of a flight from retribution on the part of a \u2018big man\u2019 who has overstepped his authority and fears that his own life may be in jeopardy.\u201d (Facey, 1982, pp. 52-54)\r\n\r\n\"Other lesser spirits were many. Each chief had at least one in his dominion that dwelt in a particular cave, a hole in a rock or tree, or in the sea. Most of these took the form of a snake, crab or shark - even a whale. [60] Each chief or his sacred man could go to his own spirit's place and leave a food offering so that the spirit would make fruitful the harvest or make some feast or war successful.\" (Facey, 1982, pp. 59-60)\r\n\r\n\u201cThough the facts are few, at least it is evident that ritual experts were hereditary title-holders thought to command extraordinary powers. There are indications that each chief had at least one such man among his assistants [62] while there is only one instance known of a chief who was also a ritual expert in this sense. As priests this category of men performed vital tasks in conducting ceremonies that mediated between the living and the dead and natural forces.\u201d (Facey, 1982, pp. 61-62)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10046, "valueset_pk": 10046, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10046, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nguna-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 45, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 45, "glottocode": "nort2836", "ethonyms": "Ngunese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ngunese"]}, "id": "nguna", "name": "Nguna", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -17.4, "longitude": 168.4}, "name": "Nguna"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [168.4, -17.4]}, "id": "nguna"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19869", "name": "3", "description": "'The religion of Palau' (Dobbin, 2011, pp. 165-188)\r\n\r\n\"Palauans made a clear distinction between the bladek and the chelid\u2014the ancestor spirits and the gods, respectively. Some promotion of the bladek did take place, however, when the political fortunes of a family rose to control a village or territory or when a family bladek was a widely admired hero. The bladek, or household spirit, was 'bumped up' to become a village or areawide god, and so the household bladek became chelid ... [171] ... The bladek were the focus of a family cult, with the leading male (rubak) as the one who gave honors to them ... But the bladek were only part of the Palauan religion. Problems could arise that could not be solved at the level of the bladek, and so more powerful spirits had to be sought out. These more powerful spirits were the chelid, and their priests were the possessed persons known as the korong ... Early descriptions show the chelid as one of two types, or perhaps one should say they perform one of two functions. First, they could be the gods (protectors) of clans, village, and groups of villages; these were the territorial gods very much involved in the politics of the clans and villages. Their importance waxed and waned with the political and military success of clans and villages. Gods 'went' beyond the confines of a single village, if that village was successful in conquering other villages ... Undoubtedly, one of the main political strengths of the chelid was that they were regularly consulted through the divination of the chelid priests: 'The territorial gods become most important in the consultations of the chieftains, and no sovereign will dare to undertake something without asking the korong for advice. Therefore, every political transaction begins with [172] a visit to the korong, if one is at hand' (Kubary 1888, 28). The korong were the inspired priests of the chelid; they functioned as diviners for the chiefs under the guise of being possessed by their patron chelid and often through the means of a self-induced trance ... In certain villages, the village itself was ruled directly by the chelid and his korong, who became the leading chief. Thus, the power of the chelid in political affairs was both directly and indirectly significant ... It takes no great leap of imagination to see that the chelid\u2014really their korong\u2014were a potential power threat to the political leaders. Kr\u00e4mer thought that the ranking of the chelid as number twenty on the list of chiefs (rubak) in some places represented attempts to check the power of the chelid and their mouthpieces.\" (Dobbins, 2011, pp 170-172)\r\n\r\n\"The 'calling' of the korong, therefore, was culturally demonstrated in the bizarre behavior (in the later descriptions of korong performances, it is clear that the behavior is a real or feigned trance that is interpreted as possession by the chelid) and finally confirmed by the chiefs, perhaps in the council of the chiefs.\" (Dobbin, 2011, p. 177)\r\n\r\n\"In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, however, the korong were still political powers to be reckoned with. Sometimes they supplanted the leading political chiefs, as in the case of the seven villages ruled by the korong in a sort of theocracy; sometimes they were needed to confirm and bolster the authority of the chiefs; sometimes they jockeyed for power with chiefs; and sometimes they lost in the power play and were ranked low in the chiefly system. They obtained and held power because they often monopolized the cultural supply and demand for divining and ascertaining the future; their service made some wealthy, and the payment for their service, tenget, is today the word for 'taxes' (Force and Force 1972).\r\n\r\n\"Yet even before the fall of the chelid, the korong\u2019s status was subject to change: 'Tenure in the rank of korong is always an unstable matter' (Kubary 1888, 20). The korong remained leaders only so long as the god remained with them. Alas, Kubary did not record how the chiefs and the people recognized that the chelid had departed. Considering that the trance or trancelike state was a sign of the presence of the god, the departure of the god might have been failure to induce a trace state, or perhaps the signal was failure to regularly predict the future. \r\n\r\n[180] \"One cannot help but notice that, however politically powerful the korong once was, his role was very limited: He was a diviner and a medium of the chelid\u2014but only of certain chelid. In addition to the priests, wrote Kubary, there are 'countless magicians, seers, conjurers, and the fortune tellers, who have been peacefully accepted by the priests who hold sway' (1888, 39) ...