{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Religious Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "19051", "name": "1", "description": "The Motu lived in villages divided into \u2018wards\u2019 (iduhu). Formal leadership was limited to the latter. \r\n\r\nThere are two significant corporate groups in a Motu village: the household, comprising one or more nuclear families; and the iduhu, comprising a number of households located together in their own residential section of the village \u2026 Although there are perceived to be specific historical links between certain Motu villages, traditionally all villages were politically independent and there was no formal socio-political organization above the village level. Normally, the senior married male agnate is recognized within an iduhu as its leader, and within a household as its head, and the status of other male members is determined by genealogical seniority both within and between generations. At the village level, there was traditionally no formal status hierarchy, but prominent men, for the most part iduhu leaders, competed for status and influence through the sponsorship and management of enterprises that conferred prestige, such as hiri expeditions, feasts with dancing, bride-wealth payments, and (in precolonial times) feats of military leadership. (Groves, 1991, p 214)\r\n\r\n\u2018Specialist religious practitioners\u2019 are denied;\r\n\r\n\"There were no specialist religious practitioners in traditional Motu society, except for diviners who could identify certain illnesses and calamities as punishments for particular infringements of the ancestral code or as the effects of sorcery (mea) or witchcraft (vada). The Motu believed that, in general, only Koita and other neighboring peoples practiced sorcery and witchcraft, but individual Motu could buy or otherwise enlist their services or skills.\" (Groves, 1991, p 215)\r\n\r\nIduhu appears to have been the largest ritual unit. The iduhu head (kwarana) is strongly implied to have directed iduhu rituals:\r\n\r\n\"Motu traditionally believed that their well-being depended on the continued support of their ancestral spirits, who were believed to go after death to a place of plenty over the sea, to the west, but who were thought also to maintain a concern for, and spiritual contact with, their living descendants in the village. Households and iduhu regularly performed mystical rites instituted by their ancestors to promote success in such enterprises as gardening, fishing, and the hiri.\" (Groves, 1991, p 215)\r\n\r\n\"Poreporena had no government, but it did have leaders. In each iduhu, leadership was usually hereditary, descending from eldest son to eldest son in the senior male line. The incumbent  was called the iduhu kwarana, 'head' of the iduhu, and in Motu the word kwara was used, as in English, to denote both the head as a part of the body and the senior man in a group; its emphasis was on formal status, in this case genealogical status \u2026 [81] \u2026 The iduhu kwarana lived in the front house of the iduhu, and his verandah (dehe) was the  ceremonial focus of the iduhu. On it, at all times, the older men of the iduhu (the tau badana) met and gossiped. On it, during a feast, foodstuffs were placed to honour the lineage forbears. On it decisions were taken and agreements reached. The dehe was, in a sense, the iduhu's temple and its consultative chamber, but such analogies gravely distort the facts; the iduhu kwarana was neither a political authority nor a priest, he was simply the senior elder (primus  inter pares) whose ritual associations and worldly opinions were entitled to special respect. There was no political machinery, and there were no formal sanctions to enforce decisions.\" (Groves, 1954, pp 80-81)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9954, "valueset_pk": 9954, "domainelement_pk": 263, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 263, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "149-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9954, "jsondata": {}, "id": "motu-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 11, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 11, "glottocode": "motu1246", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "motu", "name": "Motu", "description": "The Motu are an Austronesian-speaking people who historically lived in the area that now Port Moresby, the capital of Papua New Guinea. They were heavily involved in trade, and their trading expeditions (hiri) played an important role in their ceremonial life. In historic times, Motu have played a prominent role in Papua New Guinea society and government.