{"type": "FeatureCollection", "properties": {"layer": "", "name": "Religious Authority", "domain": [{"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-0", "name": "0"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGQkI0RTtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-1", "name": "1"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0IwODY3RjtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-2", "name": "2"}, {"icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6IzAwMDAwMDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "id": "149-3", "name": "3"}]}, "features": [{"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19942", "name": "0", "description": "\u2018Superstitions\u2019 (Reed, 1904, pp. 65-67)\r\n\r\nOnly one religious practitioner, the manga-anito, is mentioned. These were medicine men or women who treated individual clients.", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9941, "valueset_pk": 9941, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9941, "jsondata": {}, "id": "aeta-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 91, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 91, "glottocode": "boto1242", "ethonyms": "Sambal; Zambales Negritos", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Sambal", "Zambales Negritos"]}, "id": "aeta", "name": "Aeta", "description": "'Aeta' is one of the ethonyms given to the Negritos living in the Zambales mountains of western Luzon. The many Negrito groups of the Philippines share a distinctive phenotype that sets them apart from the majority of other Filipinos. Although many Negrito groups have historically been hunter-gatherers, the Aeta have a long history of farming.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 15.3, "longitude": 120.4}, "name": "Aeta"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [120.4, 15.3]}, "id": "aeta"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19030", "name": "0", "description": "\"It would appear, therefore, that the religious rites, such as they are, of the Banks' Islanders are rendered to the dead; but sacrifice  and prayer must not be estimated by any other than the native standard, or thought to make a show as the public religious  practices of the people \u2026 There are no sacred buildings and no  priests; there is no public worship; those who have communication with Vuis apply to them for their own benefit, and  for those who pay them for their intercession. All men when they are of age or position sufficient, and have been taught how to do it, make their prayers and sacrifices upon  occasion. A large proportion of the population know very little of what their elders practise. (Codrington, 1881, p. 286)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9950, "valueset_pk": 9950, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9950, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mota-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 70, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 70, "glottocode": "mota1237", "ethonyms": "Mota", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Mota"]}, "id": "mota", "name": "Mota", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -13.8, "longitude": 167.7}, "name": "Mota"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.7, -13.8]}, "id": "mota"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19095", "name": "0", "description": "'Chiefs' (Nevermann, 2010, pp. 157-158)\r\n\r\n'Intellectual culture' (Nevermann, 2010, pp. 170-177)\r\n\r\n'Feasts' (Nevermann, 2010, pp. 177-178)\r\n\r\n'Social organization; (Chinnery, 1928, pp. 111-132)\r\n\r\n'Magic and religion' (Chinnery, 1928, pp. 157-162)\r\n\r\nTwo kinds of religious specialists are mentioned in the sources - various kinds of magician (described both by Chinnery and Nevermann) and spirit mediums (described only by Chinnery). Neither appear to have occupied any formal 'office'.\r\n\r\n'Sun sorcerers' (aitako - 'sun magicians' would seem to be a more accurate translation) are the only religious specialists that Nevermann describes in detail. According to Nevermann there was usually only one aitako in each district, but not necessarily. Also, there were conflicting reports about the identity of the sun sorcerer(s) in one district. The power of the aitako appears to have been person rather than institutional - the 'sun stones' through which they controlled the weather ceased to be effective upon his death.\r\n\r\n\u201cMagic with sun stones (atu sinak) is practiced to induce the sun to cause the taro to thrive in their own gardens, or to make them shrivel in the heat in their enemies\u2019 fields \u2026 Normally in each district there is only one sun sorcerer, aitako \u2026 who is at the same time the \u2018preparer\u2019 of the stone. The effectiveness of the stone ceases on his death. In Etalat the chief Ainemoria is regarded as the sun sorcerer, while in Enai it is Kirie, at in Elemakunaur Kealo. From other reports, three men, Rod, Tukurui, and Namaran, were skilled in sun-and rain magic in Elemakunaur. Wura kept one of the the Enai stones, the chief Labokorori the other. Eura\u2019s house was on the beach facing the sunrise; when rain persisted for too long, Kirie buried Wura\u2019s stone on the beach at sunrise, causing the sun to rise. Kirie carried Labokori\u2019s stone to the spot where the sun was needed, for example in the taro fields, and buried it. The stone remained there until people no longer wanted the sun but needed rain instead. A rain charm often had to made [sic], for this to happen \u2026 If the Enai people wanted to cause harm to their enemies, Kirie took Labokorori\u2019s stone into their territory secretly at night, and buried it on the path from Enai.\u201d (Nevermann, 2010, p. 176)\r\n\r\nChinnery has this to say about the 'inheritance of magical knowledge':\r\n\r\n\"Magical knowledge is said to be handed down through the aloa [sister's son - p. 129] or failing a relative of this status, through the nearest a mali [clan - p. 114] connection. It may also be acquired through gift or by purchase from a practitioner with whom one is on terms of friendship.\" (Chinnery, 1959, p. 159)\r\n\r\nSpirit mediums are described as follows:\r\n\r\n\"In the olden days there were certain women who had the power to communicate with raroai and to acquire from their ghostly advisers useful information regarding the life and interests of the people ... [158] ...  Persons requiring advice were admitted into the hut, their questions were communicated to the raroai, and its whistling replies were interpreted by the operator ... The art was handed down from mother to daughter. I met one woman who had received part of the instruction, her mother having died before all the secrets were revealed. She gave me no details, but in a general way suggested that the preparation extended over a long period. It was marked by periods of fasting and forms of self-sacrifice. It included a knowledge of certain magical plants and a number of incantations, the words and sequence of which she has now forgotten.