{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Religious Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19001", "name": "2", "description": "The only religious specialists mentioned in Valentine\u2019s (1965) description of Lakalai religion are \u2018magicians\u2019 and mediums. The author says little about the former and explicitly denies that the latter occupied formal offices. However, this account excludes religious phenomena not directly related to supernatural agents:\r\n\r\n\"The present account is focused upon the beliefs which the Lakalai hold and the behaviour in which they engage with respect to traditional spirit-beings \u2026 The large body of Lakalai magic which has no direct connexion with spirit-beings is reserved for future description.\" (Valentine, 1965, p. 163)\r\n\r\n\"Mediums were usually important men, but their position does not appear to have been specifically formalised.\" (Valentine, 1965, p. 187)\r\n\r\nUnder \u2018religious specialists\u2019 in the EOWC:\r\n\r\n\"Specialist magicians perform garden magic for the benefit of coresidents; specialist war magicians were equally useful in the past. Weather magicians are often hired to bring or prevent rain. Most men know spells for love magic, hunting, and fishing. Most older men are thought to know death-dealing sorcery, but deaths tend to be blamed on a few whose ancestors were renowned sorcerers. Both sexes rescue souls captured by ghosts and act as curers. Women are most likely to know magic relating to female fertility and child growth.\" (Chowning, 1991, p 142)\r\n\r\nChowning and Goodenough (1965) provide more information about these magicians:\r\n\r\n\"The several hamlets of a village regularly make their gardens together \u2026 The two services that are connected with gardening and that individuals contribute to the entire village community are fencing against wild pigs and garden magic. Each man is responsible for the garden fence beside his plot \u2026 The unity of the village garden appears more clearly in connection with taro magic. In each village there is one person who is recognized as garden magician. While others know some garden magic, only one person holds the office of garden magician in a  \u2026 It is within the magician's power to cause crops to wither as well as to flourish. But since his spells affect all plants in the garden equally, he cannot injure the crops of others without destroying his own at the same time \u2026 Unlike many other specialists who charge for their services, a garden magician performs on behalf of the village without pay. We may, therefore, designate his as a public office.\" (Chowning & Goodenough, 1965, p. 434)\r\n\r\n\"Other specialists who perform for the entire community without charge, and whom we may designate public officials, are the leader of wild pig drives, done with nets, and the war leader. The former is, presumably, always the head of a pig net pool. He appears to be selected by the heads of the other netting pools as the one among them who is the most knowledgeable pig hunter, from both the practical and the magical standpoints \u2026 There are other specialists, such as weather magician and diviner, who provide services that the Lakalai feel should be available in every community. They ordinarily expect a fee, however, except when performing for sibmates and consanguineal kinsmen. On the other hand, a Lakalai expects the fee to be higher if he must import a specialist from another village. The larger the village, the greater the likelihood that all of the essential services will be available to its residents from a fellow villager, who is expected not to refuse to serve when asked, nor to over-charge. A one-hamlet village is at a disadvantage and must often do without the benefit of specialists. Whether they function as public officials or not, the presence of the various specialists and the demand for their services emphasizes the interdependence of the several hamlets in a village and contributes to the sense of community among them.\" (Chowning & Goodenough, 1965, p. 435)\r\n\r\nRelationship between villages within a territory:\r\n\r\n\"Common interests include preservation of the equal rights of all territorial residents to hunt and gather throughout the territory, to travel within its confines unmolested, to enjoy the support of other villages in war and take refuge with other villages when attacked. The members of any hamlet or village undertaking an important ceremony expect attendance and active participation from all their territory mates.\" (Chowning & Goodenough, 1965, p. 439)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9942, "valueset_pk": 9942, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9942, "jsondata": {}, "id": "lakalai-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 9, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 9, "glottocode": "naka1262", "ethonyms": "West Nakanai", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["West Nakanai"]}, "id": "lakalai", "name": "Lakalai", "description": "The Lakalai are a subgroup of the Nakanai, who live on the north coast of New Britain. The name \"Lakalai\" is sometimes considered patronising, and for this reason, the Lakalai are sometimes known as the West Nakanai - however, \"Lakalai\" is dominant in the literature. Historically, the Lakalai worshipped ancestors and other spirits of the deceased. The most influential of these spirits was Sumua, who lived in the volcano that overlooked Lakalai territory and controlled its forces.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.4, "longitude": 150.4}, "name": "Lakalai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [150.4, -5.4]}, "id": "lakalai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17973", "name": "2", "description": "Brief overview of Marovo \u2018coastal polity\u2019: Hviding (1996, pp 86-88)\r\n\r\n\u201cGroup leadership in the precolonial Marovo polity of headhunting coastal people was concentrated in the three important institutionalized positions of bangara, varane, and chiama, each of which was normally found in every corporate bububutu. The first and highest-ranking was the largely hereditary position of leader (bangara) of \u2018group politics\u2019 or binangara. The bangara held the important ancestral skulls and shell valuables of the butubutu, regulated the use of and access to the ancestral territory, kept genealogical information, organized feasts and other important ceremonial activities, as well as the manufacture and exchange of clamshell valuables, and was the most powerful among the \u2018important men\u2019 (palabatu) of his group \u2026 Each bangara had as his functionary one or more leading warriors (varane, literally \u2018brave, warriorlike\u2019\u2019), whose responsibility was to organize and lead warriors of the butubutu (including temporary associates) in raiding, feuding, and warfare \u2026 A chiama (head priest) was likewise attached to each bangara. His job was to organize religious ceremonies and to mediate between the bangara and the spirit world on behalf of the butubutu. One of the main tasks of chiama was to secure tinamanae (foreseeable bestowal of efficacy \u2013 a causative noun construct based on mana) for the butubutu\u2019s actities, largely through sacrifices to, and divinatory communication with, ancestral spirits (poda). Although bangara and other influential persons \u2026 could perform minor sacrifices and communicate with ancestral spirits at lesser shrines, chiama had overall responsibility for ceremonial activity at major shrines such as the oru where skulls of former bangara are kept and where human sacrifice was performed.\u201d (Hviding, 1996, pp 86-87)\r\n\r\nMost 'corporate butubutu' appear to have been localised in one village, though some were larger:\r\n\r\n\"Clearly, the land and sea terror- [155] ries of Marovo are not controlled by village groups as such. Rather, primary control is in the hands of the resident butubutu core, who constitute the majority of any village population, and who act on behalf of the entire butubutu. The butubutu, not the village, acts as the corporate group \u2026 Larger butubutu may have two or more villages within the puava \u2026  as a result of ancient or more recent splits of localized groups because of enmity or, more often, overpopulation. The existence of more than one village may also result from the establishment earlier in the twentieth century of two different missions in the area of one butubutu, in which case fission may be more complete.\" (Hviding, 1996, pp. 154-155)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9946, "valueset_pk": 9946, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9946, "jsondata": {}, "id": "marovo-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 112, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 112, "glottocode": "maro1244", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "marovo", "name": "Marovo", "description": "The coastal people of Marovo Lagoon, who speak a language of the same name.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.5, "longitude": 157.8}, "name": "Marovo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [157.8, -8.5]}, "id": "marovo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19880", "name": "2", "description": "In his fairly detailed overview of Trobriand society, Malinowski (1922, pp 49-78) mentions two kinds of ritual specialist: the garden magician and the sorcerer.\r\n\r\nThe garden magician:\r\n\r\n\"Among the forces and beliefs which bear upon and regulate garden work, perhaps magic is the most important. It is a department of its own, and the garden magician, next to the chief and the sorcerer, is the most important personage of the village. The position is hereditary , and, in each village, a special system magic is handed on in the female line from one generation to another. I have called it a system , because the magician has to perform a series of rites and spells over the garden, which run parallel with the labour, and which, in fact, initiate each stage of the work and each new development of the plant life. Even before any gardening is begun at all, the magician has to consecrate the site with a big ceremonial performance in which all the men of the village take part. This ceremony officially opens the season's gardening, and only after it is performed do the villagers begin to cut the scrub on their plots. Then, in a series of rites, the magician inaugurates successively all the various stages which follow one another--the burning of the scrub, the clearing, the planting, the weeding and the harvesting.\" (Malinowski, 1922, p 59)\r\n\r\n\"Again, within each district, the several village communities have each a great deal of independence. A village community is represented by a headman, its members make their gardens in one block and under the guidance of their own garden magician; they carry on their own feasts and ceremonial arrangements, mourn their dead in common, and perform, in remembrance of their departed ones, an endless series of food distributions. In all big affairs, whether of the district or of the tribe, members of a village community keep together, and act in one group.\" (Malinowski, 1922, p 70)\r\n\r\nThe sorcerer:\r\n\r\n\"One point in connection with the chief's authority deserves special mention. Power implies not only the possibility of rewarding, but also the means of punishing. This in the Trobriands is as a rule done indirectly, by means of sorcery. The chief has the best sorcerers of the district always at his beck and call. Of course he also has to reward them when they do him a service. If anyone offends him, or trespasses upon his authority, the chief summons the sorcerer, and orders that the culprit shall die by black magic. And here the chief is powerfully helped in achieving his end by the fact that he can do this openly, so that everybody, and the victim himself knows that a sorcerer is after him.\" (Malinowski, 1922, p. 64)\r\n\r\n\"By far the most prevalent form of black magic, is that of the bwaga'u, that is the black sorcerer, of whom there are a number in each district. Usually even in each village there are one or two men more or less dreaded as bwaga'u.\" (Malinowski, 1922, p 73)\r\n\r\nBased on the excerpts above, the role of garden magician was clearly an office at the village level. Sorcery appears to have been a profession rather than an office, and in any case does not appear to have been linked to any defined group. \r\n\r\nElsewhere, Malinowski makes it clear that the position of towosi (garden magician) was the prerogative of the \u2018chief\u2019, though often he delegated it to a close relative. \r\n\r\n\"The towosi or garden magician is an hereditary official of every village community. As a matter of fact, the position of towosi coincides with that of the Chief or the head-man, if not in identity of person, at least in the principle of lineage. In native mythology and legal theory, it is always the head of the kinship group owning a village who is the garden magician. This man, however, frequently delegates his duties to his younger brother, his matrilineal nephew, or his son. Such handing over of the office of garden magician was especially frequent in the lineage of the paramount chiefs of Omarakana, on whom the duties of charming the gardens weighed too heavily.\" (Malinowski, 1922, p 64)\r\n\r\nAlthough garden magic was clearly a village-level affair, the weather magic (tourikuna) wielded by the chief of Omarakana was feared throughout Kiriwina, and perhaps even further. However, while the chief of Omarakana had rights stemming from his control of this magic, it is not clear that he had any duties. Hence based on Hughes' (1937) definition of an office ('a standardized set of rights and duties devolving upon a person in certain defined situations'), this was not an office.\r\n\r\n\"The most important chief is, as said, the one who resides in Omarakana and rules Kiriwina, agriculturally the richest and most important district. His family, or sub-clan, the Tabalu, are acknowledged to have by far the highest rank in all the Archipelago. Their fame is spread over the whole Kula district; the entire province of Kiriwina derives prestige from its chief, and its inhabitants also keep all his personal taboos, which is a duty but also a distinction. Next to the high chief, there resides in a village some two miles distant, a personage who, though in several respects his vassal, is also his main foe and rival, the headman of Kabwaku, and ruler of the province of Tilataula. The present holder of this title is an old rogue named Moliasi. From time to time, in the old days, war used to break out between the two provinces, each of which could muster some twelve villages for the fight.\" (Malinowski, 1922, p. 66)\r\n\r\n\"A brief outline of chieftainship must therefore be rather rough and ready and cannot do justice to the complexity of the subject. Take for instance the unquestionably paramount chief of Omarakana in his relation to his military rival, the chief of the province of Tilataula, resident at Kabwaku. The paramount chief has the higher rank. He is the wielder of the rain and sunshine magic; that is, master of tribal fertility. His personal prestige, the aura of power and dignity around him, are incomparably higher and more august. At the same time, he could be beaten and driven out of his home on occasions by his rival.\" (Malinowski, 1935, p 38)\r\n\r\n\"Over and above individual effort, there is the power of towosi magic, the ordinary garden magic of the community; the influence of vilamalia, the magic of prosperity, and last but not least, the supreme magical power of the paramount chief, tourikuna. This magic finally decides on excessive sunshine, which means drought, or the adequate rainfall, which brings fertility to the islands.\" (Malinowski, 1935, p 83)\r\n\r\nThere was also a 'traditional center of astronomical knowledge', the village of Wawela, which set the timing of the Milamala festival for the whole of Kiriwina. Not clear that this position involved rights and duties, however, rather than simply expertise.\r\n\r\n\u201cIn the southern part of Boyowa, there is first the province of Luba, occupying the waist of the island, the part where it narrows down to a long isthmus. This part is ruled by a chief of high rank, who resides in Olivilevi ... Wawela, which was formerly a very big village, now consists of hardly more than twenty huts. The only one on the Eastern shore which lies right on the sea, it is very picturesquely situated, overlooking a wide bay with a clean beach. It is of importance as the traditional centre of astronomical knowledge. From here, for generation after generation up to the present day, the calendar of the natives has been regulated. This means that some of the most important dates are fixed, especially that of the great annual festival, the Milamala, always held at full moon.\u201d (Malinowski, 1922, p. 68)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9951, "valueset_pk": 9951, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9951, "jsondata": {}, "id": "trobriand-islands-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 96, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 96, "glottocode": "kili1267", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "trobriand-islands", "name": "Trobriand Islands", "description": "The Trobriands are a group of islands off the southeast coast of New Guinea. The famous Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski conducted extensive fieldwork there during the First World War, and published a number of major works on their traditional culture. Malinowski's magnum opus 'Argonauts of the Western Pacific' concerns the traditional exchange network known as the Kula ring, in which the Trobriand Islands played a central role.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.5, "longitude": 151.1}, "name": "Trobriand Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [151.1, -8.5]}, "id": "trobriand-islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19062", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018An overview of Nage social and ceremonial organization\u2019 (pp. 5-18)\r\n\r\n\u201cPossessing a \u2018head\u2019 (ulu) and a \u2018tail\u2019 (eko), Nage villages (bo\u2019a) are oriented to Ebu Lobo, the head end always pointing towards the volcano. With certain qualifications, these rectangular villages, usually consisting of two rows of houses (sa\u2019o) faving opposite across an open village plaza (nata) are the more inclusive political and territorial units known to Nage. Village houses are divided among groups named woe, which hereafter I call \u2018clans\u2019. At present in the Bo\u2019a Wae region, a village usually includes members of two or more clans, while in the past single clan villages appear to have been more common. Like villages, clans are named. The fact that often they bear the same name as a settlement in which they were formerly resident suggests indeed that clan names have regularly been derived from village names.\r\n\r\n\u201cAmong the western Nage, persons belonging to a single clan usually occupy two or more villages. People of the same clan resident in different villages commonly assist one another in various tasks, including the amassing of bridewealth. The groups that own and corporately administer land, however, are not usually whole clans but component \u2018houses\u2019, and especially houses whose independence has been formalized by their achieving the status of what I call a \u2018cult house\u2019 \u2026 Built of special materials, and constructed to the accompaniment of numerous sacrifices and other rites, a cult house serves as the ceremonial and political centre of what may be called a \u2018segment\u2019 of a clan. Being linked with individual male ancestors of just a few generations\u2019 remove, the associated lineal groups \u2013 the ones that can unequivocally claim to possess such houses \u2013 are usually not large \u2026 Matters are however, rather more complex than this may suggest. For any given time by no means all members of a clan (woe) will formally possess a \u2018cult house\u2019, which in a more general vein, the issue of cult house affiliation is subject to shifting, situational interpretations. What counts as a \u2018house\u2019 in general \u2013 a term that must be understood in a social sense, [7] since it does not always refer to a single physical building \u2013 is similarly variable, even though Nage regularly speak of \u2018houses\u2019 (including \u2018cult houses\u2019) as though they were units of asymmetric marriage alliance \u2026 While \u2018clans\u2019 might be spoken of as collections of related \u2018houses\u2019, therefore, the latter do not constitute identical segments precisely defined in terms of lineal depth or possessing equal ritual status. Indeed, it is doubtful how far a \u2018clan\u2019 can properly be called a descent group at all. All I discuss later on \u2026 Nage use the term woe as a reference to a ceremonial, especially sacrificial, co-operative at least as much as to a genealogical entity. Membership of houses, and hence of clans, is preferentially patrilineal inasmuch as it is preferred that a man pay bridewealth, thereby effecting the incorporation of children into his own group. If bridewealth is not fully paid, children are claimed by the mother\u2019s natal group, or, in some circumstances, divided between the two groups. Where no bridewealth is given, moreover, the husband can be required to reside uxorilocally \u2026 Although regarded as a major index of Nage ethnicity, forked sacrificial posts (peo) are found only in a small number of prominent villages \u2026 Sometimes, a number of houses belonging to two or more different clans are recognized as the collective owners of such a post; and all then claim the right to sacrifice buffalo there. Even so, Nage commonly speak of a single clan (woe) exclusively owning a peo post as the natural arrangement, while expressing puzzlement as to how two or more clans could even have come to possess a peo jointly (Forth 1989a). Part of the answer seems to be that such groups once shared a common village, and in the past may even have been considered as forming a single woe.\u201d (Forth, 1998, pp. 5-7)\r\n\r\n\u201cIn order to erect a peo, a named clan (or any other aggregate of houses) must comprise at least two houses having the status of cult houses. Of these, the senior is specified as the house of the \u2018trunk rider\u2019 (saka pu\u2019u), and the junior, represented as the first to have branched off, is the house of the \u2018tip rider\u2019 (saka lobo) \u2026 As the leader of the group (clan or group of houses) that owns a forked post, the trunk rider is the \u2018possessor of the peo\u2019 (moi peo) in the most specific sense, although both trunk rider and tip rider together can be specified indiscriminately as moi peo. In other ways as well, the two functionaries are closely identified with the post \u2026 The pairing of trunk rider and tip rider, the latter described as the \u2018younger sibling\u2019 (azi) and sometimes as the deputy or surrogate of the former, provides one of the numerous instances of dualism in Nage social and ceremonial order. It should be stressed, however, that the two Nage statuses do not divide temporal and spiritual (or religious) leadership in the way characteristic of diarchic systems found for example on Timor and Sumba. In fact, in most respects the two positions, although clearly related hierarchically and in a way involving the encompassment of one status by the other, are represented as functionally identical rather than complementary. In themselves, both statuses pertain to ceremony rather than politics. Yet formally at least, the trunk rider, closely supported by the tip rider, is recognized as leader of the collectivity associated with the peo post, in all spheres of life.\u201d (Forth, 1998, p. 9)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe trunk rider, as well as the tup rider and several other named functionaries connected with peo rituals are the foremost among the class of leaders Nage designate as mosa laki \u2026 Since formally, speaking, Nage society admits just two ranks, the mosa laki, described in the national language as \u2018nobles\u2019 (\u2018bangsawan\u2019) are exhaustively opposed to a class of slaves and hereditary retainers called ho\u2019o \u2026 who are held to derive ultimately from war captives and thus to be originally non-Nage. Although debt slaves (ho\u2019o so\u2019i so) are distinct from captives and the descendants of captives, these too are outsiders inasmuch as they are required to separate from their own group and become totally obligated to their masters, at least until they are able to redeem themselves. Formally speaking, only men of mosa laki rank may contribute buffalo for sacrifice, although this rule is somewhat relaxed at present. \r\n\r\n\u201cMarriage between the two ranks is formally proscribed. As I later show, the mosa laki \u2013 or leader of high rank \u2013 is further opposed to a type of social person (and indeed as a social ideal) to varieties of mystical practitioner called toa mali. The opposition between these two, which somewhat recalls but does not actually constitute a diarchic division of spiritual and temporal authority, is most clearly expressed, moreover in their differential relation to spiritual beings, particularly as this is manifest in the context of buffalo sacrificing and other activities focussed upon the forked peo post.\u201d (Forth, 1998, p. 15)\r\n\r\n\"In their different ways, both priests and toa mali contrast with ata ta'a hitu, women who occasionally fall into an uncontrolled trance (see Forth 1991c). Although in no sense functionaries, trancers nevertheless resemble priests in their positive dealings with spirits of the dead, while like toa mali they sometimes confront and counteract witches. Yet none of these three statuses can properly be called an office. This circumstance points to an absence of formal spiritual or religious authority among Nage. Certainly, there is none that is mutually exclusive or complementary with positions of political, or worldly, authority ...  