\" (Dobbin, 2011, p. 179-180)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10047, "valueset_pk": 10047, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10047, "jsondata": {}, "id": "palau-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 14, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 14, "glottocode": "pala1344", "ethonyms": "Belau", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Belau"]}, "id": "palau", "name": "Palau", "description": "Palau, or Belau, is a group of islands in Micronesia. Missionary efforts to Palau began in the 1890s, and since the mid-twentieth century most Palauans have been Christian. However, elements of the indigenous religion survive in the syncretic religion Modekngei, which arose during, and in opposition to, Japanese rule.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.4, "longitude": 134.6}, "name": "Palau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [134.6, 7.4]}, "id": "palau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19874", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Traditional political communities\u2019 (Nooy-Palm, 1979, pp. pp. 58-92)\r\n\r\n'Priests' (Nooy-Palm, 1979, pp. 274-293)\r\n\r\n\"First and foremost an adat -community denotes an autonomous political unit which inhabits a territory of its own and has its own adat, or system of customs. Furthermore one or more rituals are celebrated collectively by all members of a given adat-community. These rituals resemble to a considerable degree the rituals celebrated in other similar communities in what is known today as Tana Toraja, Yet, there are many local variants which, on occasion, deviate from more common patterns of observance.\r\n\r\n\u201cEvery community has its own sacral artefacts ... The sacral artefacts are preserved in adat -houses (tongkonan), several of which exist in any adat-community ... Every tongkonan is the center of a specific ramage or subramage. The tongkonan was founded in the past by a leading ancestor of this marapuan or rapu and has since remained its social and religious center.\r\n\r\n\u201cAs a ramage expands it eventually undergoes segmentation. The separating subramage then builds itself a new tongkonan which, being of later origin, is of lower status. It remains, however, the tongkonan of the leading ramage (or ramages) which lends distinction to the territory as a whole. The history of the leading (sub)ramage is closely intertwined with the history of the adat-community as such. A number of important subramages can reside in an adat-community in addition to the leading one itself. More often than not these are blood relatives of the leading subramage. Furthermore, within the territorial bounds of the community families from the lower classes will also make their homes here.\r\n\r\n\u201c[60] Not only eminent ramages, but also other families as well, often have a title. The leading family has the most significant title. Titleholders each have a specific area of competence and a concomitant role to perform in ritual. Functionaries also come together on the occasion of meetings, for councils concerning war and peace. One of the titleholders (a man belonging to the most important family) is primus inter pares . His voice is usually decisive in settling legal disputes.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Toraja language has no word for denoting the concept of adat-community in general: instead they differentiate a certain rank list of communities according to size and rank. In order of ascending magnitude, adat -communities are considered to belong to one of the following four categories:\r\n\r\n\u201cbua\u2019 \u2014 or penanian (the bua\u2019 -areas, see IV.1.2); patang penanian (see IV.1.4); lembang (see IV.1.4); tallulembangna (see IV.1.7).\r\n\r\n\u201cThe village as a unit will be discussed in a separate section of the text (IV.2). Although it encompasses a territory in the traditional sense of the word, it differs in some ways from the bua\u2019-, patang penanian- or lembang -communities. The village, moreover, often coincides with a bua\u2019-community (it can also include two bua\u2019-groups; on the other hand several villages together may constitute a single bua\u2019 -community) ... A single bua\u2019 -community includes a territorial area within which the inhabitants celebrate the bua\u2019 padang -ritual together  ...[61] ... This ritual is a kind of agricultural New Year celebration with the aim of imploring the higher powers to smile on man, beast and the produce of the fields (in this instance, rice). The word penanian originally had a different meaning, for it is derived from nani (\u2018to sing\u2019); it signified the performance of choral song during the above-mentioned bua\u2019 -ritual. The term penanian is synonymous with bua\u2019 -circle; it merely depends on what area or village a person lives in which of the two terms he will happen to use.\r\n\r\n\"Here, since the bua\u2019 -feast will be described at length elsewhere (see Vol. II), I will limit my remarks about the celebration. It should be indicated, however, that the small bua\u2019 -ritual ( bua\u2019 padang ) must not be confused with the great bua\u2019 -feast, the bua\u2019 - or la\u2019pa\u2019 kasalle .\r\n\r\n\u201cWe noted that a bua\u2019 -unit can encompass half of a village, a whole one or several villages together. As opposed to the lembang, a bua\u2019 seldom has a proper name, although people sometimes refer to it by the name of the relevant village (especially where bua\u2019 and village coincide).\r\n\t\r\n\u201cAlthough I described the bua\u2019-ritual above as a kind of agricultural New Year celebration, this does not mean that the bua\u2019 padang was ever held annually ... Rather, celebration was performed on a rotation basis: village A, constituting a bua\u2019-circle, observed the bua\u2019 padang one year, village B (another bua\u2019-circle) followed suit the next, village C (with bua\u2019-circle C thus) enacted the ritual the third year, etc. ... A patang penanian is a federation composed of four penanian or bua\u2019 -units (patang = four) which, apparently, celebrate the bua\u2019 padang -feast in keeping with a cyclical arrangement like that described immediately above. Members of such a federation make up a larger administrative whole, larger than their own bua\u2019 -group. The whole is also more than the sum of its parts, for there is an adat -chief for the patang penanian as an entity ... [62] ... The members of a patang penanian observe an important ritual together, such as, for example, a merok -feast or a great bua\u2019-feast, the bua\u2019- or la\u2019pa\u2019kasalle ... A patang penanian can itself be in turn part of a larger federal union, or even of a state. Thus La\u2019bo\u2019, a patang penanian consisting of four villages (= four penanian ), Mengke\u2019pe, Marante, Tandung and Karatuan, is itself a member of the federation of Kesu\u2019.