\" (Chinnery, 1928, pp. 157-158)\r\n\r\nUnlike in many Pacific Island societies, 'chiefs' do not appear to have played a 'priestly' role. They could be magicians (see Nevermann, 2010, p. 176 above) but there is no indication that this was one of the functions attached to their office. Their functions are described as follows:\r\n\r\n\u201cEvery small village on St Matthias and Emir had its own chief, (bau), whose orders are carried out, generally without question. The least significant of these chiefs, furthermore, are [158] nothing more than a form of \u2018oldest person\u2019 on a farm, and there are even individual houses with their own bau \u2026 Bigger villages often have two chiefs side by side. This was the case in 1908 in Elukabiu, part of the village of Elemakunaur, where Makarinitan (Sagile), and Tuputeput were both chiefs. Makarinitan appeared to have the seniority. Any visits were made to him first. \r\n\r\n\u201cThe functions of these greater chiefs consist of dealing with other villages through their chiefs, leading the men in warfare, adjudicating between quarrelling subjects, receiving visitors to the village (to whom the bau first offers a chew of betel in the chief\u2019s house), and arranging feasts.\" (Nevermann, 2010, p. 158)\r\n\r\n'Feasting' had a religious component, but appears to have occurred for largely secular reasons:\r\n\r\n\"Occasions for feasts are: conclusion of an alliance between two villages, visits from neighbours, settlement of major debts, preparation for war, and similar events. Not uncommonly, [178] feasts also seem to be improved, with greater emphasis on dancing than on the festive meal. That religious moments also play a major role in feasts is demonstrated by dance sticks with images of the dead, and probably also by the bird-shaped dance accessories, (sinaku).\" (Nevermann, 2010, pp. 177-178)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9957, "valueset_pk": 9957, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9957, "jsondata": {}, "id": "mussau-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 114, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 114, "glottocode": "muss1246", "ethonyms": "Emirau", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Emirau"]}, "id": "mussau", "name": "Mussau", "description": "The people of Mussau and Emirau (the St. Matthias Islands)", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -1.4, "longitude": 149.6}, "name": "Mussau"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [149.6, -1.4]}, "id": "mussau"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18802", "name": "0", "description": "'Female shamans\u2019 are also the only religious specialists mentioned by Keesing (1962) in his overview of Isneg culture.\r\n\r\nA longer description of the role of the shaman is provided by Vanoverbergh (1953, 1954). Shamans quite clearly occupied an office in that they were clearly marked off from the rest of the population (they needed to be formally consecrated in order to practice) and had exclusive rights and duties:\r\n\r\n\"To be considered a dorar\u00e1kit, it is sufficient for a woman to have been consecrated  by another shaman, but such a consecration is absolutely required.\" (Vanoverbergh, 1953, p. 557)\r\n\r\n\"The functions of a dorar\u00e1kit are numerous and varied. She determines, chooses, collects and distributes the t\u00e1nib or amulets, which play such an important r\u00f4le in the life of an Isneg, although not all of these come under the jurisdiction of a single shaman. She is the universally accepted physician and surgeon in all kinds of sickness, and her activities are not confined to specialities, whether in the field of diagnosing disease or in that of treatments to effect their cure, as has been amply proved in my paper on Isneg ailments. She plays a preponderant r\u00f4le in all public sacrifices, whether s\u00e3y-\u00e1m or pild\u00e1p, as will be explained in a subsequent article. But her most outstanding function is the maxanito.  Whenever a dorar\u00e1kit performs the maxanito, she becomes mataiyan, i.e. possessed either by a spirit or by the kaduduwa of a deceased person \u2026\" (Vanoverbergh, 1953, p. 559)\r\n\r\nHowever, the shaman does not appear to have had a defined sphere in which she operated. One shaman\u2019s \u2018fame\u2019 [was] spread  all over the country\u2019 (Vanoverbergh, 1953, p. 560), suggested that there was in theory no limit to a given shaman\u2019s sphere of operations. Furthermore, the public sacrifices at which shamans officiated were sponsored by individual households and included individuals from far and wide (Vanoverbergh, 1954).  \r\n\r\nThe mengal (renowned headhunter) also played a religious role, but similar case as above:\r\n\r\n\"Vanoverbergh points out, in a description of Isneg rituals, that where the [8] focus of ceremonies among the wet-terracing peoples is upon sacrificing of pigs for haruspication, the Isneg make headtaking the nuclear concern. At major festivals, individuals of mengal status have opportunity to recite their deeds, dance, and participate in exclusive rites such as chanting in a circle while beating with decorated bamboo poles on a stone \u2013 called by Vanoverbergh \u2018the most solemn act of veneration for the anito (spirits) \u2026 A man who starts a fight or takes a head cannot get any kudos unless he makes the fact public. In \u2018confessing,\u2019 as informants called it, he is obligated to assemble hamlet fellows and kinsmen so that he can rally their aid and warn them of an expected retaliation by the offended parties who will soon hear of his boasting. The security rights of the group are thus deeply involved in any personal ventures of this kind. Moreover, for such a gathering to take place, the killer or his group must be able to provide appropriate quantities of food, wine, livestock, and ceremonial wealth for distribution to mengal status persons and women shamans who conduct required ritual \u2026A man who starts a fight or takes a head cannot get any kudos unless he makes the fact public. In \u2018confessing,\u2019 as informants called it, he is obligated to assemble hamlet fellows and kinsmen so that he can rally their aid and warn them of an expected retaliation by the offended parties who will soon hear of his boasting. The security rights of the group are thus deeply involved in any personal ventures of this kind. Moreover, for such a gathering to take place, the killer or his group must be able to provide appropriate quantities of food, wine, livestock, and ceremonial wealth for distribution to mengal status persons and women shamans who conduct required ritual.\" (Keesing, 1962, pp. 7-8)\r\n\r\n\"Isneg value patterns, as seen in the spheres of wealth and bravery, emphasis upon individual achievement. This individualism, combined smallness of settlement units, left less scope than among most other peoples for the development of formally structured authority\u2026 Leadership in the Isneg society is diffuse. Beyond the household and immediate kin it is concerned with reputation and influence rather than real power.