The only positions that could accurately be called offices among Nage are the series connected with the peo post, which are mostly operative when a new post is obtained and carried into the village. Among these, the most important by far are the positions of 'trunk rider' (saka pu'u) and 'tip rider' (saka lobo).\r\n\r\n\"In accordance with the fact that the two 'riders' do not divide spiritual and worldly functions or powers, the saka pu'u, or trunk rider, is the one recognized as the general leader of the group that owns the peo, the person whose word carries the most weight in all corporate affairs, whether 'secular' or 'religious'. (Forth, 1998, pp 281-282)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9956, "valueset_pk": 9956, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9956, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nage-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 67, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 67, "glottocode": "nage1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "nage", "name": "Nage", "description": "The Nage live on the island of Flores in Eastern Indonesia, in the vicinity of the volcano Ebo Lobo.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.7, "longitude": 121.2}, "name": "Nage"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.2, -8.7]}, "id": "nage"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18804", "name": "2", "description": "\"THE PEOPLE LIVING ON THE ATOLL form a single community despite the natural division into the four occupied islets at the center of the arc ... The center of the community is Touhou islet.\" (Emory, 1965, p 80). \r\n\r\n\"Formerly, a hereditary chief, tangata e putu tana henua (one who looks after his people), ruled over the secular affairs in conjunction with an elected religious chief, the ariki, who ruled in religious matters, assisted by a panel of priests.\" (Emory, 1965, p 94).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9959, "valueset_pk": 9959, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9959, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kapingamarangi-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 76, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 76, "glottocode": "kapi1249", "ethonyms": "Greenwich Island; Kapinga; Kiriniti", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Greenwich Island", "Kapinga", "Kiriniti"]}, "id": "kapingamarangi", "name": "Kapingamarangi", "description": "The tiny atoll of Kapingamarangi is one of the islands traditionally labelled 'Polynesian Outliers'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.0, "longitude": 154.8}, "name": "Kapingamarangi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [154.8, 1.0]}, "id": "kapingamarangi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18806", "name": "2", "description": "\"In some villages, the date of communal ceremonies is set by the senior priest, in other villages by the village chief; they usually consult each other. The relative influence of either individual in this process depends on their experience and personalities.\" (Rousseau, 1998, p 127)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9965, "valueset_pk": 9965, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9965, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kayan-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 38, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 38, "glottocode": "reja1241", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "kayan", "name": "Kayan", "description": "The Kayan live along a number of river valleys in northern Borneo, including the Kayan, from which they take their name. Historically, the Kayan were skilled ironworkers, and exported knives and swords to other indigenous peoples of Borneo.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 2.1, "longitude": 115.1}, "name": "Kayan"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [115.1, 2.1]}, "id": "kayan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18455", "name": "2", "description": "Settlement pattern and political organization:\r\n\r\nThe Gilbertese typically lived in hamlets (kainga), each occupied by a totemic kin group. Kainga were grouped into 'maneaba districts', which appear to have corresponded to the 'local community. In most of the Gilbert Islands 'maneaba districts' appear to have been independent, but on a few islands there were 'paramount chiefs'. The following description suggests that religion was largely confined to the kainga:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn pre-European times the Gilbertese did not live in the large consolidated villages which now characterise their islands. The basic [7] residential unit was the kainga \u2013 a hamlet, sometimes walled for privacy, within which a number of related extended families lived in separate mwenge, or households \u2026 On the bush (usually the eastern) side of the settlement there was a bangota or shrine to the ancestral gods or spirits recognised by the kainga \u2026 Although there was no defined priesthood it was customary for one family from within the kainga to lead worship and to interpret the natural signs \u2013 changes in winds and clouds, for example \u2013 which were seen as conveying messages from the gods \u2026 Each kainga had also had a totemic object \u2013 fish or birds were most common \u2013 which its members did not hunt or eat. \r\n\r\n\u201cOn all islands except Makin and Butaritari, each kainga was associated with a maneaba or meeting-house. Together with subsidiary kawa which had been established when the original settlements had become overcrowded, the kainga of a district were usually scattered along the western, or lagoon, side of an island with most being in close proximity to the maneaba. The maneaba was a large rectangular peaked roof, sometimes more than thirty metres in length and half as wide, set on low coral pillars. It was the social and political centre of its district and also served as a temporary residence for visitors who had no close kin in the district. Within the maneaba, each kainga had a defined sitting place called a boti or inaki. The oldest male of the kainga was usually its head and also its leading spokesman ... In the southern Gilberts some boti leaders were regarded with greater sanctity than others and some kainga were, [8] at least in a practical or military sense, more powerful than their neighbours ... In essence, however, the various boti and the kainga they represented were seen as approximately equal, though competing, elements of a single district community. A man with military prowess might rise to a position of prominence but his leadership was transitory; there was no place for a chiefly dynasty in the southern Gilberts ... [9] ... In the islands stretching northwards from the equator to Marakei, the chiefly system survived the depredations of Kaitu and Uakeia although maneaba councils became an important restraint on chiefly power. In most cases one kainga in each district assumed a pre-eminent position although in practice its leader was more of a warlord than a paramount chief. The maneaba existed with a boti arrangement parallel to that of the southern islands but district government tended to revolve around the chief rather than the maneaba council. Wars in the pursuit of land and power were common and on Abemama-Kuria-Aranuka, and to a lesser extent on Abaiang, centralised leadership emerged. On Abemama and its two satellite islands, however, this authority was only consolidated by a monopoly of trade and its rewards (including firearms) in the 19th century, while on Abaiang a paramount chief did not emerge until after European contact and his power was only effective and unchallenged for brief periods.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe strong centralised chiefship that unified Butaritari and Makin was an exception in the Gilbert Islands \u2026\u201d (Macdonald, 1982, pp. 6-9)\r\n\r\n'Agricultural rituals' (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 7-19)\r\n\r\nGrimble (1989) also notes that most communal religious rituals included only one 'totem group', but describes an occasional ceremony that included 'a group of utu allied for political or warlike purposes' ('totem group' and 'utu' presumably refer to the kin groups occupying a kainga). Since this ceremony took place in the maneaba, it presumably involved the kainga of a maneaba district:\r\n\r\n\"Each separate Gilbertese totem group, as a rule, practiced the cult of its own ancestral deities independently of all others; but in time of famine, a form of ritual meal was practised. All groups united, with the senior male of Karongoa n Uea as the officiating priest, at a stone pillar representing the body of a being named Tabakea, within a maneaba of a particular style called Maungatabu.\" (Grimble, 1989, p. 17)\r\n\r\n\"The cult of Tabakea approaches nearer to the idea of a tribal cult than any other noted heretofore. On occasions of stress, disease, or necessity, when a group of utu allied for political or warlike purposes felt the approach of common danger, a stone about 6 to 9 feet high would be erected in the maneaba .. The senior man of Karongoa n Uea, the clan in the maneaba whose privilege it was to speak the first and last word in assembly, would decide upon a day when all the utu should be gathered together to make offerings (karea) and prayers (tataro) at the stone.\" (Grimble, 1989, p. 81)\r\n\r\nGrimble and Maude describe other rituals that appear to have been performed by or on behalf of multiple kainga. The 'pandanus ceremony' (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 10-14) appears to have been performed by an individual, but this individual needed to belong to a particular 'clan', which suggests that they may have performed it on behalf of multiple 'clans':\r\n\r\n\u201cA highly interesting ritual, in which the Sun and the Moon played a large part, was formerly used for the purpose of ensuring a rich pandanus [11] harvest. The ceremony could be performed only by members of three clans, Karongoa, Ababou, and Maerua.\u201d (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 10-11)\r\n\r\nAs the excerpts above suggest, religious authority appears to have been vested in kin groups rather than individuals. To the extent that the rights of particular kin groups (such as Karongoa n Uea) to perform ceremonies was recognised throughout the Gilbert Islands, it could be argued that the whole group shared a common religious authority. However, it is not clear that members of one of these clans living in a particular maneaba district had a right to perform rituals on behalf of people living in other districts.\r\n\r\nOn the predence of Karongoa n Uea in the Gilbert Islands:\r\n\r\n\u201cMany clans had hereditary privileges or duties connected with the ceremonial of the maneaba, which they most jealously prized and guarded. Among these, the group of Karongoa n Uea \u2018Karongoa of Kings\u2019, as its name suggests, was foremost in rank. Karongoa n Uea was king of the maneaba; at all ceremonial gatherings within the edifice, its chief man\u2014the senior descendant through eldest sons of the original ancestor\u2014assumed \u2018the first word and the last word\u2019 in debate \u2026 [220] \u2026 Attached to Karongoa n Uea was a very clear-cut doctrine of infallibility concerning certain race traditions \u2026 [221] \u2026 A Gilbertese explanation of the pre-eminence of this clan in the ceremonial of the maneaba is that \u2018it is Samoa\u2019; that is to say, it represents the victorious immigration from Samoa into the Gilbert Islands.\u201d (Grimble & Maude, 1989, pp. 219-221)\r\n\r\n\u201cThough there can be no doubt that the people of Karongoa n Uea came as conquerors and chiefs to the group, their prestige in the maneaba is now entirely divorced from the idea of temporal power, and their privileges are largely independent of political vicissitudes.\r\n\r\n\"On Abemama, indeed, where the high chiefs belong to the clan of Kaburara, the insolently despotic Tem Binoka of fifty years ago, whose particular pleasure it was to override all Gilbertese custom and so display his power, became jealous of Karongoa's ceremonial prerogatives and deliberately assumed them to himself. Since then Kaburara has performed on Abemama all the offices in the maneaba that used to be in the hands of Karongoa n Uea \u2026  The deliberate stroke of disorganization which Binoka was obliged to effect on Abemama, in order to rob Karongoa of its precedence, only serves to throw into greater relief the durable character of its privileges, for before their spoliation they had subsisted intact through six successive generations of powerful high chiefs. Their eventual loss for political reasons was quite exceptional, being without parallel on any other Gilbert island. Elsewhere, whatever may have been the accidents of war or other material circumstances, Karongoa remained supreme in the maneaba from the time of the Samoan immigration right up to the coming of the British flag in 1892.\u201d (Grimble, 1989, p. 223)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9968, "valueset_pk": 9968, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9968, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kiribati-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 24, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 24, "glottocode": "gilb1244", "ethonyms": "Gilbertese; I-Kiribati; Tungaru", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Gilbertese", "I-Kiribati", "Tungaru"]}, "id": "kiribati", "name": "Kiribati", "description": "The Gilbert Islands, or Kiribati, are a string of atolls in eastern Micronesia. Although the people of these islands shared a common language, there were considerable cultural differences between the islands north and south of the equator, with the former being more hierarchical than the latter. A notable feature of the indigenous Gilbertese religion was the worship of the sun.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.2, "longitude": 174.7}, "name": "Kiribati"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [174.7, -1.2]}, "id": "kiribati"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18808", "name": "2", "description": "'Village officials, elders, and priests' (Barnes, 1974, pp. 89-102)\r\n\r\n\u201cMY aim in this chapter is to examine the traditional structure of authority \u2026 It is best to begin with the distinction between the l\u00e9u-auq wala or \u2018lord of the land\u2019 and the head of the village \u2026 A division of this sort between an office held by the presumed owner of the village land, invested with ultimate ceremonial authority, on the one hand and on the other a head of the village, invested with administrative responsibility, is a common Indonesian feature ... [90] ... In K\u00e9dang as in East Flores, the office of lord of the land in each village is found in the original or eldest clan. Agricultural ceremonial, however, is not communal and the rights of the l\u00e9u-auq wala in land are entirely nominal.\" (Barnes, 1974, pp 89-90)\r\n\r\n\"Earlier a traditional history was recorded which indicated that the lord of the land lived in the village temple. This indicates an association with the inside in two ways: first with the centre of the village because this is where the temple is located and secondly with the inside of the temple itself. His association with the temple and with the inside indicates that his authority is of a spiritual kind, which is the general significance of this office in Indonesia, and which is in keeping with his role in Kedang within the village [93] government.\" (Barnes, 1974, pp. 92-93)\r\n\r\n\"There are two additional figures who, though they have no part in the village government, deserve a place in the examination of the traditional structure of authority. These are the two forms of molan-maran. The first is the priest, molan-moran poan kemir, and the second is the adept in healing and traditional medicine, molan-maran potaq-puiq.\" (Barnes, 1974, p. 97)\r\n\r\n\"After this very brief introduction to the two roles, it may be useful to conclude with a consideration of how they are related in the structure of authority. It is first to be remarked that the priest is to a certain extent another of the delegates of the lord of the land. At village ceremonies, it is not the lord of the land who conducts the offerings but a molan-maran. Like the war-leader, the priest does not hold an ascribed status, but attains the position through his own personal qualities. The molan-maran, however, has nothing (in this capacity at least) to do with the temporal affairs of the village. His realm is unquestionably the spiritual. The healer, however, has none of the qualities of a delegate or [102] official. His clients are always individuals.\" (Barnes, 1974, pp. 101-102)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9969, "valueset_pk": 9969, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9969, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kedang-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 39, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 39, "glottocode": "keda1252", "ethonyms": "Kedangese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kedangese"]}, "id": "kedang", "name": "Kedang", "description": "The name 'Kedang' denotes a region on the north coast of the island of Lomblen in Eastern Indonesia, a state that encompassed this area in the past, the language spoken in this area, and the people inhabiting this area. Like a number of other Eastern Indonesian peoples, the Kedang acknowledged a high god whose name, Ula-Lojo, was composed of the words for 'Moon' and 'Sun'. Ula-Lojo was conceived as remote, and more earthly beings known as  'the spirits of the land' were the usual recipients of worship. In the late 19th century, the state of Kedang was conquered by the neighboring state of Adonara and its Dutch allies. Subsequently, most Kedangese converted to Christianity.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.2, "longitude": 123.8}, "name": "Kedang"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [123.8, -8.2]}, "id": "kedang"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19229", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018The divine order\u2019 (Scharer, 1963, pp. 39-97)\r\n\r\n'The Priestly group (utus oloh balian basir)\u2019 (Scharer, 1963, pp. 53-59)\r\n\r\nSch\u00e4rer calls the principal religious figures basir and balian (priests and priestesses). Their role and characteristics are described as follows:\r\n\r\n\"The most interesting group, sociologically and religiously, in the society is that of the balian and basir, priestesses and priests.\"  (Sch\u00e4rer, 1963, p 53)\r\n\r\n\"On the one hand, the regard in which the balian are held in society is high. They are necessary, they are employed in every fashion, and they are favoured by the law in every respect. Offences against them are punished doubly (Hardeland, dictionary). On the other hand, though, it is felt to be shameful if a daughter or relative becomes a balian\". (Sch\u00e4rer, 1963, p. 56)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe position of the basir in the community agrees generally with that of the balian \u2026 [57] \u2026 The basir are composed of hermaphrodites and impotent men. They are popularly regarded exactly as are the balian: on the one hand they are honoured, on the other despised, and it is regarded as similarly shameful if a son or relative becomes a basir.\u201d (Scharer, 1963, pp. 56-57)\r\n\r\n\"The balian and basir are those called and singled out by the sangiang as mediators between the two primeval mythical groups, i.e. between Maharaja Sangiang and Maharaja Buno, without belonging especially to either one. They belong to both. Their religious mediation reminds one strongly of the role played by the slaves in the major religious ceremonies of the whole community. They travel on behalf of one group in order to invite the leading figures of the other to the feast and the ceremony. Like the slaves, the balian and basir belong to the entire community.\" (Sch\u00e4rer, 1946, p 58)\r\n\r\nSchiller (1997, pp 39-42, \u2018Ritual specialists\u2019) provides a somewhat different account. According to Schiller, the term basir was applied to both male and female specialists, though the latter were rare or non-existent at time of writing. Some basir were transvestites, but this was not common and apparently never had been. Balian was not a kind of specialist but rather a ritual chant led by the basir. Basir was not really an office \u2013 differences in religious knowledge between them and laypeople were of \u2018degree rather than kind\u2019. However becoming a basir upu (\u2018head specialists\u2019), who led groups of basir in balian appears to have required a public initiation. Schiller also makes a passing reference to \u2018other specialists\u2019, who appear to have been less important.\r\n\r\n\"Performance of the second and third stages of death ritual is the domain of the basir \u2026. The literature on specialists suggests that they defy typification \u2026 Today there are few, if any, female basir.\" (Schiller, 1997, pp. 39-40)\r\n\r\n\"Hans Scharer proposed that basir are nearly exclusively hermaphroditic or impotent (1963, 57), a suggestion strikingly unlike the reputation that many specialists enjoy today. Contemporary specialists acknowledge the existence of transvestite basir but suggest that these have always been uncommon \u2026. Among the Ngaju, it is the degree rather than the kind of knowledge that distinguishes specialists from lay adherents of the indigenous religion and enables them to assume featured roles in the performance of certain types of [41] ritual. Their role is legitimated by their competency in ritual language styles, knowledge of cosmology, and presumed access to supernatural sources of power. Beyond this, specialists resist categorization. Some deprecate their expertise or even deny that they are specialists. \r\n\r\n\"Their humility notwithstanding, basir are the most cosmologically sophisticated adherents of Hindu Kaharingan, though they are not the sole type of ritual specialist (Schiller 1989, Jay 1993) \u2026 Recitations of chants in the context of ritual are known as balian \u2026 Chants are led by the most skilled specialist, the basir upu or upu balian, who sings in exquisite metaphors charting journeys through other realms of existence. The remaining specialists respond in unison, and all\r\naccompany the chants on their drums. Expertise can be determined by where each specialist sits in relation to the head basir, who sits at the center of the bench. Basir positioned to the immediate right or left of the basir upu are referred to as pangapit sambil and pangapit gantau, respectively. Basir seated at the ends of the bench farthest from the upu are the lawin katil \u2026 [42] \u2026 Today any villager so inclined may apprentice to become a basir. Unless that person acquires the requisite level of skill to serve as head specialist, no public initiation marks achievement of proficiency. Before a specialist may officiate at a balian for the first time, however, he or she must hold a  ceremony to establish a \u2018bridge\u2019 to other cosmological realms for use throughout his or her career. An exception are basir who have inherited the use of such a bridge from a deceased relative. Individuals who participate in balian irregularly or who have achieved only rudimentary skill often say that they can \u2018join a balian\u2019 rather than that they \u2018are basir.\u2019\" (Schiller, 1997, pp. 40-42)\r\n\r\n'The sacred service' (Scharer, 1963, pp. 131-141)\r\n\r\nThe largest ceremonies at which basir and balian officiated were organized and performed by the inhabitants of particular villages. In theory they were for the welfare of the whole Ngaju 'tribe', all of whom were invited to attend, but in practice only people from neighbouring villages attended:\r\n\r\n\u201cOne's own world is the central point of all worlds, the focus of the whole divine cosmic order and harmony. This applies also to the village, which after the collapse of the tribal organisation has taken over everything that we said above about the sacred land. The village also represents the social and cosmic totality; the village also possesses the dual division. The upper part of the village (i.e. the upstream, ngaju, part) is lived in by the superior group, and the lower part (ngawa) belongs to the lower group and to the slaves (if any). Villages above and below the village, with which one's own forms a social and religious unity, are classified in the same way. These villages are not only represented at the great purificatory sacrifice, but the blood with which the whole world is cleansed is itself sent to these villages, where it is used to complete the total purification of village, river, fields, men, animals, fruit trees, and so on.