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.5, "longitude": 147.1}, "name": "Motu"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [147.1, -9.5]}, "id": "motu"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "20231", "name": "1", "description": "Religion (Davenport, 1969, pp. 220-239)\r\n\r\nThe religion of the Main Reef Islands centred around 'tutelary spirits' called ne. Each 'senior man' (the head of a household or 'joint household') had one or more tutelaries:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe second set of supernaturals are those who are the tutelary deities to whom prayers and other rituals were directed. In pagan times each senior man had one or more tutelaries on whose powers he relied for continued help and special assistance in difficult situations. By senior man is meant a man with domestic responsibilities for his own household at least or for a larger joint household if he was the individual round whom one of these extended families cohered.\" (Davenport, 1969, p. 225)\r\n\r\nA senior man could be considered to have had 'religious authority' over his household or joint household, since his tutelary was presumably to some extent also seen as the tutelary of the group that he headed. The senior man had few exclusive 'rights' to his tutelary deity, since 'one could ask any deity for anything without consulting any of its worshippers', but does appear to have had the right to 'attend' to its image in public ceremonies:\r\n\r\n\u201cAs is clear from all that has been said, women had nothing to do with the worship of tutelary deities. A man usually continued to venerate the deity of the household in which he was reared, that is, he followed his father. Occasionally, he continued after a mother's brother. It made no difference. As mentioned, most worship was private and undertaken in the dwelling where a man could recognize any deity he wished. Publicly, however, the senior man of the group who venerated the same deity took primary responsibility for the representation that was kept in the cult house and for attending this image in public recognitions. But, as also indicated, men often switched from one deity to another, and one could ask any deity for anything without consulting any of its worshippers. [237] Thus, the relationship between supernatural tutelary and his human client was a loose one that was as much subject to choice as to ascription or inheritance.\u201d (Davenport, 1969, pp. 236-237)\r\n\r\nAlthough most worship was private, 'public rituals' also occurred on an ad-hoc basis at the instigation of 'influential men'. These rituals could involve an entire ward or village, and were believed to benefit the whole group:\r\n\r\n\u201cIn any ward or village the collection of tutelary deities worshipped constituted a supernatural population of that residential grouping. In every respect the tutelaries were regarded as residents, albeit special residents, of the community and whose presence was acknowledge continually. The cult house (opone) was the structure where the material representations or images (also called ne) were housed and in or around which some of the rituals took place. Care of the cult house was a joint responsibility of all whose images were kept inside. One of the periodic rituals was the refurbishing of this house or the building of a new one. When this was done, the work feast became a ritual feast to which all the resident tutelaries were the honored guests.\r\n\r\n\u201cSo many of these personal tutelaries were worshipped throughout the islands that no one person could know the names of them all. Several individuals in different villages could worship the same deity, so there was some overlap between communities, but the assemblage of deities in every community was unique. Because each deity was also a unique personality with general and special [226] powers that could be ellicited by a successful appeal, the inventory of ritual observances of each community was as distinctive as its cluster of deities.\u201d (Davenport, 1969, pp. 225-226)\r\n\r\n\"As with maturation feasts, it often occurred that more than one worshipper held his public feast to his deity at the same time. Multiple celebrations meant more food, larger distributions, and more visitors \u2014 a bigger social event. It was part of the role of the influential men of each community to organize such multiple celebrations so that the entire community would benefit both from the supernatural favors of the deities and the social prestige gained from giving a large feast for the enjoyment of all who came. One such occasion might be when it was clear that the cult house had to be rebuilt or refurbished. More often it was an occasion when the entire community was suffering from some catastrophy such as an epidemic or failure of crops. These celebrations in which every image was honored were not calendric and not observed until some situation demanded it. At this time every man with an image in the house contributed [228] to the celebration.