\r\n\r\n\"Even so, informants asked about leadership matters almost invariably first of great mengal figures of past and present whose influence extended over large regions, and whose fame went further \u2026 [10] \u2026 A rising mengal finds himself and others in neighboring hamlets consulting him on intergroup affairs, and he may be called on to arbitrate disputes and otherwise take leadership. He attracts and distributes important wealth, and his home becomes a center for festivals and rituals. He becomes imbued with spiritual potency which makes him both respected and feared. Vanoverbergh cites the supernatural penalties incurred by a person who cuts or notches, even accidentally, \u2018any part of the house\u2019 of a mengal, his only rememdy being to sniff the magical pouch which the mengal carries on his person - something an enemy could hardly do while the houseowner was alive.\" (Keesing, 1962, pp. 9-10)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9958, "valueset_pk": 9958, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9958, "jsondata": {}, "id": "isneg-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 90, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 90, "glottocode": "isna1241", "ethonyms": "Apayao; Calasan; Isnag; Isned; Mandaya", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Apayao", "Calasan", "Isnag", "Isned", "Mandaya"]}, "id": "isneg", "name": "Isneg", "description": "The Isneg or Apayao live in the northern Cordillera of Luzon, the largest island of the Philippines.\r\nThe Isneg were notorious for headhunting and were among the last of the Cordilleran peoples to be brought under colonial control.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 18.1, "longitude": 121.2}, "name": "Isneg"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.2, 18.1]}, "id": "isneg"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19216", "name": "0", "description": "\"The only religious practitioners are female mediums who are called upon to determine the causes of misfortune. Otherwise, each adult performs or sponsors propitiatory rites to his or her tutelary deity.\" (Davenport, 1991, p 292). \r\n\r\n\u2018Worship and ritual\u2019 (Davenport, 2005, pp. 35-54)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9966, "valueset_pk": 9966, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9966, "jsondata": {}, "id": "nendo-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 50, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 50, "glottocode": "nang1262", "ethonyms": "Santa Cruz islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Santa Cruz islanders"]}, "id": "nendo", "name": "Nendo", "description": "Nendo is the largest of the Santa Cruz islands. The people of Nendo lived in small, autonomous, egalitarian communities. Religion was based on a class of deities called dukna, most of whom were the spirits of culture-hero like beings who lived in the distant past, and some of whom were powerful enough to be considered gods. These beings were embodied in sacred figurines called munga dukna, many of which were collected by missionaries in the early twentieth century.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -10.7, "longitude": 165.9}, "name": "Nendo"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [165.9, -10.7]}, "id": "nendo"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "20352", "name": "0", "description": "Religion (Davenport, 1968, pp. 187-203)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9967, "valueset_pk": 9967, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9967, "jsondata": {}, "id": "taumako-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 123, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 123, "glottocode": "pile1238", "ethonyms": "Duff Islanders", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Duff Islanders"]}, "id": "taumako", "name": "Taumako", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.9, "longitude": 167.2}, "name": "Taumako"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [167.2, -9.9]}, "id": "taumako"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18471", "name": "0", "description": "'The religion of the Marshall Islands' (Dobbin, 2011, pp. 121-138)\r\n\r\n'Religion and magic' (Erdland, 1914, pp. 230-283)\r\n\r\nReligious authority in the Marshall Islands appears to have been diffuse. Chiefs were regarded as sacred (Dobbin, 2011, p. 123), but there is little indication that they played an active role in religious ritual, though the chief did set the date for the pandanus ceremony (Dobbin, 2011, p. 134).\r\n\r\nReligious figures called ri-kanan or ki-kanij are the only religious specialists missioned in missionary accounts, but Dobbin also mentions a 'combined magician-sorcerer-soothsayer-master of ceremonies' called the l\u00e4ad\u00f6kd\u00f6k:\r\n\r\n\"In the past there was a figure in the Marshalls who was famous for this divining, the ri-bubu, but early writers Knappe and Erdland told only about a general sort of religious figure called the ri-kanan or ri-kanij, who performed a strange ritual of stretching out prone on the ground and sticking out his tongue in order to absorb the power of the sun (Erdland 1914, 332). For the contemporary Marshalls, the general titles are broken down into specialties:\r\n\r\n\"Diviner ri-bubu\r\n\r\n\"Sorcerer ri-anijnij\r\n\r\n\"Magician ri-ekapal\r\n\r\n\"Medicine maker ri-uno\r\n\r\n\"Storyteller ri-bwebwenato\r\n\r\n\"Certainly the sorcerers, magicians, and medicine makers\u2014people with extraordinary power and connection to the spirit world\u2014were in this sense leaders or specialists in the old religion. According to Erdland, the [126] combined magician-sorcerer-soothsayer-master of ceremonies (l\u00e4ad\u00f6kd\u00f6k) stood as the 'third rank' in Marshallese society, below the high and lower ranked chiefs (1914, 343).\" (Dobbin, 2011, pp. 125-126)\r\n\r\nIn Erdland, it is clear that while l\u00e4ad\u00f6kd\u00f6k often organised religious ceremonies they were not religious specialists per se, but rather commoners who were favoured by chiefs and acted as their unofficial advisers:\r\n\r\n\"A distinguished person, l\u00e4ad\u00f6kd\u00f6k (\u00e4ad\u00f6k, 'strong, powerful'), is a common subject who has distinguished himself through intellectual ability or outstanding services on land or sea and who as a reward has received more or less extensive lands as estates in fee from a high chief or subchief. Distinction and title are hereditary. It is the duty of such a ditinguished person, whose position is comparable to that of our middle-class citizen, to help the chief in every way. Although the chiefs' consultations with their distinguished persons are neither official nor public, the chiefs willingly lend an ear to these male and female advisers, particularly since in earlier years many of them were sorcerers or were in charge of the ceremonies at religious festivities.\" (Erdland, 1914, p. 74)\r\n\r\nThe ri-kanan or ri-kanij is called the 'sorcerer' in my translation of Erdland, though 'magician' or simply 'religious specialist' might be more appropriate. The power of this figure, while often great, appears to have been personal rather than institutional:\r\n\r\n\"In the Marshall Islands the magnetic energy of the soul is increased through the influence of the sun. Whoever wants to become a sorcerer exposes his tongue to the sun for hours, while lying on his back. Only after the sun's rays have been absorbed for weeks is the tongue capable of sending rays at men, animals, and inanimate beings. This magic power is enhanced by qualities peculiar to animals and, above all, plants. In most cases, however, the use of external means is resorted to only to increase the authority of the sorcerer and to gain power over deluded neighbors. Quite by itself the influence of the sorcerer extends to all spheres: spiritual beings, illness and health, life and death, emotions, animals, plants, weather, currents, and other natural phenomena. Deeply rooted superstitions complete the nimbus of the sorcerer.