\r\n\r\n\u201cThere are also penanian -federations in the princedoms of Sangalla\u2019 and Ma\u2019kale. In the former the bond has the form of a patang penanian; in the latter, two forms of union are found, the karua penanian (\u2018the eight penanian\u2019 ) and sangpulo dua penanian (\u2018the twenty-two penanian\u2019 ). The eight members of the karua penanian are all situated in or near the village of Lemo; the twenty-two members of the other league are all clustered in the vicinity of Awa. It is not apparent to me how these smaller federations function in the context of larger socio-political units ...\u201cLembang means proa or ship. The term is also used to denote a territory of varying compass \u2026 In these pages I will only use the word to denote an adat -community governed by a single set of laws, a group of people inhabiting a certain territory of larger dimensions than a bua\u2019 or [Page 63] penanian . Such usage is well-founded on Toraja tradition which refers to the three puang -states of Tana Toraja as the Tallulembangna (\u2018the three lembang \u2019).\r\n\r\n\u201cDuring Dutch rule, such a traditional territory was usually made into an administrative district. As a rule such a lembang can be described as a federation of different bua\u2019 -circles or of  various tondok (\u2018villages\u2019). Three to nine bua\u2019 usually constitute a lembang but the number can rise. Every lembang has a leader, an indo\u2019 lembang or ma\u2019dika lembang . Some lembang are princedoms under a puang.\u201d (Nooy-Palm, 1979, pp. 59-63)\r\n\r\n\"The Sa'dan-Toraja have various categories of priests and priestesses, each with a specific competence in the enactment of rituals ... By virtue of their supernatural descent adat-chiefs - the puang and the to parengnge' - naturally have a significant role in the celebration of any important feast. Part of their functions the chiefs can delegate to the priests, especially the recitation of litanies. Other roles are not transferable. It is the leading member of society who, officially at least, takes the initiative to hold a community feast; execution of the ritual, recitation of the pertinent litanies and the presentation of offerings are, to a great extent, the prerogatives of a priest who has his own, inalienable functions.\" (Nooy-Palm, 1979, p 274) \r\n\r\n\u201cAll of the priests discussed thus far have been men. The most important religious functionaries among the Sa\u2019dan-Toraja, however, are a woman, the burake tattiku\u2019 and an hermaphrodite, a man dressed as a woman, the burake tambolang . They fill the leading roles during the la\u2019pa\u2019 kasalle -feast which J. Kruyt has described as the bua\u2019 ritual (1921: 45-78 and 161-187).\u201d (Nooy-Palm, 1979, p. 282)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10048, "valueset_pk": 10048, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10048, "jsondata": {}, "id": "southern-toraja-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 12, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 12, "glottocode": "tora1261", "ethonyms": "Sa'dan Toradja; Tae'", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sa'dan Toradja", "Tae'"]}, "id": "southern-toraja", "name": "Southern Toraja", "description": "The Southern Toraja, also known as the Sa'dan Toraja, reside in the highlands of the island of Sulawesi (formerly known as Celebes) in Eastern Indonesia. The Toraja have been largely Christian since the 1970s, but a minority continue to follow the indigenous religion, now known as Aluk to Dolo (Ways of the Ancestors).", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.1, "longitude": 119.8}, "name": "Southern Toraja"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [119.8, -3.1]}, "id": "southern-toraja"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18949", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cThe king of Madagascar, in addition to his other dig- nities and responsibilities, is high-priest of the realm. At the commencement of the new year, when a bullock is [360] sacrificed for the good of the kingdom, opposite the tomb at Ambohimanga, the king stands over the sacrifice to offer up the prayers and thanksgivings, while his attendants are employed in the slaughter of the animal. Taking into his hands the sampy (idols), Manjakatsiroa, and Fantaka, he stands on a platform, sometimes in a full kabary of his people ; and while he prays, and inquires of the idols, he faces the east. The same ceremony is performed opposite the tomb of Andriamasinavalona, before he goes out into the kabary, and on his return home.\u201d (Ellis, 1838A, pp. 359-360) \r\n\r\n\u201cAs the country is divided into provinces, districts, &c, there is, belonging to each, a principal town or village, in which stands a government-house, called Lapa, and opposite to this house is a sacred stone, by the side of which sacrifices are offered. In each of these towns or villages are ap- pointed ten farantsa, or magistrates, whose office is to govern the district, arrest transgressors, execute the king's orders, take care that the tenth of the produce is gathered [381] in taxes, and to decide in judgment between contending parties. But if they are unable to adjust such differences, the action must be brought before the judges at the capital, and from that court there is no appeal. The farantsa perform nearly the same duties in the country as those at the capital, acting both as magistrates and judges. Under them again are the Loholana, or the heads of the villages in a district.\u201d (Ellis, 1838A, pp. 380-381)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10051, "valueset_pk": 10051, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10051, "jsondata": {}, "id": "merina-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 52, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 52, "glottocode": "plat1254", "ethonyms": "Hova; Malagasy", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Hova", "Malagasy"]}, "id": "merina", "name": "Merina", "description": "The Merina are one of the indigenous peoples of Madagascar, now known as Malagasy. Although Madagascar is geographically far closer to Africa than to Asia, the cultural and genetic origins of the Merina and other Malagasy peoples lie in Indonesia. During the nineteenth century the Merina became the dominant ethnic group in Madagascar, conquering most of the island before being unseated by the French, who invaded the island in 1895.