\" (Scharer, 1963, p. 65)\r\n\r\n\"When the Watersnake emerges and Mahatala leans down to conduct the sacred service, the total community prepares to take part in the sacred ceremonies and to celebrate in common. The words 'total community' here require some explanation. We may take it for granted that formerly the whole tribe gathered for the great religious/cosmic [138] ceremonies - or, more probably, that it took part in the persons of its most important representatives - for the feast served to renew the world. The world (kalunen) means the area inhabited by the entire tribe, and at the same time mankind, i.e. likewise the whole tribe. Kalunen means the tribal area as well as the tribe. The tribe was divided into two halves which were associated respectively with the Upperworld and the Underworld. These moieties also bore the names of the two rnanifestations of the supreme deities, viz. tambon, Watersnake, and bungai, Hornbill. This tribal organisation has long disintegrated. Only neighbouring villages take part in sacred ceremonies today. They make their appearance as two ri\u00b7tual groups called tambon (Watersrmke) and bungai (Hombill). They act as a unity, and in their common aotivity they are called tambon haruei bungai, watersnakes\r\nwhich are simultaneously hornbills ... It is reasonable\r\nto suppose that they represent the social, religious aJOd cosmic whole, and that they appear as the total godhead whose name they bear and whose emblems (sacred spear and cloth) they bring for the performance of the sacred service. There is also good reason to believe that these ritual groups represent the whole society and assume the former funations of the entire tribe, for in the priestly chants it is not only neighbouring villages which are summoned to take part in the feast, but the invitation is extended to the whole of the former tribal area ... In reality, however, only the neighbouring villages come.\r\n\r\n\"Before the sacred service begins, the elder charged with the organisation and conduct of the ceremony calls the people of the neighbouring villages to take part. They set out in richly decorated boats, flags flying. Gifts intended as comri'butions to the feast (rice, beer, coconuts, sacred jars, gongs, sacrificial animals and posts, and formerly slaves for sacrifice as well) are sent in separate boats ... [139] ... The delivery of these presents and their presentation are carried out in a ritual fashion ... If a religious/cosmic feast is held later in\r\nthe village of the guests, then the members of the village which they now visit are obliged to take part in it and to bring the same gifts. There is thus a periodic reciprocal exchange of goods. The guests do not come alone, but bring their divine ancestors and their dead with them. Some of the participants wear masks. These represent the ancestors and the dead ... The whole community of the living and the dead thus takes part in the sacred service, and animals and plants also appear in the shape of masks.\" (Scharer, 1963, pp 137-138). \r\n\r\nHowever, according to Miles (1970), ceremonies were held at the household level only, though they were believed to benefit the whole village. Nothing is said about representatives from neighbouring villages being invited. Also, Miles says nothing about judges, though does refer to 'fines' and 'punishments'. \r\n\r\n\"The ceremonial unit and the local group are coterminous. Every ritual enforces a sense of community on otherwise self-sufficient households and overrides differences between them.\" (Miles, 1970. p. 317)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9972, "valueset_pk": 9972, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9972, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ngaju-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 84, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 84, "glottocode": "ngaj1237", "ethonyms": "Dayak; Dayak Ngaju; Ngadju; Ngaju Dayak", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Dayak", "Dayak Ngaju", "Ngadju", "Ngaju Dayak"]}, "id": "ngaju", "name": "Ngaju", "description": "Ngaju (meaning 'upstream') is the name given to a group of linguistically and culturally similar peoples inhabiting the upper reaches of several south-flowing rivers in the south of Borneo. In the past they, along with several other peoples of Borneo, were often known as 'Dayaks'. The indigenous Ngaju religion involved a sky god, Hatalla, and an earth goddess, Jata. According to the missionary and anthropologist Hans Scharer, these two gods were manifestations of one supreme 'godhead'. Although most Ngaju have converted to Christianity, the traditional religion survives to an extent in the form of the syncretic religion Kaharingan.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.7, "longitude": 114.0}, "name": "Ngaju"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [114.0, -1.7]}, "id": "ngaju"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18490", "name": "2", "description": "Brief description of Kalinga religion: Barton (1949, pp. 17-28)\r\n\r\n'Social organization' (Dozier, 1966, pp. 53-126)\r\n\r\n'Religion' (Dozier, 1966, pp. 159-196)\r\n\r\nThe only religious specialists mentioned in the sources are 'mediums' or 'priest(esse)s' (mang-alisig, mangdada-wak, mang-anito). Mediums appear to have had a degree of authority in that they were clearly distinguished from the rest of the population and were apparently the only ones who could 'officiate' at certain rituals. \r\n\r\n\u201cThe priesthood is almost entirely in the hands of women. Entry into it is always in answer to \u2018call\u2019 and is, in a sense, compulsory; the woman begins to sleep badly, has many dreams, grows thin, lacks appetite, believed that her soul has married an anitu and that she can extricate herself from the condition only by becoming a priestess (mana-alisig) \u2026 She is said to be taught the rituals by the gods themselves, not by the older priestesses. But, of course, she has been watching and hearing these since she was a little girl and wondering whether fate would call her to be a priestess when she grew older \u2026 About one out of fifty women are priestesses. For their officiations they receive the lower jaw and jowls of the pig and half of the liver, or if they have plenty of meat at home already, fifteen bundles of rice, a ganta of mangos, or a peso or two. They never ask for a fee.\r\n\r\n\u201cMen are much more rarely priests, but there are a few, and some of them have great renown. Priests formerly concerned themselves mainly with head-hunting rites, but, now that there is little or no use for these, there is little use for priests, except the few exceptional ones who undertake to cure sickness.\u201d (Barton, 1949, p. 24)\r\n\r\n\"The only professional position for men or women among the mountain peoples is that of the medium, mang-alising (Lubuagan), mandadawak, mang-anito (northern Kalinga). This position is nowhere a fulltime occupation nor are there organizations of mediums with graded or specialized functions except incipiently among the Ifugao ... We have already noted that religious practitioners are men among the Bontoc and Ifugao, whereas among the Tinguian, Kalinga and Apayao (Isnegs) they are women ... [174] ... The profession of a medium is not closed to men among the northern groups, but these peoples feel that such positions are properly for women. Among the Kalinga, mediums are perhaps accorded the least distinction anywhere in the Mountain Province. Men frequently refer to them deprecatingly as 'quack doctors,' and informants are inclined to mask their importance, yet will seek their services in times of illness and death ... A Kalinga medium wears a turban, bayobong, made out of barkcloth and during the performance of a ceremony she carries a Chinese plate which she rings with a bamboo stick as she chants. Other common items which form a characteritic part of the medium's ritual paraphernalia are the following: headaxe, coconut shells, tools such as grub hoe and bolo, various types of ferns and hibiscus flowers ... While not all the items in each medium's ritual collection are the same, some, such as the barkcloth turban, the Chinese plate with bamboo stick, and the basket which contains these items are standard. A medium sacrifices a chicken in most rites but for the major ones, for example, those involving serious illnesses and funeral rites, the sacrificial victim is one or more pigs ... [175] ... The Kalinga medium has no set fee for her services. As payment, she may receive the choicest part of the meat of the sacrificial victims, beads, money, clothes, or tools such as a headaxe, knife, or grub hoe. Such payment is never high and personal profit appears to have no part in the Kalina medium's dedicated service ... The activities of the Kalinga mediums are similar to classic shamanistic performances the world over ... [178] ... A medium and her helpers usually perform their rites at night, but the preparations and the feast that are part of the curing ceremony ordinarily start in the the afternoon of one day and go on to about mid-morning of the next day.\r\n\r\n\"In public or semi-public ritual, mediums do not restrict themselves to the immediate purposes of the ceremony. They are also entertainers. They may dance, sing (besides the chants), or admonish people about proper behaviour ... The ceremonies in which mediums perform are not solemn occasions; there is much joking among the spectators, and the mediums themselves are often engaged in conversation and in humorous bantering.\" (Dozier, 1966, pp. 173-178)\r\n\r\nWhether they exercised authority over a defined 'group' is less clear. Dozier claims that a medium was 'obligated to answer a request for her services regardless of when or by whom she is asked' (Dozier, 1966, p. 175). However, it seems likely that this obligation only applied to people living in the same region, since Dozier elsewhere describes a strong sentiment that 'people from other regions, whether Kalinga or not, are not to be trusted, and that one has no responsibility towards them' (Dozier, 1966, p. 53).  \r\n\r\nMediums are described as officiating at the village-level sagang ceremony, which is the largest-scale ceremony described in the sources. Hence mediums as a group could be said to have had religious authority over the village, to the extent that only a medium was able to perform this ceremony:\r\n\r\n \"There are no community welfare ceremonies like the Begnas ceremony of Sagada ... at present among the Kalinga, although the earlier headhunting ceremony, sagang, appears to have been such an event.\" (Dozier, 1966, p. 186)\r\n\r\n\"The returning headhunters proceeded to the village from which the leader had come or from which most of the party had been drawn. Here excitement and shouts of joy greeted the warriors, and the potol, or evidence of the kill, was examined. Preparations for rituals and festivities began at once ... The medium and her helpers ... performed the sagang ceremony. The chants of this ceremony were no longer remembered by my infromants, but the medium was said to petition sangasang, the guardian of the village, to bestow long life on the warriors.\" (Dozier, 1966, p. 200)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9977, "valueset_pk": 9977, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9977, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kalinga-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 55, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 55, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Calinga; Kalingga; Kinalinga", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Calinga", "Kalingga", "Kinalinga"]}, "id": "kalinga", "name": "Kalinga", "description": "The Kalinga are one of several large, historically non-Christian groups living in the mountains of northern Luzon. They are grouped together on the grounds of cultural and linguistic similarity rather than common identity - according to Lawless (1993), 'Kalinga' was originally an exonym meaning \"enemy\". The principal source on this culture (Dozier, 1966) focuses on the Northern Kalinga, who were less acculturated than the Southern Kalinga at this time.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 17.5, "longitude": 121.3}, "name": "Kalinga"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.3, 17.5]}, "id": "kalinga"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17647", "name": "2", "description": "Settlement pattern:\r\n\r\n\"Dwellings are distributed in a somewhat ragged line along the island's southern shoreline. The closest the Anutans have to a term for 'village' is noporanga, which literally means 'dwelling place.' Villages are not demarcated by any physical boundary.\" (Feinberg, 1991, pp. 13-14)\r\n\r\nReligious role of chiefs:\r\n\r\n\"Traditionally, chiefs also were high priests. Assisted by 'ritual elders' known as mataapure, they performed sacred kava rites to keep the gods favorably disposed.\" (Feinberg, 1991, p 15)\r\n\r\n(Coded uncertain because either the noporanga or the island could be considered the 'local community'. I opted for the former based on the very small size of the island and the fact that settlement appears to have been continuous.)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9979, "valueset_pk": 9979, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9979, "jsondata": {}, "id": "anuta-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 104, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 104, "glottocode": "anut1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "anuta", "name": "Anuta", "description": "Anuta is one of the islands traditionally known as the 'Polynesian Outliers'. Now politically part of the Solomon Islands, it is noteworthy for being one of the smallest inhabited islands in the Pacific. Its people constitute a single ethnolinguistic group.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -11.6, "longitude": 169.8}, "name": "Anuta"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [169.8, -11.6]}, "id": "anuta"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "20606", "name": "2", "description": "\"In times of peace, family-based settlements of a few houses, sometimes set around a plaza or public place, were dispersed across the land, a pattern that may have [340] developed to protect the food supply from raiders. When war threatened, however, the islanders commonly clustered their houses into villages for mutual protection and rapid mobilization against enemy attacks ... The principal kin group and basic economic and residential unit was a first-order ramage known as the haanau, a patrilineal extended family of up to four generations of agnates. The chief's haanau into which Lamont was adopted comprised about fifteen people and occupied a single settlement of three sleeping houses and a common cook house ... Sets of\r\nhaanau tracing descent from a common ancestor and inhabiting\r\npart or all of an islet were united into a second-order ramage that may have been called the huaanga ... It is unclear whether the basic domestic unit was the haanau-the patrilineal extended family-or a subsection of it. To judge by the communal cook house in Lamont's settlement, though, it was the haanau ... The huaanga was the basic political unit, its members united under an ariki or 'chief and attending the same marae (ritual place); there were about thirteen huaanga in 1853, averaging about 150 members each. The relationships among huaanga were marked by varying degrees of mutual suspicion and hostility, dominance and submission. Groups of four or five adjacent huaanga were united [341] by kinship, realpolitik, or conquest into one of three largely endogamous hititangata, which acted primarily as war confederacies ... Although ariki had some ritual authority-imposing taboos and performing rituals to incorporate strangers, for example-their influence rested largely on control of property and networks of kin and allies ... They\r\nacted as spokespersons, managers of communal work, arbitrators in serious disputes, and war officials ... Although ariki performed certain ritual functions, the principal practitioners were the taura. Invested at, and associated with, specific marae, they acted as mediums for the gods and ancestral spirits, invoking them for assistance in sickness, war, and other troubles. Taura could travel through enemy territory with impunity, and their 'spirit houses' were places of refuge; some taura seem to have possessed secular influence to rival that of the more powerful arikis.\" (Roscoe, 1991, pp. 339-341)\r\n\r\n\u201cTaking these comments, together with descriptions of actual encounters, into consideration, it is evidence that the huaanga were united at one level into three higher-order ramages \u2026 Since the vernacular term for these ramages is unrecorded, I will refer to them as hititangata \u2013 a word meaning \u2018clan,\u2019 \u2018tribe,\u2019 \u2018following,\u2019 or \u2018people,\u2019 which is applied to a larger or more inclusive group than the huaanga \u2026 In geographical terms, each hititangata comprised a number of contiguous huaanga, thereby dividing the atoll into three segments \u2026 The only time that the hititangata acted as a group \u2026 was when it was mobilized for warfare. In this event, military leadership was determined by (or was in the idiom of) genealogical seniority.\u201d (Campbell, 1985, pp 73-74)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9982, "valueset_pk": 9982, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9982, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tongareva-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 125, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 125, "glottocode": "penr1237", "ethonyms": "Tongarevan", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tongarevan"]}, "id": "tongareva", "name": "Tongareva", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.0, "longitude": -158.0}, "name": "Tongareva"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [202.0, -9.0]}, "id": "tongareva"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17644", "name": "2", "description": "Both of the following suggest that religious authority was confined to the village, and that the largest ceremonies involved the village:\r\n\r\n\"Secular power in Ami villages appears everywhere to have been traditionally in the hands of men\u2019s age-grades ... [121] ... In addition to the age-grade systems, descriptions of Tavarong village society mention what amount to class differences based in traditional, kin-based, ritual prerogatives. According to S.M. Juen (1958), the Tavarong kakitaan lineages constitute a kind of hereditary nobility; as direct descendents of the legendary ancestor-founders, they \u2018own\u2019 the village lands and the ancestor house (kakitaan) where they perform rituals for the village welfare. The remainder of the population \u2013 laity or \u2018civilians\u2019 \u2013 is largely landless and in a sense tenants of the kakitaan lineages. Certain of the higher civilian grades may, however, administer certain lands and ritually serve the kakitaan. These \u2018higher civilians\u2019 appear to correspond to Chen and Coe\u2019s (1954) \u2018chiefs\u2019 (saparangau), intermediaries between the laity and the kakitaan priests. According to Liu et al. (1965: 183-86), these class differences are marked by differences in house style and decoration, e.g. only the kakitaan ancestor houses may carry carved human and animal figures on the main posts.\" (Lebar, 1975, pp 120-121)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9983, "valueset_pk": 9983, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9983, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ami-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 22, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 22, "glottocode": "amis1246", "ethonyms": "Amis", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Amis"]}, "id": "ami", "name": "Ami", "description": "The Ami or Amis are the largest Taiwanese aboriginal ethnic group. Their homeland is in the east of the island, between the Taitung rift valley and the Pacific Ocean. Unlike most other Taiwanese aborigines, the Ami have a myth describing their migration from overseas.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 23.4, "longitude": 121.4}, "name": "Ami"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.4, 23.4]}, "id": "ami"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18823", "name": "2", "description": "'Old stories and new' (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 26-48)\r\n\r\n'Birth and position: (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 184-214)\r\n\r\n'Visible authority and invisible powers' (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 215-288)\r\n\r\nThe Mekeo were divided into two territorial 'tribes', Pioufa and Ve'e. Ve'e was divided into two geographical divisions, Northern and Southern. Each tribe was divided into segmentary patrilineal descent groups. In the past there may have been two moieties (ngopu) within each tribe, but at the time of Hau'ofa's fieldwork this unit appears to have been recognised only among the Northern Ve'e. Descent groups of a lower order than the ngopu were called ikupu, a name given to dispersed clans, as well as to 'subclans' or localised branches of these clans. Villages were called pangua, and at least some of them consisted of 'wards' that were also called pangua:\r\n\r\n\u201cMekeo includes two tribes, Pioufa and Ve\u2019e. The latter is divided into two territorial units, Northern and Southern Ve'e, separated by the intervening territory of the Pioufa ... Seligmann (1910:327) wrote that each of the two tribes includes two ngopu groups. A ngopu consists of a number of pangua or clans claiming common patrilineal descent ... 'Each village consists of portions of a varying number of pangua (clans or local groups), representatives of each of which are found in few or many villages according to the strength and amount of dispersion of particular clans\u2019 (Seligmann 1910:312). Within the localised branch of a clan are units called ikupu or 'family groups', branches of the pangua ... Most of my informants from the Pioufa tribe expressed complete ignorance of what a ngopu is, a clear indication of the fact that this tribal unit is no longer of significance among the Pioufa. The few, mostly elderly men, who know the term gave conflicting answers ... Among the Northern Ve\u2019e there is no doubt that the ngopu as defined by Seligmann still exists and operates most conspicuously on ceremonial occasions ... [30] ... Of more relevance to the present chapter are Seligmann\u2019s statements that pangua refers to clans, and ikupu to 'family groups' or lineages within the localised branches of clans. The word pangua, as used by the people today, has only territorial connotations, and certainly does not apply to a social unit as such. Whether it ever meant 'clan' is a moot point; I am inclined to think that it did not. Mekeo use the term variously to mean a 'village', a 'settlement', a 'residential section' or 'ward' within a village, or even a 'country' ... When people refer to clans and localised subclans they use the word ikupu ... [31] ... Lineages or \u2018family\r\ngroups\u2019 (in Seligmann\u2019s usage) of a local branch of a clan are not necessarily referred to by the term ikupu\u2014as Seligmann asserted \u2014unless they have attained a certain degree of autonomy from the parent group ... In the remainder of this study 1 shall use the word pangua to mean 'village' or 'ward', and ikupu to refer to dispersed clans as well as to localised subclans (cf. Humphries 1923:223).\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 27-31)\r\n\r\nEach ward appears to have been associated with a 'founding subclan' who retained political dominance, but often included 'affiliated' subclans: \r\n\r\n\"The village comprises five named pangua or wards: Ongofo\u2019ina,\r\nInaufokoa, Inau\u2019i, Fopafo\u2019ina and Aloaivea, each deriving its name from its founding ikupu or subclan.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 34)\r\n\r\n\"These five subclans formed the nuclei of the five village wards. As the settlement grew, internal disputes precipitated the emigration of whole sections or smaller groups to other villages ... Those who left were replaced by other groups who had either been similarly pushed out from their own villages or had been in the area when the Pioufa first arrived. This is the explanation given by the villagers for the fact that all the wards of Beipa\u2019a, with the single exception of Inaufokoa, are composed of more than one subclan (Table 2).\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 36)\r\n\r\n\"The founding and dominant subclans of the village wards insist that their forefathers emigrated from the ancestral settlements of Isoisovapu and Isoisovina. This is true of most if not all Mekeo villages. The affiliated subclans, on the other hand, are mostly of non-Mekeo origin. It is probable that the migrants from the ancestral villages moved into the region between the Angabunga and Inawafunga Rivers and subjugated the small groups of people who were already there. This would explain in part the present dominant positions of the founding subclans and their chiefs over the affiliated subclans and their leaders.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 39)\r\n\r\nThe largest group that had the potential to act as a unit was clearly the tribe. Pioufa functioned as a military alliance, but neither Ve'e nor either of its subgroups appears to have any unity. According to Hau'ofa, Pioufa lacked any 'formal tribal-wide organisation besides that of the military', which appears to have been a loose network rather than a hierarchical command structure. However, Hau'ofa also describes Pioufa as having had a 'most senior chief' (who may have received tribute), a 'principal python magician', and a 'head war magician': \r\n\r\n\"In the face of intertribal warfare, the long stability of the three main Pioufa villages was probably due to a large extent to their central locations, protected from outsiders by a ring of four small peripheral villages, Amoamo, Oriropetana, Inawae and Afa'i  ... Old men in these small villages said that in the precolonial past, when Pioufa was a more unified tribe, the peripheral villages acted as frontline outposts defending the main body of the tribe, three quarters of which lived in the three central villages ... Whether or not there was a deliberate, overall tribal defence plan in the location of its villages, the strategic location of the peripheral settlements are in themselves very significant ... [43] ... The position of the peripheral Pioufa villages was far from that of subservience to the central ones. The latter were dependent on them for their security and stability so could not afford to antagonise [44] them lest they emigrate elsewhere. The military interdependence between the peripheral and the central Pioufa villages was that facilitated by their proximity to each other ... Another factor which probably helped in maintaining an equitable balance between the central and the peripheral villages was that each of the small villages - except Afa'i about which I had no information - had mystical powers (or in one case, ceremonial position) superior to those of the central villages. The main chief of Oriropetana was, and still is, the most senior chief of all Pioufa. The present chief of that village once told me that in the past his forefathers received food tributes from distributions at feasts held in the villages of the entire tribe. Inawae had the third most senior sorcery lineage in the whole of Mekeo (the most senior sorcerers were from Bebeo, a small 'outpost' of Northern Ve'e). In Amoamo village lived the principal python magician in Pioufa ...  