\" (Erdland, 1914, p. 255)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9975, "valueset_pk": 9975, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9975, "jsondata": {}, "id": "marshall-islands-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 27, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 27, "glottocode": "mars1254", "ethonyms": "Marshallese", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Marshallese"]}, "id": "marshall-islands", "name": "Marshall Islands", "description": "The Marshall Islands is a group of atolls spread over a large area of Micronesia. Marshallese religion involved a multitude of spirits, known collectively as anij, who are difficult to classify.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 7.1, "longitude": 171.7}, "name": "Marshall Islands"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [171.7, 7.1]}, "id": "marshall-islands"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19339", "name": "0", "description": "'Social organization' (Held, 1957, pp. 45-85)\r\n\r\n'Raiding and trading' (Held, 1957, pp. 198-233)\r\n\r\n\u2018The sacred and the profane\u2019 (Held, 1957, pp. 234-267)\r\n\r\nThe only religious specialist that Held mentions is the Ghasaiwin (shaman) (Held, 1957. pp. 246-253, 'Ghasaiwin'). These appear to have been associated with particular clans, but to have served individual clients, most but not all of whom were from that clan. It appears that the role of Ghasaiwin was an office, but it is not quite clear that it conferred authority over a specific group:\r\n\r\n\"Not everybody is daring enough to venture forth into the realm of sacred things. Among the Waropen there exists a special group of persons who may enter into the supernatural field with impunity, and these are the ghasaiwin.\r\n\r\n\"Ghasaiwin are old women who, after a specialist training, are able without danger to enter into contact with sacred matters and who make it their occupation to mediate in this contact on behalf of others \u2026 Every clan has a ghasaiwin of its own, who mainly also acts only on behalf of members of her own clan, and who when she appears in any case, addresses herself to a certain series of ancestors. In many cases the ghasaiwin even maintains relations only with certain local representatives of the mythical beings. A person, therefore, who calls in the help of a ghasaiwin, e.g. in case of sickness, can only cover a small part of the sacred realm.\" (Held, 1957, p 246)\r\n\r\n\"Her work is partly preventive, viz. to prevent that the dare [spirits] \u2026 harm the young children. But her main task is still to bring back those small children whose soul has wandered off too far, a danger to which children seem to be constantly exposed before their first saira [initiation ritual]. It is mainly the auo [spirits] and the ancestors who keep back the souls of the children.\" (Held, 1957, p. 247)\r\n\r\nThe role of serabawa (\u2018clan chief\u2019) certainly had a religious component, though this seems more a case of religious beliefs legitimating political authority than religious authority per se. The duties of the serabawa are are described as follows:\r\n\r\n\"The former serabawa was the leader of the raiding-parties; and in general the leader of the potlatch-ritual. With the support of the prominent old men he was quite able to exercise considerable influence. The clan-chief and his men saw to the payment of the wergeld, the execution of \u2018suangi\u2019 [sorcerers] and the punishment of serious infractions of adat law, because he was the direct, more or less sacred descendant of the ancestors who had once established the moral order and who still now continue to threaten violations of that order with punishment.\" (Held, 1957, p. 80)\r\n\r\nRaiding was motivated (or at least justified) at least in part by religious considerations, though the \u2018potlatch ritual\u2019 appears to have been secular. \r\n\r\n\"In the Waropen area the raid is an institution which possesses several functions that have not been integrated into one definite cultural trait. Here the raid was, for instance, not a purely ritual matter, to which all members of the clan had to submit. Whoever wished to remain at home because he was afraid, need not fear immediate supernatural corrections.\r\n\r\n\"On the other hand, the image of the redoubtable raider stood as a shining example before the eyes of the ambitious youth \u2026 [214] \u2026 The raid was therefore the institutionalized method for a young man to distinguish himself \u2026 Moreover, the relation between the raid and religion is also still clearly apparent. We only need to remember that the raid was an affair of the clan, under the direct guidance of the ancestors to whom in fact the whole feast of the catching of slaves was dedicated.\" (Held, 1957, pp. 213-214)\r\n\r\n\"One of the important things during a raid was to acquire a skull \u2026 [215] \u2026 It is clear that the skull, which presumably represents the whole person as a pars pro toto, is meant as an offering of the dead man to the ancestors under whose supervision all raiding activities take place.\" (Held, 1957, pp. 214-215)\r\n\r\n\"I presume that in the raiding activities this economic motive was tending to become increasingly important. Initially, hunting for a head was perhaps the final test the initiandus had to perform under the guidance of the adult men. After the presentation of a head to the ancestors of the clan the initiandus could be taken up again into society. The head is therefore also the sacrifice to the ancestors, by means of which the initiandus was freed from religious isolation \u2026 With the development of differences in [226] status and the accompanying disintegration of the ritual of the clan and of initiation, the chiefs, whose position rises above the clan-organisation, might try to increase their influence - which was gradually growing due to the system of the obligatory exchange of gifts on the occasion of the feasts - by means of the ransom for the ghomino [slaves].\r\n\r\n\"Perhaps the regulated raids might have developed in the future into a battle of gifts, like this was described concerning the presentation of the dowry and of the countergifts among marriage-partners. Already at this time there existed a potlatch relationship between the clan-chiefs, at least when acquiring a name, when one party challenged the other with a stake consisting of an honorific title and presents on one side and a slave on the other. Real potlatch customs were likewise known among the Waropen. In this way people could challenge each other with their stocks of food, A challenging B that B will never be able to collect so much sago that A would be unable to buy this by means of silver armlets. If B does not want to become \u2018ashamed\u2019, B has to accept the challenge. The winner acquires the goods that have been staked by the opposing party. Or A buys a large prahu and challenges B to buy an exactly similar prahu, at the risk of losing a certain quantity of goods (kisionamakudaruko, they taunt each other, they make sarcastic remarks about each other).