\" (Davenport, 1959, pp. 227-228)\r\n\r\nOne type of religious specialist is mentioned, the spirit medium (to\u016blat\u016b). Little is said about these figures, but they appear to have served individual clients:\r\n\r\n\u201cWhile most communication from worshipper to deity was either by ordinary conversation (through the medium of some kind of material representation), offering presents of food, or by celebrating feasts to which the deity was an honored guest, there were also spirit mediums (to\u016blat\u016b) whose special talents were needed in situations that required a different approach. Both men and women were mediums, and becoming one depended entirely upon personal calling. The services of a medium were used, hired that is, whenever a worshipper was in a quandry about something supernatural. It was the task of the medium to penetrate the boundary between the natural and supernatural dimensions of the universe and obtain the information sought. Unfortunately, the writer did not obtain good data on mediums and their work.\u201d (Davenport, 1969, p. 237)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9963, "valueset_pk": 9963, "domainelement_pk": 263, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 263, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "149-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9963, "jsondata": {}, "id": "main-reef-islands-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 120, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 120, "glottocode": "ayiw1239", "ethonyms": "Main Reef Islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Main Reef Islanders"]}, "id": "main-reef-islands", "name": "Main Reef Islands", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.3, "longitude": 166.3}, "name": "Main Reef Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [166.3, -10.3]}, "id": "main-reef-islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "18883", "name": "1", "description": "Description of To\u2019abaita religion: Hogbin (1939, pp 102-121). \r\n\r\n\u2018Priests\u2019 existed. They clearly had 'religious authority' in that only they could offer sacrifices. Each priest was associated with a cemetery and offered sacrifices to the people buried there on behalf of their surviving kin. Hence the group over which a priest exercised authority consisted of the kin of those buried in the cemetery, who were also the worshippers of the latter. Most of this 'congregation', but not all, would have resided in the same district, since people usually worshipped the ancestors who were buried in the cemetery closest to them. However, they would rarely have included the entire population of a district, since districts usually had more than one cemetery. Ngwane-inoto (big men) also played a religious role to in that they gained prestige by organising sacrifices. Some were also priests. However, there is no indication that they were generally believed to have privileged access to the supernatural. \r\n\r\n\"I have mentioned that the people do not live in villages but in isolated homesteads. Mountain ridges and streams, however, serve to divide the country into small districts \u2026 The residents of each of these areas are marked off from the rest of the community in a variety of ways. Thus they combine under their own leader to carry out all sorts of communal work, such as clearing land for new gardens and avenging wrongs committed by outsiders, take a pride in their local traditions, and refer to themselves by the name of the territory they occupy \u2026 Groupings of this type are in some respects similar to localised clans, so common elsewhere. A clan, however, is by definition unilateral \u2026 Clans, again, are always exogamous \u2026  [26] \u2026 The members of a Malaita district group, on the other hand, though able to trace their descent from a common ancestor, regard ties through males and ties through females as of equal importance, and feel no repugnance at marriage amongst themselves \u2026 In rather more than two-thirds of the unions, nevertheless, the partners do come from different districts, and when this is so the sons have the right to erect their dwellings and make gardens in the territories of either of their parents. This right is even extended, and a person may go and live in any of the areas where an ancestor has dwelt \u2013 an ancestor, that is, from whom he is descended directly through males or through males and females.\r\n\r\n\"The natives themselves express this right not in terms of where the ancestor dwelt but of where he is buried and worshipped. In each district there is a couple of sacred groves, always easy to locate because the bush in the vicinity is never cut down, and in consequence huge ficus and banyan trees tower over the surrounding jungle. At death the person\u2019s body is buried in one of the sacred groves of the area where his house was situated, and his descendants offer up sacrifices at intervals near his grave. Since the number of ancestors increases with every receding generation, and as marriages outside the district are of frequent occurrence, it follows that a person who wishes to worship all his forebears has to make sacrifices in many different places, and that in each one of these he has the right of residence. In practice he usually restricts the number to those whose graves are within a convenient distance, and the choice of districts to which he may belong is narrowed down considerably.