Although warfare was chronic, it is not the case that every tribe fought every other tribe all the time ... The wars fought by Mekeo at the onset of the colonial period were those among the Southern Ve'e villages themselves (BNG 1891-2:17) and between Amoamo and [the Northern Ve'e village of] Rarai ... [45] ... The forcible cessation of tribal warfare necessarily undermined the military authority, and although military leadership still survives it exists largely in a ceremonial sense. Furthermore, the cessation of warfare and threats of war removed the institution which provided the only formal organization for the whole Pioufa tribe, that is, the major military ceremonies and feasts. Apart from its territorial significance, the political importance of the tribe in the precolonial past lay in its military value: it was the largest territorial grouping for military co-operation and also the largest unit within which warfare was not supposed to be waged. There was no formal tribal-wide organisation besides that of the military. The largest group over which a Mekeo civilian chief had, and still has, primary authority is the ward. The military ceremonies involved large feasts which were for all the war chiefs of the tribe. These ceremonies maintained ties and obligations to be exploited when a group waging war needed assistance from others. The main civilian ceremonies, on the other hand, involved only a limited number of groups which constitute feasting and ceremonial dyads known as ufuapie ... With the abolition of warfare, military ceremonies ceased and with them the only tribal-wide ceremonial ties disappeared. The last military ceremony to be held in Beipa'a was in 1921 with the death of Foisau Aisama'a, the head [46] war magician of all Pioufa.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 42-46) \r\n\r\nMekeo supernatural beliefs centred on isapu, something like 'magical power':\r\n\r\n\u201cUnderlying all positions of authority and all important activities in Mekeo society is the phenomenon of power, isapu, and the knowledge and skill in applying it to nature and to man. Isapu, which literally means \u2018heat\u2019, is ritual and magical in character. No activity of any significance can be successful without the knowledge and practice of the particular power associated with it.\u201d (Hau\u2019ofa, 1981, p. 215)\r\n\r\nHarmful forms of isapu were believed to be more powerful than beneficent ones, making practitioners of black magic particularly important. There were four principal leadership offices in Mekeo society: 'civilian chief', 'sorcerer', 'war chief', and 'war magician'. Civilian chiefs and war chiefs were considered 'good' and hence were not able to use malevolent magic legitimately, unlike sorcerers and war magicians, who were considered 'bad'. The 'sorcerer' is described as the civilian chief's 'policeman and bodyguard' and as being unable to act legitimately without the chief's permission. This must also have been true of the war magician, since the sorcerer is described as being 'to the civilian chief as the war magician is to the war chief':\r\n\r\n\u201cIt follows from this that the traditional leadership offices of war chiefs, war magicians, civilian chiefs, and sorcerers, are offices with powers stronger than those of ordinary people. We have seen that through the seniority system eldest sons (and thus hereditary leaders) inherit, as a rule, the most important magical powers of their fathers. I return to this point below.\u201d (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 216)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe division between the civilian and military leadership, as we have seen, is perceived in moral terms as being that of separating powers which are predominantly bad and powers which are essentially good. But true to the logic of the two-sided moral evaluation of things, the military is also good, and the civilian is also bad. This moral ambivalence is evidence in a further subdivision within each of the two fields of leadership. These subdivisions may be seen as attempts to resolve the ambivalence by separating further still the good and the bad powers. In the military sphere, the war chief represents the relatively good and less dangerous powers; he operates in the open as the leader of war parties and conducted of public ceremonies and rituals related to warfare. The war magician represents the bad aspects; he operates in secrecy in the darkness of night, and is in possession of the most dangerous powers associated with warfare ... In the civilian sphere, the good is projected onto the office and person of the civilian chief, and the bad and dangerous are personified by the sorcerer, who is the power behind the chief and is the chief\u2019s execu- [218] tioner. The sorcerer is to the civilian chief as the war magician is to the war chief.\r\n\r\n\u201cThis introduces us to another important consideration of isapu. There are different kinds of isapu with varying degrees of potency ranging from the ordinary and universally distributed to the most potent and exclusive. Intrinsic to the potency of powers is the degree of danger associated with them, so that the most potent are also the most dangerous, fearsome and evil. War magic and sorcery are the most potent powers of all, so it is not surprising that they are parts of the military and the civilian orders of leadership. Traditional authority in Mekeo rests on mystical powers of the most dangerous kinds, and succession to hereditary offices of leadership is, in the final analysis, accession to positions of isapu.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 217-218)\r\n\r\n\u201cIn replying to questions about the structure of civilian leadership, Mekeo willingly make statements in accordance with the ideals they hold. They tell the inquirer that chiefs are backed by sorcerers. \u2018The lopia stands in front and the ungaunga is always behind him.\u2019 The sorcerer, they say, is the chief\u2019s policeman and bodyguard. When someone becomes a nuisance or a public menace, the chief instructs his sorcerer to discipline or to kill him. The sorcerer does not attack anyone unless instructed or permitted by the chief.\u201d (Hau'ofa, 1981, p. 250)\r\n\r\nThe office of 'civilian chief' (lopia fa'a) was primarily limited to the 'subclan', though most villages recognized one civilian chief as the village chief in at least a ceremonial capacity:\r\n\r\n\"Since Seligmann\u2019s description of Mekeo chieftainship is based on information collected in the early years of encounter with Europeans, I shall use a brief summary of it as the basis of my analysis. Seligmann (1910:342-8) stated that each subclan has or should have two leaders: a high chief, lopia fa\u2019a, and a war chief, iso lopia, with the former ranking higher in authority than the latter. Many subclans are divided into two sections, fa \u2019aniau and eke'i, the headmen of the latter being officially called lopia eke'i. Seligmann offers no English translation for lopia eke'i who, he said, are henchmen and assistants of their superiors, the high chiefs ... As a rule high chiefs do not take active part in warfare unless their [185] villages are subjected to surprise nocturnal attacks. In ordinary fights they can stop hostilities by parading unarmed between the combatant lines shaking lime from their gourds ... The responsibility for all matters related to warfare rests on war chiefs who can have their own ufu [hall] for the performance of the functions pertaining to their office ... With the exception of Beipa\u2019a, Aipiana and Rarai, each village in Pioufa and Northern Ve\u2019e has a senior chief who is considered the head chief of the village. These are chiefs of subclans which founded their respective villages. The pre-eminence of the head chief of a village is largely ceremonial and symbolic, although a strong and resourceful head chief, like Vitolo Mainonga of Imounga, can use his position to become effectively dominant over the whole village (cf. MacGregor in BNG 1889-90:80; Stephen 1974). A senior chief\u2019s primary authority, however, is largely confined to his subclan or ward.\" (Hau\u2019ofa, 1981, pp. 184-185)\r\n\r\n\"The distinction made by Seligmann between the \u2018high chief\u2019 and the \u2018war chief\u2019 needs clarification. Properly speaking, the more basic distinction is that between pangua lopianga, \u2018chieftainship of the village\u2019, and iso lopianga, \u2018chieftainship of the spear\u2019. This distinction refers to the fundamental division of authority in Mekeo society between the civilian and the military. In a fully grown subclan, the civilian chieftainship is divided between the lopia fa\u2019a(niau) and the lopia eke (plural lopia eke\u2019i). We have seen in Chapter 4 that the terms [185] fa \u2019aniau and eke mean \u2018senior\u2019 and \u2018junior\u2019 respectively. Henceforth, I shall use the terms \u2018senior chiefs\u2019 and \u2018junior chiefs\u2019 in reference to the holders of the top civilian offices. Seligmann\u2019s use of the term \u2018high chief\u2019 is correct in so far as it indicates the higher ranking and authority of the senior over junior and war chiefs.\" (Hau'ofa, 1981, pp. 185-186)\r\n\r\nThe ngopu does not appear to have had a single chief, but the subclans that made up a ngopu among the Northern Ve'e were to some extent subject to the authority of the 'chiefs of the senior branches of the ngopu':\r\n\r\n\"In late 1972 I went to a feast in the Northern Ve'e village of Imounga in which the whole population of the village was divided into two groups: those who had assisted the feast-giving subclan and those who arrayed themselves with the official guests. [30] Representatives of clans of other Northern Ve'e villages attended the feast and aligned themselves with one or the other group on the basis of their ngopu affiliations (the two ngopu being Kuapengi and Ngangai). The ngopu affiliations were, with one exception, exactly along the lines documented by Seligmann [sic]. Early in the same year I attended a feast for the installation of a new chief of Ngangai (Northern Ve'e) subclan in the Inawi (Pioufa) village. The feast was attended by the branches of the Ngangai ngopu from Northern Ve'e to oversee the preparations and the installation. The feast-giving chief told me that he could not install his successor without consultation with, and the actual presence of, the chiefs of the senior branches of the ngopu.\" (Hau\u2019ofa, 1981, pp. 27-30)\r\n\r\nAltogether, it seems that the effective authority of any one civilian chief did not go beyond the village, though the authority of groups of chiefs extended to the ngopu in at least one of the major Mekeo subgroups. No 'tribal chiefs' are described, though there is mention of the 'most senior chief of all Pioufa' mentioned on p. 44 had only nominal precedence, and perhaps also a right to tribute. \r\n\r\nSince the civilian chief had authority over the war chief at least in theory, and sorcerers and war magicians were under the authority of civilian chiefs and war chiefs respectively, it seems implausible that either the sorcerer or the war magician could have had a wider sphere of authority than the civilian chief. Given this, mention of a 'head war magician of all Pioufa' (pp. 45-46) is puzzling in this context, but it is possible that this simply referred to the most senior or prestigious war magician in the tribe, rather than there being an office of 'head war magician' who served the entire tribe.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9989, "valueset_pk": 9989, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9989, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mekeo-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 65, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 65, "glottocode": "meke1243", "ethonyms": "Bush Mekeo", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bush Mekeo"]}, "id": "mekeo", "name": "Mekeo", "description": "The Mekeo are an Austronesian-speaking people living on the mainland of New Guinea, not far from the capital Port Moresby. In terms of indigenous supernatural belief and practices, the emphasis in Mekeo culture was on the magical rather than the religious. Ungaunga (sorcerers) played a major role in maintaining social order.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.6, "longitude": 146.6}, "name": "Mekeo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [146.6, -8.6]}, "id": "mekeo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17704", "name": "2", "description": "Bukidnon villages had headmen (called dato) who administered justice. Datos also existed at the level of the \u2018district\u2019 or \u2018region\u2019, though these \u2018head datos\u2019 do not appear to have had much control over the local leaders (the only function they are described as having is judging cases that local datos could not settle). The role of dato was to some extent religious - they were protected by spirits who \u2018aided them in their duties\u2019, and the village datos, at least, are described as having been 'important functionaries in the ceremonies':\r\n\r\n\"The datos claimed the special protection of a group of spirits \u2013 Omal\u00e1gad, Pamah\u00e1ndi, Tomanod, Molin-olin and Ibabas\u00f3 \u2013 who aided them in their duties. The datos were important functionaries in in the ceremonies and were judges in all matters of dispute. If the case was a difficult one, the dato called in the headmen of the region and discussed it with them, and it is said that at times the dispute might go to the head dato. The procedure in a case is described as follows. The evidence was heard and a penalty assessed. Then the culprit and the accuser were directed to take hold of the ends of a piece of rattan, while the dato besought the spirits to watch. Next he directed the accused person to cut through the rattan with a single blow of his bolo (knife). If he failed it was a sign that he still had an evil mind and was unrepentant and deserving of additional punishment. If he succeeded the accuser was directed to cut the rattan. Failure on his part indicated that he was not satisfied with the judgement and ultimately would avenge himself.\r\n\r\n\"When the datos were assured that justice had been done, they directed the two parties to exchange head-cloths as a sign that they agreed with the verdict. This done, the dato took the rattan and holding it in his hands addressed the Magbabaya, gimokod and other spirits, asking them to take notice that the parties had accepted the judgement and invoking their aid in punishing whichever one might break his promises.\" (Cole, 1956, pp 79-80)\r\n\r\nHowever, \u2018most\u2019 religious ritual was performed by the baylans. According to Cole the baylans \u2018do not form a priesthood\u2019, although it is not entirely clear what this means. They are described as \u2018officiating\u2019 at \u2018major events when the spirits are summoned\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"Most traffic with the spirit world is through or with the aid of the baylans - a group of men or women who claim the ability to discover the cause of sickness. They also know how to conduct ceremonies acceptable to the spirits ... The baylans do not form a priesthood, although they are a definite group. Should one of them be visiting in a village where a ceremony is in progress he or she assists as a matter of course.\" (Cole, 1956, p 89)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe baylans must conduct the Kaliga-\u014dn ceremony and they usually officiate at all major events where the spirits are summoned. (However, minor offerings may be made by anyone \u2018who knows how to talk to the spirits\u2019).\u201d (Cole, 1956, p 90)\r\n\r\nThere were multiple baylans in a settlement (Cole, 1956, p 91) but one may have been supreme \u2013 there is mention of the \u2018ranking baylan\u2019 of one settlement (p 93).\r\n\r\nOf the ceremonies described by Cole (1956, pp 99-117), all but one appear to have been performed for individuals or for families. Only one (the pagampo) appears to have been observed at the village level, and this is the only description of a ceremony in which the dato is mentioned at all (all the ceremonies described involve baylans):\r\n\r\n\"PANGAMPO ... This is a community affair when an epidemic, such as smallpox, threatens; or when locusts invade the area or other disasters seem imminent. The headman (dato or presidente) summons all the people to a general meeting. The danger is stated and a day is set when all will assemble, each bearing gifts for the spirits whose help is sought ... All the people of the village gather around while the baylans call first to the gimokod of the dead, then to the Mabgabaya and the Alabyanon and especially to Bulalakau, god of the water.\" (Cole, 1956, p 99)\r\n\r\nThe relationship between the dato and the baylans is not quite clear. \r\n\r\nDescription of traditional Bukidnon religion: Cole (1956, pp 89-117)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9991, "valueset_pk": 9991, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9991, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bukidnon-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 130, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 130, "glottocode": "binu1244", "ethonyms": "Binokid; Binukid; Higaonan; Higaunen", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Binokid", "Binukid", "Higaonan", "Higaunen"]}, "id": "bukidnon", "name": "Bukidnon", "description": "'Bukidnon' was originally an exonym meaning 'mountain people' in Cebuano, but it was subsequently adopted by one of the mountain peoples of Mindanao to refer to themselves. Until the late nineteenth century, when they were converted to Christianity, the Bukidnon worshipped a range of supernaturals including ancestral spirits, nature spirits, and a high god.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 8.2, "longitude": 125.0}, "name": "Bukidnon"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [125.0, 8.2]}, "id": "bukidnon"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17694", "name": "2", "description": "'Religion' (Jenks, 1905, pp. 196-215)\r\n\r\nPriesthood:\r\n\r\n\"That the belief in spirits is the basis of Igorot religion is shown in the fact that each person or each household has the necessary power and knowledge to intercede with the anito. No class of persons has been differentiated for this function, excepting the limited one of the dream-appointed insupak or anito exorcists.\r\n\r\n\"That belief in a supreme being is a later development than the belief in spirits is clear when the fact is known that a differentiated class of persons has arisen whose duty it is to intercede with Lumawig for the people as a whole.\r\n\r\n\"This religious intercessor has few of the earmarks of a priest. He teaches no morals or ethics, no idea of future rewards or punishments, and he is not an idle, nonproductive member of the group. He usually receives for the consumption of his family the food employed in the ceremonies to Lumawig, but this would not sustain the family one week in the fifty-two. The term \u2018priesthood\u2019 is applied to these people for lack of a better one, and because its use is sufficiently accurate to serve the present purpose.\r\n\r\n\"There are three classes of persons who stand between the people and Lumawig, and to-day all hold an hereditary office. The first class is called \u2018Wa-k\u00fc\u2032,\u2019 of which there are three men, namely, Fug-ku-so\u2032, of ato Somowan, Fang-u-wa\u2032, of ato Lowingan, and Cho-I\u00fbg\u2032, of ato Sigichan. The function of these men is to decide and announce the time of all rest days and ceremonials for the pueblo. These Wa-k\u00fc\u2032 inform the old men of each ato, and they in turn announce the days to the ato \u2026 The title of the second class of intercessors is \u2018Pa\u2032-tay,\u2019 of whom there are two in Bontoc\u2014Kad-lo\u2032-san, of ato Somowan, and Fi\u2032-I\u00fbg, of ato Longfoy. \r\n\r\n[206] \"The Pa\u2032-tay illustrate the nature of the titles borne by all the intercessors. The title is the same as the name of the ceremony or one of the ceremonies which the person performs.\r\nOnce every new moon each Pa\u2032-tay performs the pa\u2032-tay ceremony in the sacred grove near the pueblo. This ceremony is for the general well-being of the pueblo.\r\n\r\n\"The third class of intercessors has duties of a two-fold nature. One is to allay the rain and wind storms, called \u2018baguios,\u2019 and to drive away the cold; and the other is to petition for conditions favorable to crops. There are seven of these men, and each has a distinct title. All are apparently of equal importance to the group.\" (Jenks, 1905, pp. 205-206)\r\n\r\nSettlement pattern:\r\n\r\n\"Bontoc and Samoki pueblos, in all essentials typical of pueblos in the Bontoc area, lie in the mountains in a roughly circular pocket called Pa-pas\u2019-kan \u2026 Bontoc lies compactly built on a sloping piece of ground, roughly about half a mile square \u2026 [49] \u2026 Bontoc is composed of seventeen political divisions, called \u2018a\u2019-to\u2019 \u2026 Each a\u2019-to is a separate political division \u2026 The pueblo must be studied entirely through the a\u2019-to. It is only [50] an aggregate of which the various a\u2019-to are the units, and all the pueblo life there is is due to the similarity of interests of the several a\u2019-to.\" (Jenks, 1905, pp. 48-50)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9995, "valueset_pk": 9995, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9995, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bontok-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 89, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 89, "glottocode": "cent2292", "ethonyms": "Bontoc Igorot", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bontoc Igorot"]}, "id": "bontok", "name": "Bontok", "description": "The Bontok (also known as Bontoc Igorots) live in and around the town of Bontoc in the Cordillera of Luzon, and speak several closely related languages. Historically they lived in large villages or towns (often called 'pueblos') and cultivated rice using a sophisticated system of terraces.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 17.1, "longitude": 121.1}, "name": "Bontok"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.1, 17.1]}, "id": "bontok"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17716", "name": "2", "description": "Description of Choiseulese religion: Scheffler (1965, pp 240-253). Scheffler describes two figures as having religious roles within a given sinangge (descent group) \u2013 the batu (\u2018manager\u2019 of a descent group) and the \u2018keeper of the bangara\u2019. The religious role of the batu was as a mediator between a group and its ancestral spirits (manuru), particularly those of his deceased predecessors: \r\n\r\n\"Any man having ancestors residing at a particular shrine could go there and make small offerings of food and prayers to the manuru [ancestral spirits] of that place \u2026 The deceased batu [managers] were by far the most important ancestors, and the person with the most immediate and continuing interest in them was the living batu. He derived much of his power in the form of mana from them, and the more powerful they were in life the more mana they could confer as ancestors. They favoured their own descendants, especially lineal ones, but they would confer mana upon \u2018anyone who was good for the group\u2019 too \u2026 The recognition of the living manager, especially if he were a batu ununa pua [\u2018true batu\u2019, i.e. one with genealogical qualifications] rather than a batu sokele [one without genealogical qualifications], was sustained by the presentation of first-fruits, and this presentation was sanctioned by his relation to the ancestors of the land. These had to be presented to the manager or the ancestral ghosts of the group would not sustain the productivity of the land. Upon receipt of the first-fruits the manager made an offering to the ancestors and asked them to \u2018bless\u2019 the garden concerned.