\" (Held, 1957, p. 226)\r\n\r\nMore on the supernatural role of the serabawa:\r\n\r\n\"The prerogatives of the nobility are protected by the belief in the myth concerning their establishment by the ancestors. The ancestors would punish those persons with illness who would presume to arrogate things to themselves which were not in accordance with their station \u2026 In the marriages we observed, the clan-chief acted as the person who concluded the marriage; our informants told us that this was really very good, but still not necessary. Any other superior, properly married man would also be able to do so. Nor was the clan-chief ex officio the leader of the initiation ritual; the initiator is the mother's brother. However, the dama [\u2018initiation house\u2019] had to stand at the side of the seraruma  [chief\u2019s house] and because this dama was the clan-sanctuary, as will be shown below, one is at once led to suppose that the serabawa was also concerned in some way with the dama.\" (Held, 1957, p 74)\r\n\r\n\"The serabawa is considered to be the most direct descendant of the mythical ancestor of the clan and for this reason he enjoys religious respect, as already indicated by the name sera, nobleman, divinity. It is often believed that they are able to heal the sick. Ghamabai, younger brother of the chief of the Sawaki clan, is considered to be an expert in the preparation of charms and potions. Concerning the clan-chief of Nuwuri I was assured that more than once he had revived people who had been killed by the sema [sorcerers].\"  (Held, 1957, p 75)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9988, "valueset_pk": 9988, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9988, "jsondata": {}, "id": "waropen-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 7, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 7, "glottocode": "waro1242", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "waropen", "name": "Waropen", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "latitude": -2.3, "longitude": 136.5}, "name": "Waropen"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [136.5, -2.3]}, "id": "waropen"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17700", "name": "0", "description": "Blackwood (1935) provides a detailed description of \u2018Magic and Medicine\u2019 (pp 462-482), and various supernatural beliefs (pp 483-573). Nothing clearly identifiable as religious authority is mentioned. About magic specifically, Blackwood writes:\r\n\r\n\u201cAmong the natives of North Bougainville, mana seems to belong not so much to the individual who performs the ritual acts as to the substance he uses. There are no persons set apart as \u2018medicine men\u2019 who have qualified for the post by long training or by undergoing ordeals. I am not aware of any word in these dialects which means a maker of magic, except in the case of black magic, which stands in a class by itself. Otherwise the distinction is between those who know the procedure and possess the requisite apparatus and those who do not. Thus, Sobak and Riam\u0113 were competent to act as rain-makers, Pinari was the specialist in dog magic, Minka in bonito magic, Pari in the treatment of sprains and broken bones, and so on. But Riam\u0113 could not make rain without his coco-nuts, nor Minka bring bonito without his stone fish. Again, in the description of the taro-garden ceremony given in Chapter IX it will be seen from incidents occurring in connexion with the proceedings that it did not greatly matter who actually took the principal part in washing the taro-stalks; the \u0113to [magical substance] was clearly regarded as the factor of primary importance.\u201d (Blackwood, 1935, p 476)\r\n\r\nOn the other hand, the tsunaun (roughly, \u2018chief\u2019) played a ritual, though not necessarily religious, role \u2013 one of their functions was to organise ceremonies:\r\n\r\n\u201cPinari, in his dual capacity of tsunaun and kukerai, claimed as much authority as he dared, and bitterly regretted that the rule of the white man had deprived him of the power of life and death. He adjudicated on disputed questions of all kinds, claimed to have a say in the marriages of the people under his jurisdiction, and arranged for the holding of all important ceremonies.\u201d (Blackwood, 1935, p 50)\r\n\r\nTsunaun were often proficient in magic, but not necessarily:\r\n\r\n\"Although it may easily happen that a tsunaun is possessed of special knowledge of some particular kind of magic, this is incidental to his position and not essentially connected with it. Magical knowledge is just as often the property of commoners. Sobak, one of the rain-makers of Kurtatchi, is a commoner. Pinari, the tsunaun t\u222ban, took the principal part at the ceremony for planting a new taro garden described in Chapter IX, but at a precisely comparable ceremony performed for a taro garden belonging to Tabut, that role was filled by a commoner.\" (Blackwood, 1935, p. 52)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 9997, "valueset_pk": 9997, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 9997, "jsondata": {}, "id": "buka-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 103, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 103, "glottocode": "solo1257", "ethonyms": "Kurtatchi; Tinputz", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Kurtatchi", "Tinputz"]}, "id": "buka", "name": "Buka", "description": "Buka is an island separated by a narrow strait from the larger island of Bougainville to the south. The people of Buka and northern Bougainville speak related Austronesian languages, and are sometimes considered a  cultural unit. The primary source on this culture, Beatrice Blackwood's 'Both Sides of Buka Passage', is based largely on fieldwork carried out in the Tinputz-speaking village of Kurtatchi on the north coast of Bougainville.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -5.2, "longitude": 154.6}, "name": "Buka"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [154.6, -5.2]}, "id": "buka"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17722", "name": "0", "description": "\u2018Dobuan people, language, and beliefs\u2019 (Bromilow, 1929, pp. 77-94)\r\n\r\nFortune (1932, pp. 94-102, 'Sketch of the concept of ritual')\r\n\r\nThe only religious specialists described by Bromilow are 'sorcerers' (or more accurately 'magicians'), who could practice malevolent or benevolent magic:\r\n\r\n\u201cBut the really vital, working creed of primitive Dobuans is to be found in their belief, already referred to, in sorcery and witchcraft ... How complete is the power of the malign sorcerer will be seen from the following infallible items of Dobuan belief ... [91] ... It is true, there are the counter-charms of the beneficent sorcerer, but they are no sure and sufficient offset to the contrary powers of darkness. In order to make life at all bearable and to inspire some sense of relief and safety, the benevolent sorcerer is in constant demand to do his best to frustrate his malignant brother practitioner. On special occasions his presence is the first necessity \u2013 e.g. before going on a voyage the members of the crew have their bodies charmed, and the canoe has each of its parts and fittings placed under its own charm \u2026 and finally, the ocean itself is subjected to an incantation. So when a garden is being prepared, the tools must be charmed, and the proper spell be employed before burning off the [92] overgrowth, before planting, during the growth of the crop, and when the harvest is being gathered. Thus it is right through life\u2019s affairs, down to each detail.