\" (Hogbin, 1939, pp 25-26)\r\n\r\n\"The ritual of sacrifice has been described in connection with the position of the ngwane-inoto. The facts there given indicate that offerings on a large scale - with the subsequent feasts and dances - are the principal method of acquiring social prestige. Though this is fully recgonized by native opinion, the ostensible object of the ceremonies is to secure the goodwill of the spirits, and this aim is at least as important to the participants \u2026 It is usual to select a single group of ancestors for regular worship, generally those buried in the cemetery closest to where the man lives. A ngwane-inoto initiates feasts in honour of this group only, preserving contact with the remainder by making contributions to feasts organised by others. Lesser members of the community similarly make the bulk of their offerings to the ancestors near whose graves they live, with only occasional sacrifices to other spirits. A change is sometimes made if the place of residence is altered, but this in itself, as was mentioned, is of rare occurrence. The offering of a sacrifice always involves the presence of at least one priest, since they alone know the ritual procedure which has to be gone through when the spirits are approached.  [106] Each cemetery has its own priest who has to give his approval before any offering can be made to the spirits of the persons buried there. The office is held by hereditary right, being transmitted from father to son, but is by no means a full-time job, and apart from his special position at ceremonies the priest lives the life of an ordinary man. Several in fact are ngwane-inoto.\" (Hogbin, 1939, pp 105-106)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9976, "valueset_pk": 9976, "domainelement_pk": 263, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 263, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "149-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9976, "jsondata": {}, "id": "toabaita-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 6, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 6, "glottocode": "toab1237", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "toabaita", "name": "To'abaita", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.4, "longitude": 160.6}, "name": "To'abaita"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [160.6, -8.4]}, "id": "toabaita"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "19337", "name": "1", "description": "The EOWC entry on Tolai (Epstein 1991) has this to say about \u2018religious practitioners\u2019:\r\n\r\n\u201cExperts, or melem, are still required for the 'raising' of the tubuan, but knowledge relating to garden and fishing magic and the like seems to have disappeared and the rites are now rarely, if ever, performed. By contrast, the reality of sorcery is still almost universally acknowledged.\u201d (Epstein, 1991, p 335)\r\n\r\n(On the same page, Epstein describes the \u2018spirit of the tubuan\u2019 as being \u2018at the heart\u2019 of Tolai religion.)\r\n\r\nSimet (1991, pp 312-378) provides a more detailed account of beliefs and practices relating to the tubuan. Tubuan refers to a special kind of mask, and to a female spirit believed to inhabit the mask. The tara na tubuan (\u2018tubuan society\u2019 or \u2018tubuan fraternity\u2019) appears to have been associated with tubuans in general rather than any specific tubuan. Although it was a Tolai-wide institution, only members living in particular villages appear to have consistently acted as a unit \u2013 and even within villages, rituals involving the tubuan seem to have been largely restricted to members of the same clan:\r\n\r\n\u201cThe tubuan is a masked figure similar to other masked figures found in other parts of Melanesia, such as the hevehe of the Papuan Gulf and the tamate of the Banks Islands in Vanuatu. There are many of these masks, each with particular designs, and are owned by individual clans or lineages. This mask represents a fraternity which is known as the tarai na tubuan (men of the tubuan - but could be translated as 'The Tubuan Society'). This is a fraternity into which men and boys are initiated upon payment of a number of tabu initiation fees. Membership in the society is found in all villages of the mainland Gazelle Peninsula and the nearby islands of Watom and the Duke of Yorks. Only the initiated men and boys are allowed to associate with the tubuan while the women and uninitiated are strictly forbidden on punishment of death or very heavy tabu [shell-money] fines.