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -18.9, "longitude": 47.5}, "name": "Merina"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [47.5, -18.9]}, "id": "merina"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "19877", "name": "3", "description": "\u2018Administrative Structure\u2019 (Hicks, 2004, pp. 14-16)\r\n\r\nAt the time of Hicks' fieldwork the Tetum lived in 'princedoms' (suku or fukun) divided into 'villages' (povoa\u00e7\u00f5es) which were in turn divided into hamlets (knua). The princedoms had previously been grouped into 'kingdoms' (rai), but these had been abolished several decades earlier, and the princedoms were now directly subordinate to the Portuguese administration. 'Suku' could also refer to a 'collection of clans that shared the same traditions'. The extent to which a suku in the sense of a princedom and a suku in the sense of a collection of clans coincided is not quite clear:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Province of Timor is divided into ten concelhos or \u2018districts,\u2019 each of which is governed by an administrator who reports to the governor at Dili, the provincial capital. These districts had replaced the former circunsci\u00e7\u00f5es. Each district consists of several postos or \u2018subdistricts,\u2019 each administered by a chefe de posto or subdistrict commissioner. One of these subdistricts (the posto sede or \u2018subdistrict seat\u2019) serves as the seat of administration for the entire district, and this is where the administrator resides. Within it he also functions as subdistrict commissioner. Each subdistrict consists of a constel [15] lation of units called sukus, each administered by a chefe de suku or liurai who, as the chief of the suku, reports to the subdistrict commissioner. Each suku consists of a varying number of povoa\u00e7\u00f5es or villages \u2026 each governed by a chefe de povoa\u00e7ao or village headman. In the region where I carried out my fieldwork most villages consist of a varying number of dispersed settlements, consisting of anything up to a dozen or so houses (uma), known as knuas \u2026 or hamlets, which are set apart from their neighbours by savanna and woodland. The liurais, and to a much lesser degree the headmen, represent the Portuguese administration to the local Timorese populace, and although the villagers elect them, their appointment must be ratified by the administration before they can assume office.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe term suku is a Malay word that is used throughout the archipelago, but with different, albeit overlapping, meanings depending upon locality. In Timor, as we have seen, it is a territorial unit within the Portuguese administrative system of governance, but the term also refers to a collection of clans that share the same traditions. The term is used throughout Timor, but in some regions the local population may employ alternative designations derived from their particular languages. In Caraubalo, one of the seven sukus making up the subdistrict seat of Viqueque district, this local alternative is fukun ... There is no self-evident English translation of either fukun or suku, but in view of the fact that the indigenous unit denoted by these terms is a sub-unit of the traditional kingdom, the term 'princedom' would seem as apt as any, and I shall adopt it here \u2026 With the dismantling of the kingdoms the sukuas that composed them were left intact, and in many cases it was the traditional liurai families who came to occupy the new office of chefe de suku that the administration created to run the suku. Today, the title liurai is used all over Portuguese Timor, but now it does not denote the head of a kingdom, that is, a confederation of sukus, but the more limited position occupied by the chief of a suku. Even so, the superior education of liurai families and the traditional prestige in which they are held typically means that a scion of liurai lineage usually occupies the influential position of chefe de suku, and while their influential range is limited to the suku rather than the kingdom (rai), liurais \u2013 or rather, liurai families \u2013 continue to exercise political influence among the local population \u2026 In Viqueque kingdom, before the office of chefe de suku had ever come into existence, Caraubalo suku was governed by a pair of indigenous figures known as the makair fukun (Mane Hat village) and the dato ua\u2019in (Mamulak village). They were [16] said to govern the suku jointly \u2018as husband and wife govern the household, loving their dependants and respecting each other.\u2019 Both were also headmen of their respective villages, and their offices have endured, with some erosion of their traditional authority, which has been arrogated to some degree by the Portuguese-backed office of chefe de suku.\u201d (Hicks, 2004, pp. 14-16)\r\n\r\n\u2018The World of Spirits\u2019 (Hicks, 2004, pp. 25-46)\r\n\r\nHicks mentions two three types of religious specialist: 'priests', 'rainmakers', and 'shamans'. Priests are explicitly described as 'office holders' who served the 'suku community'. Rainmakers appear to have played a similar role. Hicks denies that shamans were office-holders:\r\n\r\n\"The priest is an office-holder who usually inherits his posi- [43] tion from a male in the paternal line and carries our public sacrifices on behalf of the suku community as a whole ... The priest also serves as guardian of any ritual house (uma lulik) that the suku or descent group may own ... A priest traditionally exercised an important political duty during the wars that occurred between kingdoms before the Portuguese pacification. At the ritual house owned by the suku he would administer a blessing to the warriors prior to their departure on a raid \u2026 Another figure involved in war rituals was the rainmaker. One of the rainmaker\u2019s functions was to accompany the warriors to the vicinity of the enemy where he would then extract lime from his sacred lime container, and with the white powder in the palm of his left hand, he would blow it in the general direction where the enemy troops were thought to lurk, thereby rendering his own warriors invisible \u2026 The Timorese shaman is the local version of a magico-religious functionary known throughout much of the eastern archipelago as the dukun, whose position, unlike that of priest, is not inherited nor is it an office in the sense that it has an existence independent of its incumbent ... [44] ... Like the witch, the shaman transcends both the profane world and the sacred domain, but in contrast to the rainmaker and priest, the shaman's power does not derive from succeeding in patrilineal succession from his or her father, but rather through allegedly commanding this talent from prediction and interpretation ... and having the capacity to convince clients he or she has either cured them or appreciably ameliorated their ills.