\"(Scheffler, 1965, pp 250-251)\r\n\r\nBangara were beings who were not ancestors and were not believed to have been human. The role of \u2018keeper of the bangara\u2019 carried no secular power in itself, but was often occupied by the batu:\r\n\r\n\"Ideally, each descent group maintained at least one bangara, and some maintained several, each belonging to a branch even though this branch might not have been separate in other ways. Each branch in the latter instance 'fed' or gave sacrifices to its own bangara. But not just anyone could do this; feeding the bangara was the responsibility of only one man who 'cared' for it, and that man was not necessarily the batu. As bangara proved themselves more or less powerful, they were said to care for the whole descent group, and requests could be made by other branches for the keeper to ask the bangara for assistance \u2026 Each bangara had a \u2018sacred place\u2019 and usually some representation of the bangara was kept there. The place itself was in the bush away from settlements and paths, and was strictly out of bounds to all but the keeper of the bangara \u2026 [245] \u2026 It was the duty of the keeper to feed the bangara regularly and also to make it offerings of ziku (shell rings) or miniature imitations of them. At the same time he asked the bangara to give his group good fortune in the form of health, wealth, and success in all endeavours, enumerating them at length \u2026 [246] \u2026 None of my information indicates that the keeper of the bangara played more than a sacred or religious role. The keeper merely acted as the group's representative vis-a-vis the dangerous person of the bangara, and this role conferred upon him a degree of respect but no further formal powers. Anyone who could speak to bangara and manuru could occupy such a position, and though the keeper's son was the most eligible successor he could be succeeded by any member of the group. Managers sometimes 'kept' bangara, and some managers were thought to derive much power from particular ones, but a manager could be strong even without a bangara.\" (Scheffler, 1965, pp. 244-246)\r\n\r\nBangara and manuru appear to have been of similar importance in Choiseulese religion, though the former were believed to be stronger:\r\n\r\n\"Mana was given by the gods (bangara) and spirits or ghosts of the dead (manuru) to those persons who regularly observed all restricts and customs and who fed the gods and ghosts at the proper times \u2026 [243] \u2026 Bangara were more powerful, \u2018stronger\u2019, than the manuru. They were also considerably less numerous and of greater strategic significance in intergroup relationships. One indication of their greater strength, and an acknowledgement of it, was that they received the first offerings of the smoked nuts ready for storage at the end of the nutting season. Offerings were made at all shrines at that time, but the bangara got the first and largest share.\" (Scheffer, 1965, p 242)\r\n\r\nBangara and manuru cults do not appear to have gone beyond the local level:\r\n\r\nThe establishment of separate bangara and ancestor shrines probably followed the establishment of separate residence and these were stages in the development of separate political identity. (Scheffler, 1965, p 252)\r\n\r\nThe \u2018keeper of the bangara\u2019 appears to have been an office in that it was a clearly defined position (one for every descent group or descent group branch) with clear rights and duties (\u2018feeding the bangara\u2019). The position of batu does not quite meet the definition of an office (\u2018a standardised set of duties and privileges devolving upon a person in a certain situation\u2019, Hughes, 1937). In theory, authority was vested in the batu unuma pua, whose status was ascribed, but often it was exercised by the batu sokele, who had achieved his status. The former had a right to \u2018deferential treatment\u2019 but not to leadership (though he did have a competitive advantage should he wish to compete for leadership). It is not clear that he had any duties. \r\n\r\n\"Each descent group is said to have a batu, big-man or manager, who is its principal leader. According to the dogmas, managerial status \u2018crosses\u2019 from father to elder son. However, a group may contain several men who are spoken of as batu and still others, adult, able-bodied men, with families, who are called kazigarata. All these men, regardless of their descent statuses have a right to a voice in group affairs, yet some are entitled to a \u2018stronger\u2019 voice than others \u2026[180] ... The man who meets the genealogical qualifications of primogeniture and agnatic status is known as the 'true batu' or the batu 'who originates in the land' (batu ununua pua). Others are batu sokele, with the implication that they are \u2018almost but not quite\u2019 true batu. Thus batu implies not only formal qualifications but also behavioural attributes \u2026 A batu in the fullest sense, then, is one who meets both genealogical and practical qualifications.\"(Scheffler, 1965, pp. 179-180)\r\n\r\n\"Prestige was accorded to men and groups who were successful in the most important intergroup activities, such as vengeance warfare and gift exchange \u2026 Each manager had to demonstrate his own worth before and while \u2018in office.\u2019 If he did not he would find himself gradually superseded by another who had earned the favour of descent-group members. The Choiseulese say that in effect the \u2018people\u2019 sometimes chose their manager by \u2018discussion\u2019 (vatovato), a term which is also applied to the more or less formal discussion of particular issues among descent group members. To make someone a batu was to va batua, but there were no formal ceremonies of installation. Therefore, recognition as a manager, and even as the manager, came about gradually and informally; it was the product of a gradually developed understanding within the descent group. It is said that the people would discuss the matter informally, come to a consensus, and then eventually appoint one of their number to communicate to the chosen party their wish for him to be their manager, but consensus sometimes probably came after the assumption of political predominance within the group.\r\n\r\n\"[183] Becoming a manager was essentially a process of acquiring wealth and a reliable following \u2026 A man who did this without meeting the formal genealogical qualifications was known as a batu sokele, but as long as there was no serious contender with better formal qualifications as well as the pragmatic ones, a batu sokele could operate as though he were the manager in the fullest sense. There are cases even today in which a man who is a nonagnate is generally recognized as a manager even though there are men more fully qualified in the formal sense. I was told that in the past both men would have been given deferential treatment but the formally qualified individual would have been only the titular leader while the people would have depended on the batu sokele for true leadership. Ideally, both men should have cooperated in the interests of the group as a whole. Informants differed about the consequences of such a situation for future succession: Some maintained that the son of the \u2018true\u2019 manager would be the next one, others felt that the son of the batu sokele, or some other man, would succeed him. It will become apparent that either could happen, but formal and de facto status as manager would hardly have remained separate for long in the indigenous situation.\" (Scheffler, 1965, pp. 182-183)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9999, "valueset_pk": 9999, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9999, "jsondata": {}, "id": "Varisi-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 110, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 110, "glottocode": "vari1239", "ethonyms": "Choiseulese; Lauru; Rauru", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Choiseulese", "Lauru", "Rauru"]}, "id": "Varisi", "name": "Varisi", "description": "Choiseul (Lauru) is a large island in the western Solomons. Varisi is one of the (according to Ethnologue) four languages spoken here. Scheffler's ethnography of Choiseul Island 'pertains only to the Varisi area', but given the cultural uniformity of Choiseul, 'it is probably valid in general terms for the island as a whole' (Scheffler, 1965, p. v)", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -6.8, "longitude": 156.7}, "name": "Varisi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [156.7, -6.8]}, "id": "Varisi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17729", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018Intermediaries\u2019 (Downs, 1956, pp. 47-54)\r\n\r\n'Rituals' (Downs, 1956, pp. 58-105)\r\n\r\nReligious authority among the Eastern Toraja appears to have been quite diffuse. Downs describes five kinds of 'intermediaries'.\r\n\r\nThe shaman (tadu) appear to have been the most important (most of the section is devoted to them). They served private clients, and also officiated at most if not all public ceremonies:\r\n\r\n\u2018Shamans\u2019 (Downs, 1956, pp. 47-52)\r\n\r\n\u201cAmong the Bare\u2019e Toradja the role of shaman was open only to women or to men who posed as women. They were called tadu (tadunja, according to Adriani) or tadu mburake ... One became a shaman by serving an apprenticeship ... [48] ... Several factors would seem to have contributed to the high esteem in which the shamans were held by the rest of the Toradja. In the first place the fact that they lived and worked as other women and received little pay for their services - none of them lived from it alone - meant that they did not form a separate class ... The chief function of the shamans was to retrieve the tanoana of sick people from the supernatural beings who had taken them by sending their own tanoana out after them. In this they were aided by their guardian spirits among the wurake).\u201d (Downs, 1956, pp. 47-48)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe services of shamans were invoked on a great variety of occasions. Kruyt, indeed, believed that they could be summoned in all difficult situations, even though it might not be quite necessary (II, 161). They had regular roles at the funeral ceremonies, where they retrieved the tanoana of the living from the underworld and rescued the dead from the juices of their decomposing bodies at the first funeral, and conducted the ceremonies at the second funeral, by which the dead were conducted to their final destination. Their services were also necessary at certain stages in the growing of the rice, as at the polanggo feast preceding the planting of the rice, when a shaman fetched the soul of the rice. She also did so if the rice plants weren\u2019t healthy, and was invited in time of drought to persuade the wurake to give rain. They performed the mampapotanoana ritual for every child, inaugurated new houses, performed rituals for head-hunters before they set out on raids, for people returned from trips and for those who had narrowly escaped a great danger, and they reconciled blood relatives who had disowned each other (II, 149ff.).\u201d (Downs, 1956, p. 52)\r\n\r\n'Sando' consisted of two categories. The topopagere was a healer who appears to have served individual clients, while the sando mpodjamaa was a kind of agricultural magician, whose clientele could be drawn from his own village or further afield:\r\n\r\n\"Aside from the shamans there were several other people in each village skilled in caring for the health of its inhabitants and their crops. They went by the general name of sando (II, 169, 189). The topopagere, or 'masseuses', were exclusively women. Their technique consisted in chewing a certain root or other vegetable substance and spitting it on the painful part of the patient\u2019s body, rubbing over the spot with a sirih pouch filled with various herbs, the paw of a marsupial, eagle claws, cat claws and the teeth of a crocodile, and finally squeezing out through the skin the object which had supposedly caused the pain ... [53] ... In addition to the sando who treated the sick there were sando mpodjamaa, mostly men, who were concerned with ensuring the success of the crops (III, 23f.). Each of these sando had connections with a particular spirit, with whom he conversed at night in the presence of the villagers and who gave him various things, such as rice, herbs and ritual formulas, to promote the growth of the crops ... \t\r\nThe sando mpodjamaa did not concern himself with the ordinary course of events in the fields (except where his own fields were concerned), but was called in under unusual circumstances, particularly if the prospects for the harvest were bad. At this time he apparently did not limit himself to seeking the aid of his spiritual helper, but performed all kinds of rituals designed to prevent the failure of the crop, made sacrifices, invoked and took to task the agricultural spirits ( lamoa nawu ) and even went to Pue mpalaburu to complain of the situation. The latter would then summon the agricultural spirits and berate them for letting the rice fail, for their job was only to look after the fields, the success of the harvest being his responsibility. These sando also had special methods for bringing rain, though there were a great variety of methods known to every one (III, 74). They did not limit their activities to their own villages, but were often called in by other villages which did not have a sando . Successful ones were treated with great respect. They were paid exclusively in rice, receiving from one to five percent of the harvest.\" (Downs, 1956, p. 52)\r\n\r\n'The 'agricultural leader' (tadulako mpodjamaa) led agricultural rituals for subgroups of the village:\r\n\r\n\"Apart from these 'doctors' there were two or three agricultural leaders, tadulako mpodjamaa, in each village. They were older men who were particularly skilled in this work and who had a good knowledge of the gods and spirits and the necessary rituals. They directed the activities of the various groups into which the villages were divided for cultivating the fields and made the offerings.\" (Downs, 1956, p. 54)\r\n\r\nThe role of the headhunting leader (tadulako) is described briefly as follows:\r\n\r\n\"Still another figure with a religious function was the head-hunting leader (tadulako). His job was to act as intermediary between the men and the anitu, the ancestors primarily concerned with head-hunting (I, 259ff).\" (Downs, 1956, p. 54)\r\n\r\nFinally, relationships with ancestors (upon whom most ritual was focused) was led by family heads and village chiefs:\r\n\r\n\"In daily life the role of intermediary between the ancestors in general and the living was filled by the family heads for the individual families and by the chiefs for the village as a whole.\" (Downs, 1956, p. 54)\r\n\r\nThe largest public rituals appear to have taken place on a village scale, based on Downs (1956, pp. 58-105), though people from other villages might be invited. A few examples follow:\r\n\r\nRituals connected with headhunting:\r\n\r\n\u201cA raiding party from a single village had a single leader, tadulako, who directed the whole operation. Larger groups usually had two leaders, one who directed the raid as a whole and a second one who led the actual attack. Sometimes a village chief went along, but then as the second leader. Most of the leaders of both kinds, however, were slaves. The tadulako was treated with great respect while in function and everything was done for him. He was responsible for all the members of the group and had to abstain from eating certain foods, doing certain things and using certain words while in enemy territory (I, 259ff.).\u201d (Downs, 1956, p. 59)\r\n\r\n\u2018Momparilangka\u2019 (Downs, 1956, pp. 69-75)\r\n\r\n\"Similar to the head-hunting ritual, in many respects was the momparilangka or mompakawurake, an initiation ceremony for girls ..  It took place every three to five years (Kruyt, 1935b: 550), and though no special time of year is mentioned it would seem safe to assume that it fell in the slack period between harvest and planting, because of the extensive preparations it required and its duration \u2026 The ceremonies were performed either in the temple, as was the case with the western tribes, of which the To Pebato and To Wingke-mposo were the principal, or in a special hut ( bantaja ), which the eastern tribes, principally the To Lage and To Onda\u2019e, erected for the occasion. The To Palande and To Lamusa, on the other hand, used the temple if they had one in the village or built a hut if they didn\u2019t \u2026 Girls from other villages of the same tribe could participate, and this was done if there were too few of them in their own villages to justify putting on a momparilangka there or if a child had remained sickly and it was felt desirable to repeat the ceremony.\u201d (Downs, 1956, pp. 69-70)\r\n\r\nAgricultural rituals (Downs, 1956, pp. 91-100)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe times to start clearing the forest for the new fields and for planting were determined by the positions of the constellation Tamangkapa \u2026 Before the work could begin the sins of the community had to be floated down the river (moandu sala) 28 . This was a simplified version of the morambu langi , which was performed for serious [93] cases of incest (see below, under B.). The same gods were invoked at it, however: Pue mpalaburu, Indo mtegolili and Ndara. It was usually done by the village as a whole under the leadership of a ladulako mpodjamaa , though occasionally it was performed by a single group of families or even one family, particularly if it had been postponed till the planting (III, 20ff.).\r\n\r\n\u201cWe have seen that for the purpose of tilling the fields the people were divided into work groups which worshipped different spirits and followed different practices. In addition they were further divided into followers of the 'three', 'four', 'five' or 'seven' 'customs' (wua) ). The differences between them consisted mainly in doing everything in the fields by threes, fours, fives or sevens. The adherents of the 'four' and 'five' 'customs' were by far in the majority (III, 34).\u201d (Downs, 1956, pp. 92-93)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe next day (this sometimes preceded and sometimes coincided with the harvest feast) the molinga was ended with the mopasangke . Two poles about three meters high were erected three to four meters apart. They were called ambarale (which probably referred [Page 98] originally to the two miniature houses which used to be set up instead of the poles), toko mpajope , \u201cpole of descent\u201d, or toko sora , \u201cdecorated pole\u201d. Cross bars were attached to the tops of the poles and presents hung from them, those for the women on one pole and those for the men on the other. In addition the ritual clothes (ajapa lamoa) of the shaman and harvest leader were hung on the one and those worn by the men at the head-hunting feasts on the other. The youths and girls who had taken part in the molinga sat around the poles and the rest of the villagers ranged themselves around them in a wide circle.\" (Downs, 1956, p. 97)\r\n\r\nElsewhere, it is noted that one of the many Eastern Toraja tribes had a 'tribal' temple:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe various tribes did not form organized political units. There were no tribal chiefs or functionaries of any kind native to Toradja society, with the possible exception of Onda\u2019e (see below). The members of one tribe, however, were all conscious of being related and of having the same mother village, for which the tribes were often named, and several tribes, at any rate (specifically mentioned were Bantjea, Onda\u2019e and Palande - I, 24f.; Kruyt, 1906: 224f.), had tribal regalia. They joined together for common purposes, especially against their enemies, and they attended each other\u2019s death feasts, etc., but apart from this the villages were independent of each other (I, 109f.) ... [4] ...The tribes did, however, recognize a higher authority in the rulers of the kingdoms of Luwu and Mori. The To Pada and To Pakambia (those to the east of the Jaentu River, at any rate - those to the west of it sometimes recognized Mori and sometimes Luwu) came under Mori and the rest under Luwu. Of the two the more important was the datu of Luwu, the datu ri tana of Mori having formerly been his vassal (I, 119, 129ff., 60). His authority was, to be sure, only nominal according to western standards, as he merely required a small tribute in goods every once in a while...and contributions of buffalo for court feasts. He did, however, also call on his subjects from time to time for help in wars against other kingdoms, which the Toradja were usually quite ready to provide. So long as the tribes carried out the above duties the datu paid little attention to them \u2026 The datu of Luwu gave the title of karadja or tongko (called mokole by the Toradja) to the village chiefs of Tamungku (Pebato), Towale (Wingke-mposo), Pantjawu-enu (Lamusa) and Tando-mbeaga (Onda\u2019e) with the duty of collecting tribute and transmitting it to him (I, 118). It was said that the To Onda\u2019e, alone of these tribes, had had a paramount chief before the karadja was appointed by Luwu, though there is no proof of this, the whole institution possibly having been evolved under the influence of Luwu...). Although Kruyt said that the To Onda\u2019e were the only tribe having a paramount chief, he spoke elsewhere of 'the chief of the To Pada', and since they apparently had only one temple for the whole tribe, at Perere, it is possible that this held for them as well (Kruyt, 1907; 870; 1899b; 207). (Downs, 1956, pp 3-4)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10002, "valueset_pk": 10002, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10002, "jsondata": {}, "id": "eastern-toraja-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 132, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 132, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "Pamona; Pomona", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Pamona", "Pomona"]}, "id": "eastern-toraja", "name": "Eastern Toraja", "description": "Eastern Toraja is the name given to the Bare'e (also known as Pamona) -speakers living in the interior of Sulawesi in Eastern Indonesia. Prior to their conversion to Christianity, the Eastern Toraja worshipped a pantheon of beings, including a high god who was believed to have created human beings using bellows.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.9, "longitude": 120.6}, "name": "Eastern Toraja"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.6, -1.9]}, "id": "eastern-toraja"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17756", "name": "2", "description": "'Religious personnel' (Jensen, 1974, pp. 59-64). \r\n\r\nFour positions are described: tuai burong, tuai rumah, lemambang, and manang. The tuai burong was clearly the most important, and acted as the religious leader of the longhouse:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe personnel of Iban religion, the experts, are those individuals who have specific roles in relation to rice cultivation, augury, ritual celebrations and the ordering of society. They act as a channel between the world of immediate experience and its spirit antecedents and influences. The leading exponents of these roles in Iban society are four, although one or more functions may be vested in the same person. They are the tuai burong or augur, the tuai rumah or village headman, the lemambang or ritual incantation specialist, and, lastly, the manang--shaman or 'healer'.\" (Jensen, 1974, p 59)\r\n\r\n\"The most important person in everyday life is the tuai burong (see below, pp. 135, 159-63). He is a man of considerable standing in his own village and in certain cases his reputation may extend much farther afield \u2026 The tuai burong is the augur, but he is not merely an augury expert. He is, above all, favoured with the spirit attention which expresses itself regularly in omens and dreams \u2026 The tuai burong , through his dreams, his augury, and in his ritual activities, leads the community, and because he is responsible for the omen sticks (megai kayu burong) he is known as the foundation or base of the longhouse (pun rumah) \u2026 The tuai burong leads the longhouse community in most daily religious matters and especially those concerning rice cultivation.\" (Jensen, 1974, p 60)\r\n\r\nThe functions of the tuai rumah appear to have been mostly secular (though the tuai rumah was often also the tuai burong):\r\n\r\n\"Administration of customary law and the social code as such, the adat in its restricted and technical sense, falls to the tuai rumah (see above, pp. 25 seq.). Unlike the office of tuai burong, the tuai rumah is officially recognized by the government, although the position carries no emoluments. The functions of tuai rumah and tuai burong are distinct, but in practice it is often the same man who performs both.\" (Jensen, 1974, p 61)\r\n\r\nThe lemambang specialised in ritual incantations at gawai (ceremonies), and appear to have been less important than the tuai burong. It is not clear whether there was typically one or more lemambang per longhouse. The ceremonies at which they officiated were presumably confined to the longhouse \u2013 gawai are described as varying 'in scope and significance \u2026 from the minor celebrations of individual families to the gawai kenyalang which takes an entire community many months of intensive preparation'.\" (Jensen, 1974, p 195). \r\n\r\n\u201cThe lemambang may perhaps be called a priest but he is not the ultimate authority on Iban religion. His concern is with intoning the ritual incantations, called pengap, which form a central part of major ceremonies (gawai). These occur intermittently. Although extremely important, they are not as significant in the context of day-to-day religion as are omens, dreams, and social ordinances.\u201d (Jensen, 1964, p 62)\r\n\r\nThe manang (healers) were served individuals rather than the community:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe fourth category consists of the manang. Also these have been called \u2018priests\u2019 but, in fact, their functions are not priestly. They are healers, possibly shamans, whose role is related exclusively to treating the sick \u2013 understood to include the sick in both spirit and body \u2026  Treatment is directed at individuals and the manang 's role is as a healer of individuals. Although individual illness may spring from wider bilek causes and have implications for the community, since Iban religion is in most respects essentially a bilek or community affair, the manang 's main contribution to an understanding of Iban conduct and belief lies in explaining the nature and behaviour of the spirit/soul and in interpreting sickness in man's relations with the spirit world.