\u201d (Bromilow, 1929, pp. 90-92)\r\n\r\nFortune (1932) agrees on the centrality of magic in Dobuan religion. Successful magic was believed to depend upon knowledge of incantations. This knowledge was the property of individuals and was jealously guarded, even against close relatives. It would seem to follow that no one had a socially recognised 'right' to perform magic on anyone's behalf.\r\n\r\n\"The ritual of Dobu consists essentially in the use of incantations in the performance of certain activities such as canoe making and fishing-net making, in agriculture, in soliciting presents of valuables in the annual exchanges made by the long overseas expeditions, in the creating of love, in the making of [96] wind and rain, in the causing and the curing of disease, and in the causing of death. These are the most striking fields in which incantation is used, but it ramifies still more widely. Incantations exist also to strengthen the memory, to inflict mosquito plagues upon others, to exorcise them from oneself, to make coconut and betel palms bear, to create pregnancy and to prevent unwelcome visitors from visiting again.\r\n\r\n\u201cThese incantations are often supplemented by the obligatory use of certain leaves, roots, and fluids, and these auxiliaries are believed to have power in their own right, so that a man who does not known an incantation may boast of the power of the root or the leaf or the fluid which he knows only; but in most of these cases he is making the best of his ignorance. Were he able to obtain the incantation he would certainly go to great pains in acquiring and memorising it, and he would be prepared to pay for the knowledge fairly heavily as native wealth goes; for the incantations are the most private of private property. They are always mumbled in a sing-song undertone and are never heard by others gratituitously. A pair of men engaged in the learning take the utmost care to prevent eavesdropping, usually resorting to a remote part of the bush for the purpose. For the most part the incantations keep within the family, and different families possess different knowledge. In these days workboys in possession of their earnings for two years or so of indentured labour, sometimes sell an incantation to a friend who is not a close relative \u2026 but native wealth cannot buy the knowledge between non-related persons as a rule.\r\n\r\n\u201cKnowledge of incantation is never given freely, or is never phrased as being given freely. A parent always commands a child\u2019s services, a mother\u2019s brother always commands a sister\u2019s child\u2019s services, and gifts of ritual knowledge from elder to youth are looked upon as the reward for these services \u2026 If a younger brother has helped his father or his mother\u2019s brother \u2026 If a younger brother has helped his father or his mother\u2019s brother in gardening more than his elder brother, he will probably be given all the ritual knowledge of [97] his two guardians \u2026 One brother does not share such a legacy with another brother. The system is one of unameliorated competition, the fruits of success being most jealously guarded from theft by close secrecy. I had a great deal of difficulty myself in succeeding in gaining my own knowledge of ritual. I had to penetrate into what is a close family secret, into what is the reward of long toil and services even within the family, and into a secret possession which one brother will not share with another \u2026 In the native view, ritual is the truest native wealth, more valuable than house, canoe, or ornaments. It is the means of sustaining all important social goods. Its exclusive possession for a few persons brings them in a small income by its practice for others who do not own it themselves.\u201d (Fortune, 1932, pp. 95-97)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10001, "valueset_pk": 10001, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10001, "jsondata": {}, "id": "dobuans-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 23, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 23, "glottocode": "dobu1241", "ethonyms": "Dobu; Edugaura", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Dobu", "Edugaura"]}, "id": "dobuans", "name": "Dobuans", "description": "Dobu is a tiny island in the D'Entrecasteaux Archipelago, near the eastern tip of New Guinea. Dobuans are an ethnolinguistic group that is centred upon this island but occupies a much larger area. The anthropologist Reo Fortune provided a famously dark portrayal of Dobuan society in the classic ethnography 'Sorcerers of Dobu'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.6, "longitude": 150.8}, "name": "Dobuans"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [150.8, -9.6]}, "id": "dobuans"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17750", "name": "0", "description": "'Death and Burial' (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp. 109-122)\r\n\r\n'The Ritual of the Garden' (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp. pp 123-132)\r\n\r\n'Magic' (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp. pp 133-144)\r\n\r\n'Religion' (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp. pp 145-153)\r\n\r\nThe only ritual specialists mentioned by Jenness and Ballantyne are various magicians (\u2018singers\u2019), whose magic mostly involved gardening, and certain women who could communicate with the dead. \r\n\r\nMagicians usually appear to have operated at the hamlet level, though sometimes their influence would extend further. Often they were hamlet headmen (kauvea), but not necessarily. The position of \u2018singer\u2019 does not appear to have been an \u2018office\u2019 viz. \u2018a standardised set of duties and privileges devolving upon a person in a certain situation\u2019 (Hughes, 1937). Rather, singers simply appear to have been individuals with the right knowledge and equipment, which could in theory be acquired by anyone:\r\n\r\n\"Nearly every hamlet has its professional \u2018singer\u2019, a man who knows the proper incantation for the yams, and sometimes too for taro, sweet potatoes and bananas. Often, however, there is a separate \u2018singer\u2019 for each of these. When all is ready for the planting the \u2018singer\u2019 takes a special stone which he keeps stored away in his hut, and over it he sings an incantation.