\" (Hick, 2004, pp. 42-44)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10054, "valueset_pk": 10054, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10054, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tetum-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 71, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 71, "glottocode": "tetu1245", "ethonyms": "Teto; Tetun; Belu; Belunese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Teto", "Tetun", "Belu", "Belunese"]}, "id": "tetum", "name": "Tetum", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.3, "longitude": 125.2}, "name": "Tetum"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [125.2, -9.3]}, "id": "tetum"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21027", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cAt the time of the Dutch arrival, there were seven ritual territories or states on Savu, including Raijua. By the nineteenth century, primarily because of the expansion of Seba, there were five. Each state has its own priestly hierarchy, which is responsible for the conduct of its monthly ceremonies. The highest rank in this hierarchy belongs to the Deo Rai, \u2018Lord of the Earth;\u2019 second in rank is the Apu Lodo, \u2018Descendant of the Sun.\u2019 Thereafter, in the separate hierarchies, there is a variable structure of religious offices and attendant functionaries. Succession to all of these offices is strictly determined within specific clans; however, the persons selected for the office do not perform rituals for their own clans, but on behalf of the entire state ... For all necessary rituals the priests have the right to demand appropriate sacrificial animals from the entire populace.\u201d (Fox, 1977, p 85)\r\n\r\n\u201cWhereas Rotinese rituals involve verbal duelling, Savunese rituals emphasise physical confrontation \u2026 The male members of an entire ceremonial territory \u2013 its villages, clans, and lineages \u2013 divide into two opposing groups that confront each other.\u201d (Fox, 1977, p 88)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10055, "valueset_pk": 10055, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10055, "jsondata": {}, "id": "savu-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 18, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 18, "glottocode": "sabu1255", "ethonyms": "Savunese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Savunese"]}, "id": "savu", "name": "Savu", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.5, "longitude": 121.9}, "name": "Savu"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.9, -10.5]}, "id": "savu"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "17640", "name": "3", "description": "Ajie-speakers lived in localised \u2018clans\u2019 grouped into looser \u2018tribes\u2019. Both were led by chiefs, who were also mediators with ancestral spirits, which played the dominant role in the indigenous religion: \r\n\r\n\u201cSocial life in traditional Caledonia rested on a system of matrilineal, patrilocal clans imprecisely designated as \u2018tribe\u2019 or \u2018village.\u2019 Within a single linguistic area, regular patterns of exchange linked clan to clan \u2026 Functioning in complementarity with the totemic life force of the maternal lineage was the paternal political structure. This \u2018power\u2019 was associated primarily with the ancestors, the grande case, and the chief. The chief was a nonautocratic \u2018older brother,\u2019 who mediated between the world of the living and the parallel world of the dead. His effective power was limited by the council of elders, who controlled the succession ... and by the clan\u2019s uterine relations. In general, the small-scale political structure of the clan in New Caledonia was egalitarian and minimally hierarchical ... Although a number of clans in a given area could be united by a larger and looser \u2018tribal\u2019 organization presided over by a grand chef, the principal ties were still ones of dialect and kinship. These groups, varying considerably in size and coherence, lived in semipermanent hostility, a state of \u2018war\u2019 tempered by custom and alliance ... There existed, nonetheless, a marked homogeneity of custom throughout the island. The life of every group was guarded by its totems and ancestors immanent in the landscape. And everywhere, the culminating moment of social life was the celebration of the pilou ceremony ... Through it a clan expressed its vitality with displays of verbal eloquence, dances, and ostentatious distribution of food and gifts. The event varied in size from the regional grand pilou organized by a grand chef to more intimate, familiar rituals. \r\n\r\n[42] \u201cPilous and traditional marriage practices would present a thorny problem to Leenhardt and the natas [Melanesian missionaries]. Could New Caledonian Protestantism preach social regeneration and at the same time oppose the most important \u2018pagan\u2019 manifestations of social health? Pilous, especially their religious aspects \u2013 dances to the dead and other \u2018savage excesses\u2019 \u2013 seemed the epitome of a tradition that could not be reconciled with Christianity.\u201d (Cllifford, 1982, pp. 41-42)\r\n\r\nMore on the religious role of the chief:\r\n\r\n\"Although the structure of society is made up of sociomythic domains and the structure of the habitat of spatiomythic domains, their ensemble remains poorly defined unless a certain personage detaches himself from it and dominates its practical organization \u2026 The whole society revolves around this personage \u2026 He has no governmental function nor does he command. His presence makes tangible to all, the mythic reality of the totems and ancestors. He is \u2018their presence\u2019 and as such he presides over all the clan\u2019s behaviour. The big house is his as well as the altar. He delegates his younger brother to tend the altar. A group of chiefs does not stand in opposition to a group of priests. Every man can relate them to his ancestors; there is a virtually universal priesthood that reigns in this society. The chief retains his prerogatives at the clan\u2019s altar and may officiate if he so wishes. He uses no magic but calls magicians to him \u2026 Magician and priest must both obey the chief.