\u201d (Jensen, 1974, pp 63-64)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10003, "valueset_pk": 10003, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10003, "jsondata": {}, "id": "iban-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 54, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 54, "glottocode": "iban1264", "ethonyms": "Sea Dayaks", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sea Dayaks"]}, "id": "iban", "name": "Iban", "description": "The Iban are an ethnolinguistic group that now live primarily in Sarawak, but are believed to have migrated from the Upper Kapuas region of Kalimantan within the past few hundred years. In the nineteenth century they were notorious for headhunting and resistance to colonial control. The principal Iban god was Sengalang Bulong, who manifested himself in the form of a Brahminy Kite.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 1.2, "longitude": 111.6}, "name": "Iban"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [111.6, 1.2]}, "id": "iban"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "20683", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cThere is only one exception to the Yami preference for social levelling. This is the permanent leadership status called makangawul (whose incumbent is charged with regularly officiating at the flying fish ceremonies, see Chapters 4 and 5). Certain ritual privileges accrue to this individual (e.g. his own and his fishing group\u2019s boats are always the first to put out to sea, and no one may start performing their respective ritual obligations before he has started to perform his). In all other respects, however, he is treated as the equal of the other villagers.\u201d (Yu, 1991, p. 65)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10006, "valueset_pk": 10006, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10006, "jsondata": {}, "id": "yami-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 126, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 126, "glottocode": "yami1254", "ethonyms": "Tao", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tao"]}, "id": "yami", "name": "Yami", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.0, "longitude": 121.5}, "name": "Yami"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.5, 22.0]}, "id": "yami"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18506", "name": "2", "description": "'Religion' (Cole & Gale, 1922, pp. 295-314)\r\n\r\n'The mediums' (Cole & Gale, 1922, pp. 301-304)\r\n\r\nThe only religious specialist mentioned is the 'medium (alopogan). While mediums as a group do not appear to have been hierarchically organised, the role of medium was clearly an 'office'. Mediums needed to go through a kind of 'accreditation' process in order to practice:\r\n\r\n\"The Mediums. \u2014 The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid of mediums, known individually and collectively as alopogan ('she who covers her face'). These are generally women past middle life, though men are not barred from the profession, who, when [302] chosen, are made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold, by warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her life without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed, and from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts suitable for each spirit, and the chants or diams which must be used at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the dtams must be learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted, just as it was taught by the spirits to the 'people of the first times.' The training occupies several months; and when all is ready, the candidate secures her piling. This is a collection of large sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together with a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the piling of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined ; for, if certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must continue her period of probation for several months, before another trial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may begin to summon the spirits into her body ... Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both good and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the greatest of all ... The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is more than offset by the restrictions placed on her ... [303] ... The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a candidate begins her training with reluctance ; but, once accepted by the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their wishes.\u201d (Cole & Gale, 1922, pp. 301-303)\r\n\r\n\u2018The ceremonies\u2019 (Cole & Gale, 1922, pp, 315-358)\r\n\r\nMost if not all ceremonies appear to have required the participation of mediums. The largest scale ceremonies described were village-level affairs. The village headman (lakay) played a leading role in scheduling and organising at least one of these ceremonies, but he does not appear to have played an active role in the ceremony itself. \r\n\r\n\u201cSAGOBAY ... When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the lakay summons the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and the amount of rice, basi, and other articles required, after which the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people of the village\r\n \r\n\u201cTo keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town, a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement, while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing [325] outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII) ; while in the saloko and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots, and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords and leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses.\r\n\r\n\"The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town, it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted by the families of the victims.\r\nWhen all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it is thought to come. Returning to the center of the village, the people dance tadek, and the mediums may summon several spirits.\u201d (Cole & Gale, 1922, pp. 324-325)\r\n\r\nOther village-level ceremonies:\r\n\r\n\"PINAING or PINADING ... \u2014 At the gate or entrance of nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped, water-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among the roots of some great tree. These are the 'guardian stones,' and in them lives Apdel ('the spirit who guards the town'). Many stories cluster about these pinaing, but all agree that, if proper offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony; when the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his care. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their 'necks,' after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she recites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed.\r\n\r\n\"In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the dancing of tadek. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at the pinaing before the planting of the rice and after the harvest.\" (Cole & Gale, 1922, p. 319)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe culmination of these rites is the great Sayang ceremony which extends over seventeen days and nights \u2026 The supreme event can only be celebrated by a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all, regardless of age or sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings.\u201d (Cole & Gale, 1922, p 327).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10015, "valueset_pk": 10015, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10015, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tinguian-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 98, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 98, "glottocode": "bino1237", "ethonyms": "Itneg; Tinggian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Itneg", "Tinggian"]}, "id": "tinguian", "name": "Tinguian", "description": "The Tinguian or Itneg live in the western Cordillera of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippines. Headhunting played a central role in their indigenous religion - when a prominent man died, it was essential to conduct a headhunting raid to end the period of mourning that followed. Until the early twentieth century, the Christianized neighbours of the Tinguian would often fall victim to these raids. Like the other peoples of the Cordillera, the Tinguian converted to Christianity in the course of the twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 17.6, "longitude": 120.8}, "name": "Tinguian"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.8, 17.6]}, "id": "tinguian"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17810", "name": "2", "description": "'Religion' (Scott, 1994, pp. 77-93)\r\n\r\nThe only religious specialists mentioned are babablyan (shamans or spirit mediums). The religious role of the datu (chief) appears to have been minimal, though he is described as 'sponsoring' sacrifices. The babalyan had authority in the sense that only he or she could perform certain sacrifices. The largest of these appear to have been on a 'community' or 'village' scale:\r\n\r\n\"Part of ordinary river traffic were little rafts \u2013 or, in the case of community sacrifices, large ones \u2013 headed downstream bearing the offerings and paraphernalia of ceremonies celebrated along their banks. As for spirits dwelling in the mountains, hunters were sure to offer their first catch to them.\" (Scott, 1994, p. 78)\r\n\r\n\"Paganito were basically seances \u2013 that is, ceremonies in which a medium established audible communication with spirits \u2026 Minor paganito \u2026 could be performed by any householder \u2026 But solemn paganito had to be conducted by a babaylan. \r\nBabaylan were shamans or spirit mediums, given to seizures and trances in which they spoke with the voice of diwata and other spirits and acted out conflicts in the spirit world \u2026 They came to their calling through attacks of illness or insanity which could only be cured by accepting the call, and then attached themselves as alabay, apprentices, to some older babaylan, frequently a relative. Their renumeration was a designated share of the offerings, usually choice cuts of the hog or the head. But in full-scale paganito sponsored by prominent datus, they went home with heirloom valuables like porcelain plates or gold ornaments \u2026 This worship took place in private homes or fields; at grave sites or sacred spots outside the community; or along beaches or streams where little rafts could be launched, aboard which were disease and bad luck, or live pests like locusts or rats. There were no temples, though there were little platforms or sheds at the entrance to the village where offerings were made. Some paganito were for the benefit of individuals or kindred, some were by nature seasonal, and some sought relief from a public crisis like drought or pestilence.\" (Scott, 1994, p. 84)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10016, "valueset_pk": 10016, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10016, "jsondata": {}, "id": "visayans-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 111, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 111, "glottocode": "butu1244", "ethonyms": "Bisaya; Cebuano; Boholano; Ibabao, Samareno", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bisaya", "Cebuano", "Boholano", "Ibabao, Samareno"]}, "id": "visayans", "name": "Visayans", "description": "Visayans or Bisayans are the indigenous people of the Visayan Islands. They speak many languages, of which the largest in terms of number of speakers today is Cebuano. According to Ethnologue there are 25 Bisayan language, although at least one (Tausug) is spoken by a group considered to be outside the Visayan culture area.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 11.2, "longitude": 122.4}, "name": "Visayans"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.4, 11.2]}, "id": "visayans"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "20805", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018Social regulations. Divisions of the people. Kinship and Marriage connexion\u2019 (Codrington, 1891, pp. 20-45)\r\n\r\n\u2018Social regulations. Chiefs.\u2019 (Codrington, 1891, pp. 46-58)\r\n\r\n\u2018Religion\u2019 (Codrington, 1891, pp. 116-127)\r\n\r\n\u2018Sacrifices\u2019 (Codrington, 1891, pp. 128-144)\r\n\r\n\u201cFlorida, and the parts of the Solomon Islands adjacent to it, afford an example of the division of the people into more than two exogamous kindreds. In Florida these divisions are six, [30] called kema, and each has its distinguishing name.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 29-30)\r\n\r\n\u201cThese divisions, kema, are not political divisions. It is not, as in the Banks' Islands where every house must needs contain members of both divisions, that every kema will be represented in every village, for one or two of the smaller may have no member there; but every man's wife, or wives, and all his children, must needs be of a kema different from his own, and every village must have its population mixed. The property of the members of each kema is intermixed with that of the others. In a considerable village the principal chief is the head of the kema which predominates there, and he exercises his authority over all, while the principal men of the less numerous kema are lesser chiefs. It is evident that the predominance of any kema cannot be permanent. A chiefs sons are none of them of his own kin; and, as will be shewn, he passes on what he can of his property and authority to them. If then in a certain district one kindred is now most numerous, in the next generation it. cannot be so, for the children of those now most numerous will be naturally many more in [34] number, and will none of them be of kin to their fathers.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 33-34)\r\n\r\n\u201cIT has been shewn that the social structure in these Melanesian islands is not tribal, and it will have been observed therefore that there can be no political structure held together by the power of tribal chiefs ; but chiefs exist, and still have in most islands important place and power, though never perhaps so much importance in the native view as . they have in the eyes of European visitors, who carry with them the persuasion that savage people are always ruled by chiefs \u2026 [47] \u2026 A Florida Vunagi kept order in his place, ' directed the common operations and industries, represented his people with strangers, presided at sacrifices and led in war. He inflicted fines, and would order any one to be put to death.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 46-47)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe hereditary element is not absent in the succession of chiefs in other islands, though it is by no means so operative as it appears to be \u2026 [51] \u2026The most conspicuous chief in Florida at the time and in the place in which Europeans became acquainted with that island was Takua of Boli, whose position it may be safely said was never so exalted in the eyes of the natives as in the eyes of their visitors. He was not a native' of Florida but of Mala, and his greatness rested in its origin on a victory in which as a young man he took a principal part, when a confederation of enemies attacked the people of Ta na ihu in Florida, where he was then staying. His reputation for mana or spiritual power, was then established; and from that, as a member of a powerful family of the Nggaombata, with his brothers Sauvui and Dikea, his [52] influence increased. Thus according to a native account of the matter \u2018the origin of the power of chiefs, vunagi, lies entirely in the belief that they have communication with powerful ghosts, tindalo, and have that mana whereby they are able to bring the power of the tindalo to bear\u2019. A chief would convey his knowledge of the way to approach and to use the power of the tindalo to his son, his nephew, or grandson, to whom also he bequeathed as far as he could his possessions. Thus he was able to pass on his power to a chosen successor among his relations, and a semblance of hereditary succession appeared. A man's position being in this way obtained, his own character and success enhanced it, weakness and failure lost it. Public opinion supported him in his claim for a general obedience, besides the dread universally felt of the tindalo power behind him.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 52-53)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe power of a chief naturally diminished in old age, from inactivity, parsimony, and loss of reputation ; and, to the credit of the people, also if, like Takua when he took the daughter of one who was already his wife, he did what was held by them to be wrong. In any case some one was ready, it might be by degrees, to take the place of one whose force was waning. A chief expecting his death prepared his son, nephew, or chosen [54] successor, by imparting to him his tindalo knowledge; but this could not always be done, or the choice made might not be acceptable. The people would then choose for themselves, and make over the dead chief's property to their chosen head. Sometimes a man would assert himself and claim to be chief, on the ground that the late chief had designated him, or because he had already a considerable following \u2026 or boldly standing forth and, crying out to the people that he was chief. Without a chief a village would be broken up.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 53-54)\r\n\r\n\u201cThere is not a priestly order, and no persons who can properly be called priests. Any man can have access to some object of worship, and most men in fact do have it, either by discovery of their own or by knowledge imparted to them by those who have before employed it. If the object of worship, as in some sacrifices, is one common to the members of a community, the man who knows how to approach that object is in a way their priest and sacrifices for them all; but it is in respect of that particular function only that he has a sacred character; and it is very much by virtue of that function that a man is a chief, and not at all because he is chief that he performs the sacrifice.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, p. 127)\r\n\r\n\u201cOne tindalo commonly known, whose worship is not local, is Manoga \u2026 [132] \u2026 This Manoga belongs particularly to the Manukama or Lahi division of the Florida people, each division, kema, having- a tindalo whom they worship as peculiarly their own, and whom they vaguely call their ancestor; Polika of the Nggaombata, Barego of the Kakau, Kuma of the Honggokama, Sisiro of the Himbo, Tindalo tambu, whose personal name is not known, of the Honggokiki. As these divisions are intermixed in the villages, though one is generally more largely represented in any one of them than the others, sacrifices are offered in each village or group of villages to each of these tindalo of the divisions; and the sacrificer is the man who knows the particular leaves and creepers and species of dracaena, and ginger and shavings of a tree, and words of mana with which the tindalo is approached, knowledge which he has received from his predecessors. The sacrificer then of the dominant family division of the place is in fact the ostensible chief, the sacrificers of the less numerous divisions are minor chiefs.\u201d (Codrington, 1891, pp. 131-132)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10020, "valueset_pk": 10020, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10020, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nggela-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 127, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 127, "glottocode": "gela1263", "ethonyms": "Gela", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Gela"]}, "id": "nggela", "name": "Nggela", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.1, "longitude": 160.2}, "name": "Nggela"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.2, -9.1]}, "id": "nggela"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18301", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cDuring Kubary\u2019s day, all natives lived on the southern tip of the island of in a much crowded village.\u201d (Eilers, 1934, p. 198)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe head of the community is still the \u2018King\u2019 (Ariki toholiki). His family, being very old, is said to be descended from the Samoan conquerors, with Wawe being the first in the line of succession. The roya power, being representative from the beginning, embodies what is lawful by custom and tradition. Within this compass, the King is entitled to give orders and to demand obedience; tyranny is, thus, impossible. Economically, the King is not necessarily better off than the wealthy people of the island. \u2026 Next to the king, the high priest had much influence upon the administration of public affairs, which is obvious from his title ariki takatonga, or, ariki sili (sili = the more important one).\u201d (Eilers, 1934, p. 221)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10021, "valueset_pk": 10021, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10021, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nukuoro-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 115, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 115, "glottocode": "nuku1260", "ethonyms": "Nukuor", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Nukuor"]}, "id": "nukuoro", "name": "Nukuoro", "description": "The people of Nukuoro, a Polynesian outlier in Micronesia.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 3.8, "longitude": 155.0}, "name": "Nukuoro"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [155.0, 3.8]}, "id": "nukuoro"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18173", "name": "2", "description": "Sa\u2019a \u2018village\u2019:\r\n\r\n\u201cThere was never actually one particular village named Sa\u2019a \u2026 It was rather than Sa\u2019a was the name of a district comprising certain hamlets, and these hamlets were spoken of under the one name. The hamlets were divided by the stream called Big River \u2026 On the north side were two hamlets, both of them a little way from the sea, and built on the side of the hill. The names of these two hamlets were Liu meumeu, Walk in fear, where the chiefs of the senior branch of the reigning house lived, and Purihaha, alongside which was the altar of Puu who was the chief ghost of the commoners. On the south side of the stream there was Mwenipue, where some of Puu\u2019s descendants lived, and also the junior branch of the reigning house of chiefs, those descended from Halu. In addition there were several hamlets further south, and close to the beach \u2026 The hamlets were all open and unprotected, and had no fence of any sort round them \u2026 The sites were not permanent, and were vacated readily.\u201d (Ivens, 1927, pp 28-29)\r\n\r\n\u2018The priesthood at Sa\u2019a\u2019: Ivens (1927, pp 242-245)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe officiating priest at Sa\u2019a was called poro maa\u2019i, holy man, at Ulawa poro ni mwane, with the same connotation \u2026 The title oraora was also used at Sa\u2019a as a general name for priests, those in touch with the ghosts. At Ulawa the person who officiated at the offering of the first fruits of yams, whether a regular poro ni mwane or not, was known as poro e toora\u2019i, the man who feeds (the ghosts). The person in each village on Ulawa, whose official duty it was to perform the ceremonial acts at the opening of the flying fish season, was known by two names \u2026 At Sa\u2019a the priest was given the title pw\u00e4u ni mae, head of the fight. That this phrase is said to have been a summary in its description of priestly duty, is owing probably to the connexion of fighting with the practice of sacrifice to the li\u2019oa [war spirits] when war was imminent, and also to the fact that the priest accompanied the fighters and took relics with him. The priest was also known as pw\u00e4u si henue, head of the village.\u201d (Ivens, 1927, pp 242-243)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10022, "valueset_pk": 10022, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10022, "jsondata": {}, "id": "saa-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 113, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 113, "glottocode": "saaa1240", "ethonyms": "Sa'a, Ulawa, Uki Ni Masi", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sa'a, Ulawa, Uki Ni Masi"]}, "id": "saa", "name": "Sa'a", "description": "Sa'a-speakers of Maramasike (Small Malaita), Ulawa, Uki Ni Masi and the Three Sisters Islands.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.6, "longitude": 161.5}, "name": "Sa'a"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [161.5, -9.6]}, "id": "saa"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18412", "name": "2", "description": "Wogeo was divided into \u2018districts\u2019, in turn divided into \u2018villages\u2019. Each village usually contained two \u2018housing clusters\u2019 consisting of mostly agnatic kinsmen, though the Wogeo themselves strongly downplayed the importance of the clusters:\r\n\r\n\"The natives divide the island into five districts with radial boundaries that follow such natural features as ridges and valleys \u2026 At the southeast corner is Wonevaro, and then, traveling in a clockwise direction, come Bagiau, Ga, Bukdi, and Takul. These are grouped into pairs that are traditionally on friendly terms; in addition, each district has a hostile relationship with two others. So Wonevaro collaborates with Bukdi and struggles with Bagiau and Takul, Bagiau collaborates with Takul and struggles with Ga and Wonevaro, and so on \u2026 Within each district the component villages are located close to the shore. Bukdi, with the hills descending as cliffs into the sea, is exceptional, and there the settlements\u2014Gol, Bajor, and Kwablik\u2014have had to be built a few hundred yards inland. The majority of the villages have between 60 and 70 inhabitants, though three are only half that size and two, Ga and Bariat, slightly larger.