\" (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, p 123)\r\n\r\n\"Incantations, it will be noticed, play a large part in native life. Almost every native knows at least one incantation. There are incantations for the sunshine and the rain, for raising the wind and for making it subside again, for calming a stormy sea, for ensuring success in hunting and in fishing, for producing disease and sickness and again for healing these; in fact there is not one single sphere of man\u2019s activity in which an incantation cannot help him. The man who knows a successful incantation can always be sure of driving a lucrative trade and securing the ordinary articles of wealth. But the number of really accredited singers in any hamlet is not large. Mud Bay, for example, has only two rain-makers, Naialena, the head man of Vakoiya hamlet in Kabuna, and Kabuaola, the head man of a Faiyavi hamlet; both of these obtained their knowledge from their fathers \u2026 Of the other magicians in and around Mud Bay, Malabuya, the old man of Lobonea, can make the lighting and the thunder; Maginavina, of Akaiyadiya, can raise the wind or cause a calm; and Tadobuya, the head man of Kimokimoiyo, knows the incantation that should be sung before a pig hunt.\"(Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp 127-128)\r\n\r\n\"The greatest ruler of the winds and rain and sunshine, though, was an ancient pot. It belonged to Tomeawala, head man of one of the two Inafani hamlets that lie on the top of a ridge overlooking Mud Bay and Wagifa \u2026 [130] \u2026 From Kukuya to Nuatutu this pot held sovereign sway, and from time to time Tomeawala and his friends descended to the coast and levied tribute. The natives dared not refuse to pay, lest their gardens should be scorched up by a drought and they themselves should die of famine.\" (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp 129-130)\r\n\r\n\"Generally it is the head man of the hamlet who is skilled in incantations. It is he who in most places names the new canoe and sings the incantation before a pig or kangaroo hunt; and in olden times it was he who led the war-party on his expeditions. Now his authority is slight, but formerly it seems to have been much greater.\" (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, p 131)\r\n\r\nOn the second category of religious practitioner ('necromancers'):\r\n\r\n\u201cMost of the natives appear to acquiesce in the vague belief that the souls of the dead without distinction go to Wafolo, and some perhaps to Tuma ... One native told us [147] that the souls of the dead sometimes return at sunset to visit their former habitations, but are invisible to mortal eyes. There are certain women, too, who have power to call them back. The most famous of these in recent times was Viataiata, in Mitaita, the same woman who was once caught digging up a corpse. Often when a man died in one of the neighbouring districts his kinsfolk would cook a large quantity of food and take it to Oiaia, her hamlet in the hills. At night a mat was set across her house dividing the men from the women. Then Viataiata gave them food to eat, and the soul (maiau) of the dead man, hidden save for one hand and forearm, ate and talked with them. After the feast the kinsfolk said farewell to the soul and shook its hand or forearm, taking care never to lay hold above the elbow lest the arm should break off. The soul then returned to its home in the same way as it came, on the back of a shark.\r\n\r\n\u201cViataiata no longer calls up the dead. We asked her why, and she said that an old man at Gauyaba in the centre of the island had forbidden them ever to appear again \u2026 The old Gauyaba man who will never die has put an end to Viataiata's necromancy. Unkind neighbours sometimes whisper that fear of the Government has had more to do with [148] it, but surely the reason she herself gives must carry greater credence. After she had retired another woman set up in practice at Wagifa, where there was a Dobuan mission teacher and his wife. Her methods, however, were rather too transparent.\u201d (Jenness & Ballantyne, 1920, pp. 146-148)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10005, "valueset_pk": 10005, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10005, "jsondata": {}, "id": "goodenough-island-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 107, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 107, "glottocode": "bwai1242", "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "goodenough-island", "name": "Goodenough Island", "description": "Goodenough is one of the islands making up the D'Entrecasteaux Archipelago off the eastern tip of New Guinea. Its people speak several closely related languages. The main source used when coding this culture was Jenness and Ballantyne's 'The Northern D'Entrecasteaux', which was based primarily on observations collected in the district of Bwaidoka in the island's southeast.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": -9.3, "longitude": 150.2}, "name": "Goodenough Island"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [150.2, -9.3]}, "id": "goodenough-island"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17748", "name": "0", "description": "'Sickness and health: 1965-66' (Wallace, 2013, pp. 95-97)\r\n\r\n'Ritualism: 1965-66' (Wallace, 2013, pp. 97-104)\r\n\r\nThe only religious specialists mentioned are mediums called mabayen if male, or makamong if female:\r\n\r\n\"Since most 'sicknesses' and 'hurts' were caused by malevolent spirits, or because a person broke a taboo or disregarded an omen, the way to avoid death or prolonged illness was to turn to a Ga\u2019dang ritual specialist. Mediums, both male and female, were usually elderly, and addressed with terms of respect meaning 'old man' and 'old woman'. As previously mentioned, a male medium was a mabayen and female medium was a makamong. While there were both male and female mediums, the consensus was that women mediums had greater powers of divination and were more able to act as go-betweens in the spiritual world (Wallace 1975). Male mediums specialized in recounting myths and in singing and chanting ritual songs.\r\n\r\n\"Mediums among the Ga'dang, like those in most other hill groups of the Cordillera Central, were part time specialists ... [97] ... They had the same economic and social responsibilities as any other members of society. Because of their special capabilities, however, they had an elevated status in Ga\u2019dang society. They were rewarded well for their services and were on demand throughout much of the year ... Mediums, especially women, served as effective go-betweens for humans and the spirits and deities that wandered between the kalekay and duafa of the ilosa.\" (Wallace, 2013, pp 96-97)\r\n\r\nThese mediums are described as 'officiating' at various ceremonies, but all these ceremonies were household level. \r\n\r\nLebar notes:\r\n\r\n\"Agricultural, life cycle, and curing rites are on the whole household affairs; only headhunting ceremonies in the past involved the entire community.