\" (Leenhardt, 1979, p 108)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10056, "valueset_pk": 10056, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10056, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ajie-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 105, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 105, "glottocode": "ajie1238", "ethonyms": "Canaque; Kanak; Houailou", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Canaque", "Kanak", "Houailou"]}, "id": "ajie", "name": "Ajie", "description": "The indigenous people of New Caledonia lacked an ethnonym for themselves prior to European contact. They are known today as Canaques or Kanaks, an exonym derived from the Hawaiian 'kanaka'. Although they speak over 30 languages, the Kanak people share a similar culture. The Ajie-speaking Kanaks of the Houailou Valley were described in detail by the French missionary / ethnographer Maurice Leenhardt, who oversaw their conversion to Christianity in the early twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -21.3, "longitude": 165.6}, "name": "Ajie"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [165.6, -21.3]}, "id": "ajie"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "18891", "name": "3", "description": "\u201cBesides the totem which most if not all clans possess, many have also the power of \u2018making\u2019 or \u2018increasing\u2019 some essential foodstuff or a widespread natural phenomenon. Those clans which have power over a foodstuff celebrate annually at the time of the yam harvest a kind of harvest festival called neerew, naarew or noorow, the aim of which is to make plentiful the plant or animal concerned \u2026 The rites are performed by one [595] specialist for the whole clan and the fruits of his labours benefit not only his own people but the whole district. Such a specialist is called the nimbatin nowor, and there is always one and apparently one only in every clan. The name may perhaps be translated 'head magician' (nimbatin = 'his head'; nowor = 'magician'). His office is essentially a public one, and in the normal course of events would pass from a man to his eldest son, to whom the necessary instructions would be given.\u201d (Deacon, 1934, pp 594-595)\r\n\r\n\u201cBesides the clan fertility ceremonies which are performed by the official magician of every clan in all the districts of West Malekula from Seniang north to Lambumbu, there is a ceremony, similar in nature, but of much greater importance, which is performed periodically, and in which the whole district is intimately involved. The rites are owned by a certain village in each district, and are directed by its clan-magician. These villages are Iumoran in Tomman Island, Rahulemp in Seniang, Mbatiar in Wilemp, Melpmes in Mewun, and Lembelag in Lambumbu.\u201d (Deacon, 1934, p 640)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10058, "valueset_pk": 10058, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10058, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Seniang-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 74, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 74, "glottocode": "sout2857", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "Seniang", "name": "Seniang", "description": "A district in Southern Malekula, famously studied by Bernard Deacon in the 1920s.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -16.5, "longitude": 167.4}, "name": "Seniang"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.4, -16.5]}, "id": "Seniang"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "21416", "name": "3", "description": "'Social organization' (Linton, 1933, pp. 132-146)\r\n\r\n'Government' (Linton, 1933, pp. 147-158)\r\n\r\n'Religion' (Linton, 1933, pp. 159-240)\r\n\r\nThe Tanala lived in villages that were part of larger units that Linton calls 'gentes':\r\n\r\n\"All the Tanala lived in villages of from fifty to eighty families ... The village was divided into wards, each the property of a lineage.\" (Linton, 1933, p 135). \r\n\r\n\"The gens was the largest social or governmental unit recognized by the primitive Tanala. All larger groupings are directly traceable to outside influences. There was no native name for this unit, but each gens was named and considered itself a separate entity. The members of a gens always occupied a continuous territory, the limits of their land being marked by various natural boundaries such as rivers, ridges, etc. Trespass on this territory by members of another gens was cause for war ... [137] ... Each gens was composed of from one to fifty villages all of which recognised the domination of a single chief.\" (Linton, 1933, pp. 136-137)\r\n\r\nIn both of the main subgroups of the Tanala (Ikongo and Menabe) there was at one time or another also a larger unit that Linton calls the 'kingdom', but this institution was far more entrenched among the Ikongo than the Menabe:\r\n\r\n\"In describing Tanala government it is necessary to treat the Menabe and Ikongo divisions separately. Until about one hundred years ago the Menabe had no political or governmental unit larger than the gens. Later, with the aid of the Imerina empire, the Zafiakotry gens succeeded in bringing several other gentes under its domination and a kingdom was established. This kingdom tried to copy the organization of the Imerina kingdom, but it never became well integrated or thoroughly organized. The Ikongo, on the other hand, had kingdoms of long standing and had developed a stable system of government with officials of varying rank.\" (Linton, 1933, p 147)\r\n\r\nAmong the Ikongo, each kingdom was made up of a number of gens, each headed by a Mpanzaka ('king'), and an Anakandriana. The kingdom as a whole was also headed by a Mpanzaka and a number of Anakandriana, the foremost of whom was called Anakandriambe:\r\n\r\n\"The village government was essentially the same as the Menabe. There was an elected chief, usually not a noble, who acted as executive, and a Fokonolona ('council'). Each gens had a chief called the Mpanzaka who was elected from the members of the hova caste ... The Mpanzaka was chosen by the village chiefs and Notables of the entire gens, irrespective of caste, and could be deposed at will. Associated with him were one or more officials called Anakandriana, who were elected on the same basis and in the same way as the Mpanzaka, but must be of vahoaka ('common') caste. Theoretically the Anakandriana acted as counselors and executives, but actually they often seem to have had as much power as the Mpanzaka, who was unable to remove them from office. The whole arrangement strongly suggested a dual chieftainship.\r\n\r\n\"Kingdoms arose, as among the Menabe, through one gens acquiring domination over others. The king, also called Mpanzaka, was chosen from among the hova of the dominant group. Like the gens chiefs, he was assisted by elected Anakandriana whom he could not dismiss. These Anakandriana might be chosen from any gens within the kingdom, but were always of vahoaka caste. Usually all gentes were represented among them and they formed a sort of permanent council with a sharp check on the conduct of the Mpanzaka. They exercised executive functions and continued in office [151] from reign to reign. The most influential of the royal Anakandriana were called the Anakandriambe.