\" (Hogbin, 1970, p 10)\r\n\r\nThe inhabitants of a village form a local unit, but each unit is split into two, and usually the halves are more important than the whole. (Hogbin, 1970, p. 18)\r\n\r\n\"The residents of a housing cluster are verbally distinguishable by reference to their headman, as, for instance, Marigum's or Bagasal's people in Dap or Kawang's or Janggara's people in Gol; but there is no single native term that can be applied to them. Further, in the popular view they do not form a group in the social sense at all. That they can be isolated on the ground, with dwellings in a separate corner of the village, is regarded as irrelevant, and I was repeatedly informed that they do not on that account have any special mutual claims or special reciprocal duties. What is supposed to be vital is not this small selection of relatives but the total of the cognates, all the men and all the women with whom a person has, or believes he has, genealogical ties.\" (Hogbin, 1970, p. 21)\r\n\r\n\"Certainly it would be a grave mistake to underestimate the importance of the wide circle of cognates, but in the light of the foregoing discussion I have no hesitation in contradicting the statement that the households of the cluster do not form a social group. The truth is that they belong to a distinct and perpetual corporate entity, occupying their own territory, pooling labor, and owing allegiance to an hereditary leader. Unfortunately neither of the common terms, clan and lineage, is applicable. The criterion for membership is filiation\u2014being the child of a particular parent, usually the father, occasionally the mother\u2014and hence inheriting that parent's land rights. Cumulative filiation over the generations leads to the husbands in a cluster becoming a putative cognatic descent group, but as this condition is a by-product and not an essential, probably the expression should also be avoided. Thus there appears to be no alternative to the retention of my [Page 26] original phrase, the residents of the housing cluster, awkward and clumsy though it is.\" (Hogbin, 1970, pp. 24-26)\r\n\r\nDistricts had no leaders, but each village had a pair of headmen. Each of the two \u2018housing clusters\u2019 that made up each village was effectively the following of one of the headmen, though the Wogeo do not seem to have seen the situation this way \u2013 as noted above, they did not see the housing cluster as a group with particular rights and obligations. Elsewhere, Hobin (1978) notes that the word for village is malal (p. 20), and that the headman, when not simply called kokwal, was called kokwal malal (\u2018headman of the village\u2019) (p. 37). All this implies that Wogeo saw the headmen as village leaders, not cluster leaders. While this is a borderline case, village headmanship could be considered an office occupied by two incumbents. \r\n\r\nReligious role of the headmen:\r\n\r\n\"The office of headman (kokwal) depends on familiarity with a corpus of mythology, with the magical spells therein set out, and with the performance of a variety of ritual procedures. An old leader may transmit such information only to the eldest son of one of his wives, but, as he is likely to have several, there is almost always a number of young men eligible for the choice \u2026 Every village has a pair of headmen, each with a following of some of his close relatives.\" (Hogbin, 1970, p 18)\r\n\r\n\"The political organization goes hand in hand with religion. The headman calls up the various monsters from the spirit world, and he alone owns the dance masks and flutes that bring them to life. His followers may wish to have a feast or an initiation ceremony arranged, but the final decision rests with him. His social position is also underlined by his right to order the playing of the flutes when events of importance take place in the village or in his household\u2014perhaps the construction of a new club or the coming of age of his daughter\u2014and by the heads of the neighboring clusters sending their flutes to offer sympathy if he is overtaken by illness or some other misfortune.\" (Hogbin, 1970, p 189)\r\n\r\n\"In all the societies of Melanesia specialists own numbers of the magical systems concerned with major enterprises \u2026 The normal pattern of leadership for the region is by achievement rather than by ascription \u2026 Wogeo belongs to the minority of communities where headmen hold their position by virtue of birth. True, succession is not automatic, and an office holder must nominate his heir and sponsor him in a great ceremony \u2026 Whoever is selected then receives instruction in the entire corpus of the local specialist magical systems. Thus each Wogeo headman has a virtual monopoly within his residential cluster on the magic relating to group tasks and group wellbeing. If his unit is one that engages in overseas trade, then he performs the rites for a successful expedition; should the people agree that a raid is to be made on some other place, he casts the spells for victory; when a festival is proposed, he is responsible for the ceremonies before the communal garden is planted; at the festival itself he chants the nodding spells to preserve harmony; he is supposed to be familiar with sorcery to kill offenders and with inquest ritual to detect its use by others; and, perhaps most important in the eyes of his followers, they can look to him to bring sunny weather. Accordingly he manages the trading voyages, has charge of the warriors in an attack, regulates collective gardening, superintends festivals, controls the practices of sorcery and divination, and is believed to have the power of stopping the all-too-prevalent rain. It is scarcely a matter of surprise that he should enjoy high status and great prestige.\" (Hogbin, 1970, pp 190-191)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10023, "valueset_pk": 10023, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10023, "jsondata": {}, "id": "wogeo-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 95, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 95, "glottocode": "woge1237", "ethonyms": "Vokeo; Wageva", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Vokeo", "Wageva"]}, "id": "wogeo", "name": "Wogeo", "description": "Wogeo is a volcanic island off the north coast of New Guinea. The people of Wogeo have been noted for their custom of penile bloodletting, which was seen as a form of male menstruation and was believed to be necessary for maintaining good health. The anthropologist Ian Hogbin referred to Wogeo in his 1970 ethnography as 'the island of menstruating men'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -3.2, "longitude": 144.1}, "name": "Wogeo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [144.1, -3.2]}, "id": "wogeo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18900", "name": "2", "description": "\"The terms 'upper' and 'lower' are primarily of a social and spiritual nature, and it is on the Upper Side that the chief sacrifices are made by men of high rank, those on the Lower Side being carried out only by young men and boys who have not yet, through sacrifice of the nobler grades of tusked boar, completely established their independence from the uninitiated women whose path lies immediately behind it. For men dominate society, and only those men who have performed the highest sacrifice have full access to the spirit world of the ancestral ghosts around whose cult the ritual which takes place in the dancing-ground centres.\" (Layard, 1942, pp 34-35). \r\n\r\n\"The comparative simplicity of the Small Island Maki with regard to the number of ranks is, on the other hand, balanced by an immense increase in the number of rites, and by the great length of time they take to perform. This increase is seen also both in the quality and the quantity of tusked boars that are sacrificed, a number which on occasion rises to several hundred at a time. \t\r\n\r\n\"For, though only one 'line,' consisting of members of one matrilineal moiety within the patrilocal village, performs at one time, each member of this moiety is the son of a member of the other moiety, and family solidarity sees to it that both moieties combine to pool resources. In this way, the whole wealth of an entire village is contributed lavishly towards the performance of every detail of the rite. In spite of the number of years, roughly a generation, which it takes to perform the rite, each man whose life is not cut short has the opportunity of participating at least twice, or, if he is lucky, three or even four times. For it is a point of honour that the rite shall be carried through as speedily as possible, so that rise in rank may be swift and its performance by the opposing 'line' composed of members of the other matrilineal moiety (which in this patrilocal community at the same time includes the next generation) shall not be unduly delayed.\" (Layard, 1942, p 290).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10026, "valueset_pk": 10026, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10026, "jsondata": {}, "id": "small_islands-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 122, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 122, "glottocode": "moro1286", "ethonyms": "Vao; Upiriv; Wala; Rano; Atchin", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Vao", "Upiriv", "Wala", "Rano", "Atchin"]}, "id": "small_islands", "name": "Small Islands", "description": "Malekula is a large island in the north of Vanuatu. A chain of islets along its eastern coast, known locally as the Small Islands, was the subject of the detailed ethnography 'Stone Men of Malekula' by the English anthropogist John Layard. Layard's ethnography focuses primarily on the island of Vao. The 'stone men' of the title refers to the monoliths that were erected as part of the 'Maki' rites, which marked the ascendance of men through the ranks of the local graded society.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -16.1, "longitude": 167.5}, "name": "Small Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.5, -16.1]}, "id": "small_islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18246", "name": "2", "description": "Cauqueline (2004, pp. 49-71) describes two types of ritual specialist - 'shamans' and 'bamboo diviners' (benabulu). Only the latter appear to have conducted rituals on behalf of the community, i.e. the village:\r\n\r\n\"The six founding households try, in each generation, to train a benabulu to maintain the ancestral cult house. The benabulu is above all in charge of the homeostasis of society and on this account performs all the rituals concerning the whole group: rain-making, offerings to the original ancestor, now a mountain, when the village is going through hard times, re-consecration of the tutelary ancestors (\u2018those who made the village\u2019), setting up the \u2018masters of the village gates\u2019, offerings to the founding ancestors etc. At these times they work in a group.\" (Cauquelin, 2004, p. 57)\r\n\r\n\"The individual reference lacking in the community rituals performed by the benabulu may be found in the shamanistic rituals performed by women. Their rituals deal with a precise, immediate problem. The relevance of the ritual is focused to such an extent on a temporary indisposition that a new ritual may be invented to solve a problem generated by contemporary life; for several decades now, shamans have been invoking the spirit of change \u2018on account of all the upheavals our society has undergone\u2019, as they say. Only the body of the invocation particularises the ritual.\" (Cauquelin, 2004, p. 58)\r\n\r\nLebar describes a very different system, but with the same scale:\r\n\r\n\"The heads of chiefly families function at times as combined priest-chiefs with respect to larger ritual groups or entire villages (cf. Schroder 1967: 22). The position of chief (ajawan, ayawan) is in some instances, however, separate from that of priest (rahan, ragan.)\" (Lebar, 1975, p 126).", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10027, "valueset_pk": 10027, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10027, "jsondata": {}, "id": "puyuma-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 1, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 1, "glottocode": "puyu1239", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "puyuma", "name": "Puyuma", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.8, "longitude": 121.1}, "name": "Puyuma"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.1, 22.8]}, "id": "puyuma"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18254", "name": "2", "description": "'Religion': Christie (1909, pp. 70-92)\r\n\r\nThe only religious figure described is the balian ('medicine man' or 'shaman'). Whether the balian occupied an 'office' is not entirely clear. On the one hand, they do seem to have had a core set of 'rights and duties':\r\n\r\n\u201cThe principal duties performed by the medicine man may be divided into four kinds: acting as a medium, when he is in a trance-like condition and a spirit speaks through him; speaking to a spirit, when he speaks in his own proper voice to a spirit and receives an audible reply from it; offering up sacrifices and prayers at festivals of various kinds: and curing the sick. Only a few medicine men claim to be able to do all the above-mentioned things. The two functions that almost all of them perform are sacrificing at festivals and the treatment of the sick; a good many are capable of dancing themselves into a peculiar nervous state and acting as mediums; while those who claim the power to \u2018interview\u2019 a spirit and receive a reply audible to everyone present on the occasion are very few.\u201d (Christie, 1909, p. 72)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe presence of a medicine man is not necessary at a marriage ceremony, but it is said not be unusual for some priest present in the festive assemblage of friends who meets on such occasions to pronounce words of blessing on the couple, wishing them wealth and many children \u2026 On the other hand, there can be no doubt as to the leading role played by the medicine men at the special ceremonies, held from time to time in behalf of a whole community, to rid the region of some prevalent sickness, to protect it from an approaching epidemic of smallpox or cholera, or merely as an occasional prophylactic measure against disease in general.\u201d (Christie, 1909, p. 82)\r\n\r\nOn the other hand, it is not clear that they had authority over a defined 'group' of people. Their sphere of influence appears to have depended on their personal characteristics rather than their occupancy of any particular office:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe Subanun medicine man or woman is found in every neighbourhood; but the people distinguish between greater and lesser practitioners. The distinction is not based upon nor indicated by any outward difference. It depends solely on the man\u2019s greater or lesser degree of supposed power over the unseen world ... The medicine man who gave this account of his \u2018call\u2019 was well known among his fellow-tribesmen for 50 kilometers along the coast, and was held in high repute.\" (Christie, 1909, p. 71)\r\n\r\n\u201cOn the approach of epidemics, which, to the Subanun mind, are caused by hostile spirits, the leading shamans of the region are consulted as to the cause of the wrath of the spirits and on the best way of appeasing it. The answer depends on the peculiarities of the individual practitioner, and varies from region to region, but certain things are always required by him, such as a cessation of merrymaking. No more gong playing is allowed, nor dancing nor journeys \u2026 Of course any such thing as marriage, with its accompanying gaiety, is absolutely tabooed, or to use the Subanun term, is li-ing.\u201d (Christie, 1909, p. 83)\r\n\r\nFrake (1957) describes Subanun families as being grouped into discrete 'communities', which in turn belonged to more vaguely defined 'regions'. Each 'community' appears to have acknowledged the expertise of one or more 'beliyan', but within the regions there simply seem to have been a number of 'prominent' beliyans who lacked authority over the region as such:\r\n\r\n\"The community is the maximal social group  to join together for scheduled agricultural offerings. Two annual offerings- [5]  always involve community-wide participation and a third often does. Since they require the consumption of large quantities of eggs, chickens, pork, and wine, it is customary for community members to alternate in providing specific items, each man making a different contribution each year. Every community generally has a beliy\u00e1n , a person who is formally recognized as an expert in dealings with the supernatural.\" (Frake, 1957, pp. 4-5)\r\n\r\n\"There are no regularly scheduled ceremonies which attract the region as a group though non-community members may be invited to important religious and secular rituals. Prominent mediums practice their skills throughout the region.\" (Frake, 1957, p. 6)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10028, "valueset_pk": 10028, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10028, "jsondata": {}, "id": "subanun-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 2, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 2, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "subanun", "name": "Subanun", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.1, "longitude": 122.1}, "name": "Subanun"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.1, 7.1]}, "id": "subanun"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "17707", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cIn earlier times, any person could perform a ceremony for him/herself or for others if his/her hanido [spirit] had enough power. Hence religious practitioners were not a special social category, and potentially any person could serve in any ritual role. Traditional ceremonies can be classified into two categories: life-cycle rituals and calendrical rituals. Generally speaking, the former continue to be practiced with an overlay of Christian features \u2026 [71] \u2026 By contrast, the traditional calendrical rituals have been abandoned with the demise of shifting cultivation \u2026 Whatever the type of ritual, the Bunun usually held them privately and did not go through complex processes. Even the major traditional agricultural ritual, the Mapulaho, was initiated by public shaman (Lisigadan lus-an) in his field without the presence of other members. After his performance, each domestic unit would choose a member to perform it privately.\u201d (Huang, 1995, pp. 70-71)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe political organization of the traditional Bunun is relatively simple \u2026 There were two political offices: the Lisigadan lus-an and the Lavian (Huang 1982: 332-4). The former was in charge of social order within the settlement. The Lisigidan lusan was a shaman whose duty was to direct all agricultural rituals \u2026 [75] \u2026 In addition, as a leader, he had to have the ability to mediate between quarrelling parties and resolve differences in the settlement.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe lavian was a political leader who dealt with relations with other settlements or other tribes. He had to be the bravest and most skilful warrior in leading his people to defend their settlement from invasions by outsiders.\u201d (Huang, 1993, pp. 74-75)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10029, "valueset_pk": 10029, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10029, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bunun-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 34, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 34, "glottocode": "bunu1267", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "bunun", "name": "Bunun", "description": "The Bunun live in the mountains of central Taiwan. Traditional Bunun religion has been described as 'atheistic', a reference to the fact that it centred on impersonal supernatural forces rather than supernatural beings. They converted to Christianity from the 1960s onwards, but the version of Christianity that they practice is notably syncretic.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 23.5, "longitude": 120.5}, "name": "Bunun"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.5, 23.5]}, "id": "bunun"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19413", "name": "2", "description": "'Bellona society' (Monberg, 1991, pp. 7-20)\r\n\r\n'Ritual practices' (Monberg, 1991, pp. 157-412)\r\n\r\n'Religious offices and roles' (Monberg, 1991, pp. 175-217)\r\n\r\nBellona society was divided into nested patrilineal descent groups: clans (sa'a), subclans or 'alliance groups' (kakai'anga), and lineages (manaha). Lineages consisted of a number of 'homesteads' or 'households', also called manaha. Territorially, the island was divided into three 'districts' (kanomanaha). There were two clans, which were localized, as were their subclans to a large extent. One clan (Taupongi or Iho), which was also a subclan, occupied one district. The other clan (Kaitu'u) occupied the other two districts. One of these districts (Matangi) was occupied by a single subclan, and the other (Ghongau) was divided among two subclans. Lineages were only partially localised within a district:\r\n\r\n\"There were 440 inhabitants in 82 settlements on Bellona immediately before the introduction of Christianity. They represented generations 20 to 23 of the immigrants to Bellona from the traditional homeland 'Ubea, according to their oral traditions ... The major social divisions were those of clans (sa'a), subclans (kakai'anga), and patrilineal descent groups (manaha).\r\n\r\n[9]\r\n\r\n\"There were two clans on Bellona, sa\u2019a Kaitu\u2019u and sa\u2019a Taupongi ... Themembers of the Kaitu'u clan claimed to be descendants of one of the first immigrants, Kaitu'u, and the members of the Taupongi clan claimed descent from another immigrant, Taupongi ... These clans were the major patrilineal descent groups of the island and were also residential units ... Male members of the Taupongi clan call owned land and resided in the same district (kanomanaha), Ngango, at the western end of the island. This clan was commonly called the Iho clan after one of its first ancestors ... and this is the term used throughout this book. Male members of the Kaitu'u cla owned land and resided in the middle district, Ghonghau, and in the eastern district, Matangi.\r\n\r\n\"Male landowners residing in the same district considered themselves to belong to a kakai\u2019anga, a term indicating the largest alliance group of a clan. Its members all traced patrilineal ascent to an ancestor of a later generation than that of the first immigrants ... The separation of male members of the Kaitu'u clan at Ghongau and Matangi was rationalized by the Bellonese by reference to specific 'historic' traditions that related how the Kaitu'u clan had divided, resulting in the creation of two kakai'anga residing in and controlling different areas. In generation 17-18 Ghonghau district had split into two alliance groups, Tengutangabangka'ango and Tengutangabangitakungu ... which were considered separare kakai'anga by some Bellonese. The rift is so recent that there is still disagreement whether these two alliance groups should be called separate social units. Their members still live intermingled in the same area, and it is impossible to draw a borderline between the areas controlled by their respective people. The people of the Iho clan considered themselves one kakai'anga, and the district ihabited by them was a kanomanaha ... In 1938 the Bellonese recognised three distinct districts (kanomanaha): Ngango, owned by by the Iho clan; Ghongau, owned by a subclan of the Kaitu'u clan that was on the verge of splitting into two distinct subclan; and Matangi, owned by another subclan of the Kaitu'u clan.\r\n\r\n\"The subclans were further subdivided into minor patrilineal descent groups, manaha. (In this book the word lineage is used synonymously with the term patrilineal descent group) ... [10] ... Land belonging to the members of a manaha often formed a cluster of garden areas and homesteads, but some of the land owned by members of the same patrilineal descent group was dispersed. The result was that land owned by different lineages was intermingled within a district.\" (Monberg, 1991, pp. 8-10)\r\n\r\n\"A lineage was subdivided into a number of households. The term for household is the same as that for lineage, namely manaha. Manaha also means an important land area. A lineage derived its name from the most prominent homestead and land area belonging to one of its members, namely that owned by the first man to branch off from his original lineage to form a new patrilineal descent group. This homestead and land area was called a hakanohonga \u2026 A man might own land and built his living houses in various parts of the district of his subclan, where he lived with his household. This usually consisted of the nuclear family, often with one or more kinsmen living with them for shorter or longer periods.\" (Monberg, 1991, p. 13)\r\n\r\nThe most important religious office was clearly the \u2018priest chief\u2019 (tunihenua). Holding this title appears to have been a requirement in order to \u2018lead rituals\u2019. Most households were headed by a priest-chief. There does not appear to have been any formal hierarchy among priest-chiefs, though some were more \u2018prominent\u2019 than others:\r\n\r\n\"Three types of offices existed: assistants to priests (hakabaka), second priest-chiefs (haihenua), and priest-chiefs (tunihenua). Each of these office-holders were assigned specific roles.