\u201d (Simet, 1991, p 312)\r\n\r\n\u201cThe term tubuan refers initially to the combination of mask and wearer and not just the mask alone. When the mask is not being worn, it is separated into three pieces, the pala lor (head-piece), the iwuna (feathers) and the lagulaqu (strap-piece). The three separate parts are referred to by these names, but if any of these pieces or parts of them are donned by a persons or merely held in the hand, a tubuan is formed as if the full mask is being worn. This is usually done in the taraiu (tubuan sanctuary) when the tubuan is quickly needed for some ritual or other purpose, such as giving commands or rounding up the men to perform some chore. This is because it is said that the tabarani ra tubuan (spirit of the tubuan) permeates every part of the mask outside of the sanctuary, the mask must be seen only as a whole, in the form of tubuan \u2026 Apart from reference to the mask, the term tubuan is also used to refer to the men who manage the affairs of the tubuan and who are more properly known as bit na tubuan (tubuan managers).\u201d (Simet, 1991, p 315)\r\n\r\n\u201cAll the Tolai males who have been initiated into the tubuan fraternity and who can enter the sanctuaries, are known as tarai na tubuan (men of the tubuan). They consider themselves to belong to one group, because they observe the same code, a minigui ra tubuan (the tubuan code). But there is no overall organizational body. For most of the time, the members in a particular village locality consider themselves to constitute a unit, but on many occasions they may find themselves being hosts to members from other village localities or they become guests in other villages. In villages as big as Matupit, the membership breaks up into a number of bodies. Thus on Matupit there are three bodies, which coincides with the division of the village into three districts.\u201d (Simet, 1991, p 326)\r\n\r\n\u201cIn principle all tubuan are tubuan na vunatarai (tubuan of the clan) and are considered to be tubuan na waki (sacred tubuan passed down from the ancestors). Despite the above understanding, not many tubuan that exist at any one time, actually fit under this principle. In any village at any given time, while all tubuan may belong to clans, not all of them are tubuan na waki for some of them may be of recent origin. People acquire these new tubuan for various reasons and there are a number of ways by which they can acquire them \u2026 One of the reasons for acquiring kalamana tubuan (new tubuan) is the dispersed nature of clan members throughout a number of villages. A clan localised in one village has one tubuan, but as members move to other villages and form local groups there, they also want their own tubuan to perform their own ritual ceremonies. This means that it is possible for a clan to have as many tubuan as the number of villages its members occupy.\u201d (Simet, 1991, pp 330-331)\r\n\r\nInitiation into the tarai na tubuan required ceremonies involving a tubuan ideally belonging to one\u2019s own clan (Simet, 1991, p 365) or, failing that, one\u2019s father\u2019s clan or an allied clan (p 367). \r\n\r\nMelem was the name of the highest of three broad grades constituting the tubuan society. This category was subdivided into further grades. The highest grades can probably be considered offices, in that member of these grades alone acted as \u2018managers of the tubuan\u2019. \r\n\r\n\u201cMembership in the fraternity is graded and a person advances to each grade by undergoing appropriate initiations. There are three stages which every man or boy is encouraged to reach, warwolo (admission), rang dawai (second stage initiation) and nidok (third stage initiation). The first of these is the admission initiation which changes the status of a boy from being a maana (non-initiate) to a kalamana (initiate).\u201d (Simet, 1991, p 327)\r\n\r\n\u201cAlthough a person in the kalamana stage has been let into the secret of the mask and can go in and out of the sanctuary whenever he likes, there are still restrictions on what he can do, see, hear and know in the Society \u2026 In order to get beyond such restrictions, he has to move on to higher grades. The next stage that he has to reach is guboro, which is attained by the initiation known as rang dawai \u2026 After the attainment of guboro, some of the restrictions imposed on a person are lifted, but many still remain. Most of these are lifted at the attainment of the next stage, which is known as melem. This stage is attained through an initiation which is known as nidok \u2026 Nidok is the last of the compulsory initiations and it is the watershed in membership in the Tubuan Society. From this point a few men proceed to another two levels, to become bit na tubuan (tubuan managers) and kabin na rakrak (pillars of the fraternity), while the rest remain ordinary members. A person becomes a bit na tubuan when he begins to manage the affairs of a tubuan. A person attains the title of kabin na rakrak after he has successfully staged a series of four tubuan ceremonies, including the nidok initiation.