\" (Linton, 1933, pp. 150-151)\r\n\r\nThere were two main categories of religious specialist among the Tanala as a whole: 'priests' and 'ombiasy'. Ombiasy in general were considered superior to priests. Among the Menabe each village had a priest (Pitankazomanga). The priest of the 'mother village' of a group of villages was called Tena Pitankazomanga and had authority over the priests of the 'offspring villages'. It is unclear whether this was also the case among the Ikongo. Each village also appears to have had an ombiasy, and mention is also made of the 'leading ombiasy of the gens':\r\n\r\n\"PRIESTS. \u2013 All important sacrifices to the ancestors as a whole are performed by professional priests. Less important ones are made by heads of families. The priesthood seems to have been a direct outgrowth of the sacrificial functions of heads of families. [186] According to native belief each gens has arisen through the expansion of a single family (see Social Organization) which increased to a lineage, then to a village, and finally to a series of villages. At first the head of the family sacrificed to the ancestors, then, as the related group grew larger, the office became more formal and was vested in the head of the family which was in most direct line of descent from the gens ancestor, reckoning through eldest children. Finally through various causes such as settlement of part of the group at a distance, failure of the direct line, etc., the strict succession was broken down.\r\n\r\n\"Among the Menabe at the present time every village of long standing has its priest. When a new village is founded, the priest of the parent village is expected to come to it on request and make sacrifices there. Finally, when the new village has existed for two or three generations and lost its feeling of unity with the old village, or when the priest becomes weary of making the necessary journeys, the head of the ranking family in the new village asks permission from the original priest to assume the priestly office. This then becomes hereditary in his family. There seems to be no formal investiture for a new priest, but the office cannot be assumed without the original priest's permission. In the Zafindriantrova gens the priest of the parent village is called the Tena Pitankazomanga, those of the offshoot villages simply Pitankazomanga. The Tena Pitankazomanga officiates at sacrifices in his own village and at those performed in behalf of the group of villages as a whole. The Pitankazomanga are considered his deputies and ask his permission when they are to perform the more important sacrifices. Most of the Menabe gentes seem to have a similar, but rather less formal organization. In general, the priest of the parent village has no real control over the priests of the younger villages and there is no central religious authority, even within the gens.\" (Linton, 1933, pp. 185-186)\r\n\r\n\"OMBIASY AND THE ANCESTOR CULT.\u2014Native medicine-men or magicians, called ombiasy, have been described elsewhere (see section on Ombiasy) and only their activities in connection with the ancestor cult will be described here. They are practitioners of divination and magic and are sharply distinguished from the priests, who do not work with either. Throughout most of Madagascar the same person may not hold both offices and if an ombiasy inherits a priesthood, he must give up his magical paraphernalia and practices at once. At the same time, there is no hostility between the two groups and they are not considered rivals. The ombiasy are thought to be more skilled than the priests in everything pertaining to the supernatural and the priests constantly consult them as to the best means for propitiating the ancestors.\r\n\r\n\"Ombiasy frequently instigate sacrifices, announcing that illness or calamity is due to offended ancestral spirits, or that the spirit of so-and-so has appeared to them and demanded an offering from some one of his descendants. They are always consulted as to the most propitious time and place for communal sacrifices and for individual sacrifices as well, if the sacrificer is rich enough to pay for their services. Among the Tanala they also act as stage managers in the more important sacrifices. This results in great variation in minor details of ceremonial procedure for, although the general pattern is always the same, the ombiasy is expected to change some detail each time. If he fails to do this, there seems to be a feeling of disappointment and a tendency to doubt his ability. In general, only ombiasy belonging to the gens are allowed to manage sacrifices, for outsiders will not be familiar with the usual ritual of the group, or with the names of its ancestors. However, if a foreign ombiasy of great reputation is present, he may be asked to take charge. He consults with the priest and, when the time comes to say the invocation, stands beside him and repeats the invocation with him, the priest speaking in a low voice and the ombiasy in a loud one. Minor priests, or those who feel uncertain of their own ability, may delegate their office to the ombiasy of their village, who thenceforth both direct and perform all sacrifices. The arrangement is temporary and the office reverts to the priest's family at his death.\" (Linton, 1933, p. 188)\r\n\r\n\"Among the Menabe, sacrifices on behalf of the entire gens were made only in time of national calamity, such as pestilence, very serious crop failure, or an attack which threatened to drive the gens from its territory or subjugate it. They were performed on the tops of sacred mountains, the idea being that the worshippers were thus lifted closer to heaven and their prayers made more easily audible to the gods and ancestors. Each gens had one or more of these mountains within its territory ... When there was more than one sacred mountain, the leading ombiasy of the gens, or some foreign ombiasy of great power, indicated which one should be used. He also selected the priest who was to officiate from among all those in the gens and indicated the ritual to be used, especially whether the sacrifice was to be boiled or grilled ... Sacrifices on behalf of a village or group of villages were performed before setting out on a war party. These have been described in the section on Warfare. They may have been performed on a few other occasions as well, but informants were uncertain. Since the establishment of French control they also have become obsolete.