\"(Monberg, 1991, p 175)\r\n\r\n\"By being appointed priest-chief a man became a key figure in the ritual system. Most adult landowners carried the title and could thus lead their own rituals.\" (Monberg, 1991, p 190)\r\n\r\n\"Attainment of priesthood is not easily separated from social status. Some priest-chiefs were prominent, others less so.\"(Monberg, 1991, p. 373)\r\n\r\nPriest-chiefs usually confined their activity to their lineages, but could officiate for different lineages within the same clan and district. The largest-scale rituals appear to have been performed by lineages. \r\n\r\n\"Priest-chiefs of high skill performed elaborate rituals with quite large distributions of food and also acted as priest chiefs when invited by other homesteads or even other patrilineages. Less skilled priest-chiefs usually limited themselves to conducting smaller household rituals and would often add their harvest produce to that of others and join in their larger rites.\" (Monberg, 1991, pp 201-210)\r\n\r\n\"The Bellonese asserted that members of a lineage most often acted as religious officials at each other\u2019s rituals. But if there were too few adult men in a lineage, they might turn to others for help \u2026 No one could act as priest-chief at ritual feasts of people of another clan. Members of the Taupongi (Iho) clan could not assume any roles in rituals of the Kaitu\u2019u clan because these clans worshipped different sets of district deities. However, there are a few examples of members of the Kaitu\u2019u clan making ritual distributions in Ngango district of the Taupongi clan, but in those cases they invoked their own deities, not those of the Taupongi people.\" (Monberg, 1991, p 211)\r\n\r\n\"The ritual donors in any specific ritual cycle were usually one or more men of the same patrilineal descent group. No cases are known in which men of lineage A added their crop to a ritual feast for lineage B, but there were several cases in which a man acted as religious official at the rituals of another lineage, often to help a lineage that had no adult, initiated priest-chief at a certain time, or that lacked persons who could act as godly vehicle or second priest-chief. A person would never act as religious official in a district other than his own, because districts worshipped different deities and ancestors.\" (Monberg, 1991, p. 404)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10043, "valueset_pk": 10043, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10043, "jsondata": {}, "id": "bellona-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 128, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 128, "glottocode": "renn1242", "ethonyms": "Bellonese; Munggiki", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bellonese", "Munggiki"]}, "id": "bellona", "name": "Bellona", "description": "Bellona, a raised coral island, is one of the 'Polynesian Outliers'. Its language and culture are very similar to those of neighbouring Rennell. Like the Rennellese, the Bellonese maintained their indigenous religion until a mass conversion in 1938.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -11.3, "longitude": 159.8}, "name": "Bellona"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [159.8, -11.3]}, "id": "bellona"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18529", "name": "2", "description": "\"In precontact times Manam villages were politically autonomous. Each village was ruled by a hereditary chief called tanepoa labalaba, a position based on primogeniture.\" (Lutkehaus, 1991, p 168)\r\n\r\n\"There are no formal religious positions, but some individuals inherit supernatural power (marou) from their ancestors that enables them to perform canoe magic, influence the winds, ensure an abundance of tobacco, etc. A tanepoa labalaba in particular is thought to have the power to ensure the fertility of crops and the wellbeing of his villagers.\" (Lutkehaus, 1991, p 169)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10049, "valueset_pk": 10049, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10049, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manam-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 10, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 10, "glottocode": "mana1295", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "manam", "name": "Manam", "description": "Manam is a volcanic island off the north coast of New Guinea. As the island's soil is poor, the people of Manam depend heavily on trade with the mainland. The people of Manam believe (and possibly still believe) that the volcano on their island is inhabited by a culture heroine called Zaria.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -4.1, "longitude": 145.0}, "name": "Manam"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [145.0, -4.1]}, "id": "manam"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "18524", "name": "2", "description": "'Moen palit' (Gustafsson, 1992, pp. 18-50)\r\n\r\n\"In pre-Christian times each village had a sorcerer who was authorized to communicate with the spirits. The sorcerer's house was said to be surrounded by spirits, the ala palits, who were dangerous to everyone in the village and to women and children especially. The sorcerer could summon the spirits whenever he liked. Inside his house would be found a wooden bowl, into which he put food for the spirits every day. Thus the spirits were thought to congregate more or less in the vicinity of this wooden bowl. The living not only feared the spirits but also this bowl and the food that was in it. The sorcerer was also held to have the power to inflict illness on the living, irrespective of which tali [clan] they belonged to. Once the illness had been inflicted however, the sorcerer could not cure it, that is, he could not recover the soul stuff from the spirits, and another sorcerer would have to be sent for (Parkinson 1911: 402).\" (Gustafsson, 1992, p. 31)\r\n\r\n\"According to Parkinson it was only one man, the sorcerer, who could influence the dangerous powers in the village, in the form of kot and the ala palits, and he also had the power to inflict illness on the living. Illness was the sanction visited upon individual members of the tali [kin group] who failed to fulfil obligations towards their relatives. Although members of other talis were considered alien relationships existed with individual men belonging to other talis, through marriage. Once a relationship was established wealth would be regularly exchanged between the two domestic communities. One man, as we shall see later, could not collect wealth on his own to distribute to his affinal kin, but he was dependent on other members of his family for contributions. The good spirits, according to Parkinson, did not inflict illness and, thereby, were not credited with power to penalize members of the tali who might fail to, for example, contribute in exchanges with affinal kin. The sorcerer alone had this power. It is apparent then that the sorcerer, through his ability to inflict illness, saw that individual members of different talis fulfilled their obligations towards their kin.\r\n\r\n\"When Fortune visited Manus he did not observe any sorcerers in the villages. When, and why, the sorcerers had stopped performing their art, is not known to us; one may suspect, however, that both the missionaries and the colonial administration had been opposed to the kind of rituals they performed. When the sorcerers were no longer given the opportunity to perform their rituals, then their power over the spirits also came to an end. The wooden bowl, which was where the spirits had congregated, thereby, seems to have disappeared from the sorcerer's house. Fortune could not find any tjinals and instead all skulls were resting in wooden bowls, that were placed in that part of the family house which symbolized the tjinal. The wooden bowls that the skulls now rested in, we shall argue, were the same bowls as those which had earlier [Page 33] been placed in the sorcerer's house. The dangerous spirits, thus, did not disappear, and the bowl, in which the spirits resided, was placed under the skull. When the sorcerers no longer could perform their rituals in public, then the power shared by kot and the ala palits to inflict illness, had been transformed and representionally fused into the skull and the tjinal. (Gustaffsson, 1992, pp. 32-33)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10050, "valueset_pk": 10050, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10050, "jsondata": {}, "id": "manus-titan-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 44, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 44, "glottocode": "tita1241", "ethonyms": "Titan; Manus; Manus True", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Titan", "Manus", "Manus True"]}, "id": "manus-titan", "name": "Manus (Titan)", "description": "Manus is the largest of the Admiralty Islands off the northern coast of New Guinea. However, the name Manus is also an ethnonym given to the speakers of the Titan language, a specific group living on and around the southern coast of the island. To distinguish the Titan-speakers from other peoples of Manus, they are sometimes known as \"Manus True\". Manus religion, which  the worship of spirits of deceased fathers by their sons, was studied in detail by Fortune (1935).", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -2.2, "longitude": 147.2}, "name": "Manus (Titan)"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [147.2, -2.2]}, "id": "manus-titan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19868", "name": "2", "description": "\"A Paiwan village, qinalan, can be defined primarily in residential and territorial terms. The traditional village is inseparable from Paiwan chieftainship.\" (Matzusawa, 1989, p 63)\r\n\r\n\"Each communal ritual group was organized with the chief's household, the chiefly couple, as the nucleus of what might be termed a magico-religious group. Surrounding the nucleus were village households related to that core (see the ta-djaLan above), along with those non-related households residing on core land. This ritual unit, therefore, has traditionally coincided with the political unit of the chiefdom. In a few villages in western Paiwan territory, however, a chief from a household established through budding from an original chief's household occupied part of the original village land, but organized a separate ritual group with villagers who lived on, and who cultivated land given to the new chief. These would be communal rituals on a smaller scale, and this new group would join the original chief's ritual group for large-scale rituals (discussed in detail in the last part of this chapter) ... Communal rituals are led by chiefs as a couple, along with two priests, male and female, called parakalay. In a few villages, such as Su-Paiwan and Kapiyan, there were several appointed priests, male and female (see Kojima et al 1922: 54-55). The common way to appoint a priest was by selection of a proper person from among all villagers by the chief and the village elders, and then to ask the will of their ancestors' spirits through divination, whether this was a correct selec\u00adtion. Only a few villages, such as Su-Paiwan and some southern villages, reported that such priests were appointed from amongst chiefly families (ibid: 55-57). Several shamannesses, all female, were reported for each village. They were called maLada in the western areas and puLigaw in eastern villages. Male priests were assigned to hunting rituals, and female priests were assigned to agricultural rituals in communal rituals. Shamannesses sometimes  assisted priests in communal rituals, but were mainly engaged in private rituals and in various kinds of divination. Both priests and shamannesses were not full-time specialists but were given some privileges and respect, par\u00adticularly in the case of priests.\" (Matsukawa, 1989, pp 200-202). \r\n\r\n\"Paiwan chiefs exercized political and ritual leadership as a married couple ... Sexual division of roles was clear: leadership in headhunting and hunting game animals under the male chief of a couple, and communal affairs of agriculture under the female chief of a couple was understood. Other administrative or judicial authority was bestowed on the chiefs as a couple.\"  (Matzusawa, 1989, p 205)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10052, "valueset_pk": 10052, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10052, "jsondata": {}, "id": "paiwan-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 59, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 59, "glottocode": "paiw1248", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "paiwan", "name": "Paiwan", "description": "The Paiwan inhabit the southern tip of Taiwan. They are known, among other things, for their belligerence towards occupying powers - subjugation of the Paiwan by the Chinese and Japanese was a long and bloody process. Historically, they worshipped a number of supernatural beings, the most important of which were ancestral spirits. Some of these spirits were believed to inhabit sacred knives and swords.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.5, "longitude": 120.9}, "name": "Paiwan"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.9, 22.5]}, "id": "paiwan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "19875", "name": "2", "description": "\u201cSociopolitical organization does not extend beyond the village level, despite the existence of extensive intervillage networks of kin relationships. One lineage in a village is considered to be made up of the direct patrilineal descendants of the first settler. The members of this lineage are called the \u2018village owners\u2019 (pnuwe-nduan). In addition to the headman or the oldest male of the pnuwe-nduan lineage, who is often also nduse-nduan (\u2018lord of the area\u2019), a village also has several ambat-nduan (\u2018lords of the land\u2019), who are adat specialists of the various tracts of lineage land. Other adat functionaries in Jamdenese villages are the \u2018announcer,\u2019 or mangafwajak, the \u2018offerer,\u2019 or mangsombe, the \u2018speaker,\u2019 or mangatanuk, and the \u2018\u201dnavigator,\u2019 or sori luri. All the offices are hereditary, and the holders have traditional seats on the village stone platform (natar) at village gatherings. The \u2018announcer\u2019 is the intermediary between lineages within the village and between his own village and others. The \u2018speaker\u2019 assists him and also settles disputes (excluding disputes concerning land) among villagers. The \u2018offerer\u2019 and the \u2018navigator\u2019 direct and perform villagewide ceremonies.\u201d (Koentjaraningrat, 1972, p 113)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10053, "valueset_pk": 10053, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10053, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tanimbar-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 5, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 5, "glottocode": "yamd1240", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "tanimbar", "name": "Tanimbar", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -7.5, "longitude": 131.5}, "name": "Tanimbar"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [131.5, -7.5]}, "id": "tanimbar"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "21082", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018Religious contexts\u2019 (Hooe, 2012, pp. 46-53)\r\n\r\n\u2018Research methods and fieldwork sites\u2019 (Hooe, 2012, pp. 53-63)\r\n\r\n\u2018Adat polities in the Kei Islands\u2019 (Hooe, 2012, pp. 98-102)\r\n\r\n\u201cKei Adat and the origins of Larvul Ngabal\u2019 (Hooe, 2012, pp. 112-120)\r\n\r\nThe 'primary religious practitioners' were called the mitu duan and leb:\r\n\r\n\"The  indigenous  religion  of  the  Keiese  involved  the  belief  in  a  dualistic  supreme  deity,  the  Sun-Moon God \u2026 as well as ancestral spirits (nit), non-anthropomorphic local spirits (mitu) and evil spirits (foar). The primary religious practitioners were the mitu duan (master of the local spirits) and  the leb  (priest of  the  sun-moon  god)  (see  Geurtjens  1921; van  Wouden [47] 1968).\"  (Hooe, 2012, pp 46-47)\r\n\r\nThese two practitioners are explicitly described as 'village functionaries':\r\n\r\n\"In addition to the orang kaya and kepala soa, van Wouden (1968:36-37) identified four additional village functionaries: (1) tuan tan, (2) mitu duan, (3) leb, and (4) dir-u ham-wang. The tuan tan, or \u2018lord of the land\u2019, is held by a ren-ren individual who is a descendant of the [102] founding clan of a village. According to van Wouden (1968:36-37), this position was purely titular in some location, but in others had remained important. If anyone wished to clear land for new planting on village land, they had to inform the tuan tan. The tuan tan also performed divination rituals concerning the success of crops, as well as aides in the settlement of disputes over land (van Wouden 1968:36-7). The third and fourth village functionaries were the mitu duan (the attendant of the local village spirit) and the leb (a religious official who administered oaths and renders supernaturally-inspired judgments). A fifth position was that of the dir-u ham-wang, which was the honorary post of \u2018pilot\u2019 (dir-u) in the village ceremonial canoe (belang) as well as the village carver of communally hunted large game (ham-wang) (van Wouden 1968:36-7). (Hooe, 2012, pp. 101-102)\r\n\r\nA larger unit called the lor ('domain' also existed), headed by a figure called the rat. There is no indication that the rat held religious authority. His function was to administer the law, which appears to have been largely secular:\r\n\r\n\u201cThroughout the Kei archipelago, there are 19 \u2026 domains or \u2018little kingdoms\u2019, seven on the island of Kei Besar and twelve spread throughout the islands of Kei Kecil \u2026 Today, these domains are often referred to as ratschap, a term combining the Kei word rat [56] (king or chief) with the Dutch suffix \u2018\u2013schaap\u2019 meaning \u201c-ship\u201d (Thorburn 2008:126). Ratschap was first used by the Dutch to refer the domains of the Kei Islands, which are sometimes referred to as lor in the Kei language (see Rahail 1993, 1996) \u2026 [57] \u2026 Each ratschap is headed by a rat. The ratschap of the Kei Islands are further organized into two large confederations or \u2018political moieties\u2019 (Valeri 1989) known as ur siu (the nine [58] moiety) and lor lim (the five moiety) (van Wouden 1966). 18 The Keiese claim that these nonterritorial confederations were mobilized in times of war and distress. Nine ratschap belong to the ur siu moiety, nine others belong to the lor lim moiety, while 2 ratschap are politically neutral (or lor labay). With the exception of these neutral ratschap, each domain consists of a number of villages, ranging from 3 villages (Songli centered in Rumat on Kei Kecil) to 46 villages (Maur Ohoivuut on Kei Besar).\u201d (Hooe, 2012, pp. 55-58)\r\n\r\n\u201cKei adat law is known as Larvul Ngabal (Larvul means \u2018red blood\u2019 and Ngabal means \u2018spear from Bali\u2019) (see Howes 1987; Rahail 1993). Arguably one of the most elaborate and formal adat law codes in Maluku (Thorburn 2008.115), Larvul Ngabal is comprised of seven edicts (see Figure 36) that are further divided into three categories of law: (1) Hukum Nevnev (edicts 1-4), (2) Hukum Hanilit (edicts 5-6) and (3) Hawear Balwarin (edict 7) (Rahail 1993; Adhuri 2006; Thorburn 2008). These three categories of law are sometimes translated as \u2018criminal law\u2019 (Hukum Nevnev), \u2018family law\u2019 (Hukum Hanilit), and \u2018property law\u2019 (Hawear Balwarin) (Thorburn 2008:119) \u2026 Larvul Ngabal provides a basic framework for Kei socio-political order (Thorburn 2008:118). With regard to Kei political organization, adat law specifies the ascendancy of the noble rank (mel-mel) and maintains the purity of Kei social classification.\u201d (Hooe, 2012, p 114)\r\n\r\n\u201cGenerally speaking, the closer a rat, and thus their contemporary descendants, to the source of adat law, the more authority and power they are able to claim in matters of adat. But regardless of a particular rat\u2019s place in such a scheme, all Kei rat, from both the \u2018nine\u2019 and the \u2018five\u2019 moieties, became the owners and guardians of Kei adat law. The tom describing the origins and spread of Kei adat law, I would argue, clearly claim Larvul Ngabal as a proprietary domain of mel-mel leaders. In the Kei islands, at least from a mel-mel point of view, knowledge of and expertise in adat are claimed to be noble prerogatives.\u201d (Hooe, 2012, p 120)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10057, "valueset_pk": 10057, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10057, "jsondata": {}, "id": "kei-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 109, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 109, "glottocode": "keii1239", "ethonyms": "Keiese; Kei Islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Keiese", "Kei Islanders"]}, "id": "kei", "name": "Kei", "description": "The Kei Islands are an archipelago in eastern Indonesia whose indigenous people constitute a single ethnolinguistic group. Much of Keiese adat (customary law) is traditionally derived from Bali.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.8, "longitude": 132.8}, "name": "Kei"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [132.8, -5.8]}, "id": "kei"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "21327", "name": "2", "description": "\u2018Account of the inhabitants\u2019 (Candidius, quoted in Campbell, 1903, pp. 9-25)\r\n\r\n\"These villages have no general chief who rules over them, but each village is independent. Nor has any village its own head-man who governs it; although it may have a nominal council, consisting of twelve men of good repute. Every two years the councillors lay down their office, and others are chosen in their stead. Councillors must be about forty years of age, and all of them of the same age. Although they know nothing of the number of years, and no, one really knows how long he has lived, still they do remember on what day, and in what year and month, they were born. When coun- cillors have been in oiEce two years, each causes the hair on both sides of his forehead to be plucked out, which is a sign that he has fulfilled his term and is no longer in office. Then, other councillors of the same age are chosen.\r\n\r\n\u201cThe dignity and power of the councillors, however, is not so great that their laws must be obeyed or their commands listened to; but whenever a difficulty arises they meet, and deliberate about the best way of solving it. Having come to a decision they call all the people of the village together to one of the palaver or idol houses, the question is propounded, and for half an hour they discuss the pros and cons of the matter. When one speaker is tired, another takes his place, and they thus endeavour, by dint of many words, to persuade the people to accept their proposal. Perfect order is maintained; for, while an orator is speaking, no one would think of interrupting him, though there were a thousand hearers. At their eloquence I have been thoroughly astonished, for I actually believe Demosthenes himself could not have been more eloquent or have had a greater selection of words at his command. The councillors having finished speaking, the people deliberate about the proposal among themselves; and they may accept what the councillors propose or not, as they think fit. There is no compulsion; every one judging for himself of the advantages or disadvantages of the proposal.\r\n\r\n\"It is also part of a councillor's office to see that the commands of their priestesses are duly obeyed, and to prevent everything that they fancy may provoke the anger of their gods. Whenever anything has occurred which [16] they think may incense their gods, or when a private interest is at stake, these twelve persons are considered competent to judge concerning the matter, and they have the power to inflict certain punishments. These punishments never take the form of imprisonment, chains, or any other corporal punishment; but of fines, it may be of some piece of clothing, a deer skin, or a jar of their strong drink, according to the offence.\" (Candidius, quoted in Campbell, 1903, pp. 15-16)\r\n\r\n\u201cAll other nations that I have ever known have male priests, popes, or teachers, who instruct the people and are the priests of their gods; but this nation has only priestesses, whom they call Inibs. The public service these Inibs perform in a religious capacity is twofold ; calling upon their gods and bringing sacrifices to them, which sacrifices are chiefly offered in their temples, and consist of slaughtered pigs, cooked rice, pinang, and a great quantity of their beverage, as also the heads of stags and swine.\" (Candidius, quoted in Campbell, 1903, p. 24)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10059, "valueset_pk": 10059, "domainelement_pk": 264, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 264, "jsondata": {"color": "#b0867f"}, "id": "149-2", "name": "2", "description": "Local (encompasses the local community and / or multiple sublocal groups)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10059, "jsondata": {}, "id": "siraya-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 46, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "2", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 46, "glottocode": "sira1267", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "siraya", "name": "Siraya", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": 22.9, "longitude": 120.4}, "name": "Siraya"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.4, 22.9]}, "id": "siraya"}]}