\u201d (Simet, 1991, pp 329-330)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9986, "valueset_pk": 9986, "domainelement_pk": 263, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 263, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "149-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9986, "jsondata": {}, "id": "tolai-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 72, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 72, "glottocode": "kuan1248", "ethonyms": "Kuanua; Gunantuna", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kuanua", "Gunantuna"]}, "id": "tolai", "name": "Tolai", "description": "'Tolai' is a name of relatively recent origin given to the indigenous inhabitants of the Gazelle Peninsula at  the eastern end of the island of New Britain. Prior to European contact, the Tolai engaged in extensive trade with neighbouring ethnic groups. Much of Tolai social and ritual life involved a form of currency known as shell money or tambu, which was regarded as sacred and supernaturally potent.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -4.4, "longitude": 152.2}, "name": "Tolai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [152.2, -4.4]}, "id": "tolai"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "17714", "name": "1", "description": "\u2018Chiefs\u2019 were pretty clearly the most important religious leaders (although \u2018priests\u2019 are also mentioned). Their authority was usually confined to the \u2018clan\u2019 (or \u2018lineage\u2019) but may have extended to the \u2018region\u2019. Although the name \u2018region\u2019 implies a larger area, these were in fact very small and appear to have been the closest thing that this society had to \u2018local communities\u2019:\r\n\r\n\"Prior to the creation of large Christian villages during the era of conversion \u2026 geographic regions with names such as 'Knabu' that refer both to place and people were significant loci of socio-political activity. Usually no more than  a few miles in size, each region was ideally inhabited by people of two exogamous and intermarrying clans \u2026 In societies as yet unaffected by the advent of church and government, ties of kinship, formed particularly by descent from matrilineal ancestors and attachments to ancestral lands, constituted the basic parameters of social life. Lineages of people who could trace descent from a common ancestress composed the primary landholding groups, as they do today \u2026 These relations of codescent and clan membership could then be extended outward through intermarriage and identifications of prominent chiefs acting as leaders of clan and regional affairs.\" (White, 1991, p 33)\r\n\r\n\"As much as any single factor, it was the ability of a person to engage in ritual transactions with the spirit world that marked the chief as a person of extraordinary power. Traditional knowledge in the form of magical formulae used for healing and all sorts of practical purposes was (and is) widely distributed among men and women who inherit or purchase it, usually within families and lines of descent. However, the most potent, visible, and collectively significant forms of religious knowledge and power in the past were those associated with ancestral shrines such as Sithalehe, and the chiefs and priests who made ritual offerings there. The role of the chief as a proprietor of one or more ancestral shrines symbolized his status as clan head, manager of lineage lands and inheritor of the sacred relics required to communicate with ancestor spirits \u2026 Access to potent spirits reinforced the power of chiefs to speak for and regulate the use of lineage lands and properties. Lineage leaders controlled the use of land, reef waters and nut-bearing trees (almond, betel nut or coconut) by issuing chiefly edicts. By announcing that certain property was tabu ... and marking it with a visible token, a chief could declare that property off-limits. Such a proclamation would be sanctioned with the threat of spiritual retribution since transgressions were thought to invoke the wrath of the chief\u2019s ancestors (whose names probably would have been invoked in the soka or tabu).\" (White, 1991, pp 54-55)\r\n\r\n\"The nature of chiefship as a distinctive and powerful sort of agency is related explicitly to the chief\u2019s mediating role in regulating relations between persons and spirits \u2026 As the one who inherited ancestral knowledge, status and sacred relics, the chief mediated transactions with spirits, and so participated to some degree in their aura of spiritual power and danger.