\" (Linton, 1933, p. 182)\r\n\r\nIt is not clear whether any kingdom-level religious activities took place among the Menabe. Among the Ikongo there was at least one: an investiture ceremony with religious elements. Certain ombiasy played a role in the planning and performance of this ceremony, as did the Anakandrianambe and the other Anakandriana of the kingdom:\r\n\r\n\"The following account of the election and investiture of an Ikongo king is quoted from the manuscript of Sadaro Antoine: \r\n\r\n\"'When a king had died the Anakandriambe summoned all the Anakandriana and Notables of the two castes in the kingdom to choose a new king. The hovalahy [nobles] assembled in one house and the vahoaka in another. The commoners deliberated as to who should be king and when they had decided went to the house where the nobles were assembled and designated for the office the one they liked best. This man was separated from his comrades and taken to a house in the corner of the village. There he stayed, rarely going out, until he was invested with office. A few days after the election the whole population constructed a large house, the trano be, or lapa, to be the royal residence.\r\n\r\n\"'On a fortunate day selected by an ombiasy, everyone went to the village of the new Mpanzaka to celebrate his solemn entry into the lapa. About noon all the Notables entered the house where the future king was. The Anakandriambe placed the satro mena [a red hat with a tassel] on his head, dressed him in an akanjo jaky [a dark red garment like a long shirt or smock], a lamba mena [shoulder blanket of red silk], and samboritra lamba mena [shawl of red silk]. They placed a silver necklace on his neck and a silver bracelet on his right wrist, and gave him a tehim-bolofotsy [long ebony staff encrusted with tin or silver] to carry. When everything was ready the king seated himself on his filanzana [carrying chair] which was usually the house door, and the vahoaka carried him to the royal house. They formed a procession with the chief Anakandriambe first, then the king's wife, on foot, then the king, followed by his escort of Notables, etc., and then the whole population, singing. They sounded conch shell trumpets and fired guns. The young people sang and danced to the sodina [flute] and draitra [a variety of large drum]. A public f\u00eate was organized in the village. Before entering the royal dwelling the king, followed by the population, walked around the house three times. Each time he arrived opposite the east side of the house he halted and fired a shot in the air. The first shot was in honor of the king, the second in honor of the Anakandriana, and the third in honor of the people as a whole. If the first shot failed to go off, it was a bad sign for the king. He would have a misfortune [152] or would not reign long. The ombiasy might change his destiny by bathing him with water containing magical materials, but he was sometimes dismissed then and there and another king chosen.\r\n\r\n\"'The king entered the house by the big door on the east, taking care to place his left foot on the door sill first. He seated himself on the eastern side of the house on a clean mat, his counselors on the right and his wife on the left. An ox was tied to the fatora with its head east. [The fatora was a pointed post about six feet high, usually made of teza wood. It was set up east of the royal house to commemorate the ancestors.] The Anakandriana left the house. They threw water on the roof of the house and on the ox three times, while the chief Anakandriambe said: \u2018Oh Zanahary of the east, the south, the north and the west, come assist at this ceremony. We have chosen one to direct us, to counsel us and to protect us. We offer you an ox lava trafo [lit. with a long hump, i.e., fat]. We ask your protection that our new king may live and reign long, that we may be protected from all dangers, that the army of the Imerina may not come to our region, that the wild pigs and locusts may not injure our plantations, that we may be exempt from all sickness, that our women may have many children and that our wealth may be increased.\u2019 After making this invocation the Anakandriambe entered the house and the young men of hova caste killed the ox and cut up the meat. Rice and pieces of the meat were cooked and placed on a leaf of the Traveler's Palm or a clean china plate. This was then put on a handsome mat before the east door of the house. Everyone then uncovered his head and stood silent. The Anakandriambe advanced and addressed the razana [ancestral spirits]. He invited all the ancestors of the king to take part in the repast. He explained why they had been called, then asked their protection, good fortune and prosperity. When the prayer was finished a great quantity of rice and meat was cooked and the king offered toaka [sugar cane rum] to the Anakandriana, the singers and dancers. There was a great feast. There was a great uproar in the royal house, ending in shouts of laughter. The next day the king and his family gave two or three cattle to the people. These were killed [not sacrificed] and the meat distributed to everyone. The people then returned home talking of the incidents of the ceremony.'\" (Linton, 1933, pp. 151-152)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10061, "valueset_pk": 10061, "domainelement_pk": 265, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 265, "jsondata": {"color": "#000"}, "id": "149-3", "name": "3", "description": "Supralocal (encompasses multiple local groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10061, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tanala-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 30, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "3", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 30, "glottocode": "plat1254", "ethonyms": "Menabe; Ikongo; Malagasy", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Menabe", "Ikongo", "Malagasy"]}, "id": "tanala", "name": "Tanala", "description": "Tanala is the name given to an inland region in the south of Madagascar, and sometimes to the people who live there. Prior to the French conquest of 1895, Tanala was divided into two regions - Ikongo, which had a king, and Menabe, which was divided into much smaller polities. The American anthropologist Ralph Linton wrote a detailed ethnography of the Tanala based on fieldwork he conducted in Madagascar in the 1920s.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -20.9, "longitude": 47.6}, "name": "Tanala"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [47.6, -20.9]}, "id": "tanala"}]}