\" (White, 1991, pp 58-59)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9998, "valueset_pk": 9998, "domainelement_pk": 263, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 263, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "149-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9998, "jsondata": {}, "id": "cheke-holo-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 36, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 36, "glottocode": "chek1238", "ethonyms": "Hongrano; Maringe", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Hongrano", "Maringe"]}, "id": "cheke-holo", "name": "Cheke Holo", "description": "The Cheke Holo people inhabit the central portion of the island of Santa Isabel in the Solomon Islands. In pre-Christian times, they built megalithic shrines in honour of deceased chiefs. Between 1860 and 1899, they suffered greatly at the hands of raiders and headhunters from other parts of Santa Isabel and from other islands further to the west. As a result, most either fled to remote inland areas of the island or to Bughotu in the far south, where they came into contact with Anglican missionaries. Most converted to Christianity in the early twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -8.3, "longitude": 159.6}, "name": "Cheke Holo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [159.6, -8.3]}, "id": "cheke-holo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "18971", "name": "1", "description": "Villages and uma:\r\n\r\n\"Each village consists of one or more uma (communal house) and the surrounded lalep (family houses). The uma and the surrounding family houses compose the Mentawei social, political, and religious unit. Like the Bontok Igorot of the Philippines the Mentawei village does not act as a unit ... Taikako is the oldest and largest village of the Pagehs. This village has four uma ... The people of Taikako regard themselves as the rightful owners of the Pagehs, and those who wish to found new villages must first ask their consent. If the people of other villages wish to plant coconut trees they likewise must first give presents to the natives in Taikako. When the inhabitants of Taikako are travelling they have the right to take coconuts from the trees belonging to other villages ... [162] ... The communal house or uma forms the center of Mentawei social life. The rimata (priest) is the head of the uma, or division of the village, rather than of the village as a whole.\" (Loeb, 1935, pp. 161-162)\r\n\r\n'Society' (Loeb, 1935, pp. 173-192)\r\n\r\n\"In Mentawei the concept of government and of the family is so interwoven with the religion that it is impossible to give an idea of the native social organization without first summarizing the religious concepts ... The religious festival of the Mentawei people is called lia or punen. The lia is a family festival, is of shorter duration, and is accompanied by the sacrifice of chickens. The punen is the celebration attended by all members of the uma, men, women, and children ... The house father (ukui) conducts the lia, the priest (rimata) conducts the punen, aided by one or more seers (sikerei) ... Among the occasions on which punen are held may be included: the building of a new communal house (uma), the choice of a new priest (rimata), the making of a new communal field, the spilling of blood within the villagge, an epidemic in the village, when a tree falls in the community, and after the killing of a sacrificial animal; monkey, deer, or sea-turtle.\" (Loeb, 1935, p. 173)\r\n\r\n\"As among all very primitive peoples the Mentawaians have no true chiefs, laws, or government ... When the Dutch first started governing Mentawai, they selected various rimata as the proper people to enforce their regulations, such as path building, sanitation measures, & c. This was done in the belief that the rimata were chiefs similar to the chiefs of Nias or Batakland. The fallacy of this idea soon became apparent, for not only had the rimata no special authority over the natives, outside of punen periods, but their very characters prevented them from [177] energetic enforcement of foreign edicts. The rimata are so taboo (suru, sacred) that they can do practically no work at all at all, and hence only lazy men will accept the position ... The rimata has charge of all undertakings of communal interest, since these are governed by punen regulations. He decides when the taro fields should be laid out, when a new building should be erected, and when the people should go to the fields and get food.\" (Loeb, 1974, pp. 176-177)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10044, "valueset_pk": 10044, "domainelement_pk": 263, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 263, "jsondata": {"color": "#ffbb4e"}, "id": "149-1", "name": "1", "description": "Sublocal (encompasses a group larger than the household but smaller than the local community)", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10044, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mentawai-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 75, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "1", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 75, "glottocode": "ment1249", "ethonyms": "Mentawaian; Pagai; Sipora", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mentawaian", "Pagai", "Sipora"]}, "id": "mentawai", "name": "Mentawai", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.4, "longitude": 98.9}, "name": "Mentawai"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [98.9, -1.4]}, "id": "mentawai"}]}