\" (Lebar, 1975, p. 102)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10010, "valueset_pk": 10010, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10010, "jsondata": {}, "id": "gaddang-pagan-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 78, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 78, "glottocode": "gadd1244", "ethonyms": "Pagan Gaddang", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Pagan Gaddang"]}, "id": "gaddang-pagan", "name": "Ga'dang", "description": "The Gaddang are a collection of related ethnolinguistic groups in the eastern Cordillera of Luzon. While most Gaddang had converted to Christianity by 1900, a minority (around 10%) maintained their indigenous religion until the 1970s. This minority, formerly known as the 'Pagan Gaddang', was studied in detail by the ethnographer Ben Wallace in the 1960s. Since the conversion of these Gaddang to Christianity, the term 'Pagan Gaddang' has become defunct. Wallace (2013) now refers to this group as the Ga'dang, which reflects their local pronunciation of their ethonym.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 17.2, "longitude": 121.5}, "name": "Ga'dang"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [121.5, 17.2]}, "id": "gaddang-pagan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17690", "name": "0", "description": "Various religious specialists are described in the sources, but none appear to have had 'authority' over a specific group. Low describes a ceremony conducted by the orang kaya (village chief), but it is not clear whether he was acting ex officio. \r\n\r\nOrang kaya as officiant:\r\n\r\n\"At their feasts on less war-like occasions, their more powerful and good spirits are petitioned by prayer and supplication to be present; but as these festivals are intimately connected with their religious observances, I will in this place describe one which was made on my arrival at the village of the Sebongoh Hill Dyaks, in August, 1845, in honour of the first European visit to them. After having consented to remain while the chief collected the tribe, I sat down in the verandah of the house, which had been prepared for my reception by being covered with fine white Sirhassan mats : similar ones were also strewed from my boat to the houses, which are built on the banks of the river, so that I might not soil my feet in the ascent to them. Soon after I was seated, the Orang Kaya (chief of a village) requested me to give them a little piece of doth, and a small silver coin \u2014 they wishing to cut off the string of a pillow- [255] case for the first, but I gave them a grass-cloth hand- kerchief, which very much delighted them : the old chief brought out his wife to receive it, and the lady told me that it was to be hung up in the house as a memorial of my visit, and to preserve the village from evil influence.\r\n\r\n\"When the feast was about to begin\u2014 or rather the preparations for it \u2014 I was desired by the Orang Kaya to accompany him to the stage before the verandah, which is used by the Dyaks for dryiug their Padi (Indian-corn), Jagong (maize), &c. Having determined, for the purpose of seeing the ceremony, to be quite passive in their hands, I accordingly rose, and went with him. The old man held in his left hand a small saucer, filled with rice, which had been made yellow by a mixture with Kunyit, or Turmeric, and other herbs. He then uttered a prayer in Malay, which he had previously requested me to repeat after him. It was addressed to Tuppa, the sun and moon, and the Rajah of Sarawak, to request that the next Padi harvest might be abundant, that their families might be increased with male children, and that their pigs and fowls might be very prolific: it was, in fact, a prayer for general prosperity to the country and tribe.\" (Low, 1848, pp. 254-255)\r\n\r\nAlleged lack of religious specialists:\r\n\r\n\"The Land Dyaks have not among their tribes any of the peculiar functionaries described as \u2018Manangs\u2019 in the preceding chapters \u2026 The only person who appears amongst them to be professionally connected with their religious observances, is the \u2018Balean,\u2019 who prepares the piles for the burning of their dead, as these Dyaks do not dispose of their dead relations by burial.\" (Low, 1848, p. 262)\r\n\r\n'Priests' and 'priestesses':\r\n\r\n\"The priests must in many respects be regarded as impostors, though, of course, even with their deceitful practices is mixed much superstitious credulity. They pretend to meet and to converse with spirits, to receive warnings, and sometimes presents from them, to have the power of seeing and capturing the departed soul of a sick man, and to be able to find and secure for the Dayaks that vital principle of the rice which 'Tapa' sends down from above at their two chief harvest feasts ... For getting back a man's soul he receives six gallons of uncleaned rice; for extracting a spirit from a man\u2019s body, the same fee, and for getting the soul of the rice at harvest feasts he receives three cups from every family in whose apartment he obtains it. The value of six gallons of uncleaned rice is not very great, but it is the sixtieth part of the amount obtained by an able-bodied man for his annual farm labour.\r\n\r\n\"The priestesses have their fees, but they do not make so much from the superstition of their country-men as the male professors.\" (St. John, 1862, pp 201-202)\r\n\r\nPriests, priestesses and manangs:\r\n\r\n\"It was generally believed that much of the serious sickness was caused by evil demons, who either wounded the patient internally, stayed in his body to work harm, or stole one of his seven souls which, combined, sustain his life ... Treatment could be had from three different classes of practitioner. The priests of the ancestral cult simply made offerings to the ancestors and to the demons, appealing to the demons to stop troubling the patient and to the ancestors to use their influence in seeing that they did. The priestesses of the women's cult appealed in the same way to their own set of deities and to the demons, but went one stage further in actually catching the patient's lost soul, usually in the form of a small stone snatched out of the air, and returning it to him. Finally, there were in Mentu Tapuh two persons termed manangs.\r\n\r\n\"The performances of the manangs were much more livelyy, making up in melodrama for their poorer sanction in tradition. These two practitioners diagnosed, prognosed, invoked deities, danced in semi-trance consulting their deities in person, derived power from special objects in their possession, demonstrated superhuman qualities, and caught souls. But the most important way in which they differed in their practice from the others was that they actually treated the patient, either by sucking or pulling the sickness out of him, or by using mysterious medicines, or both ... The leading manang - or spirit-medium, or shaman , or medicine-man, or witch-doctor, for he was all of these - was a man of about twenty-eight years old named Raseh.\" (Geddes, 1961, pp xii-xiv)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10013, "valueset_pk": 10013, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10013, "jsondata": {}, "id": "landdayak-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 87, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 87, "glottocode": "baub1235", "ethonyms": "Bidayuh", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Bidayuh"]}, "id": "landdayak", "name": "Land Dayak", "description": "The term 'Land Dayak' was coined during the Brooke era to describe certain inland peoples of Sarawak who were not 'Sea Dayaks' (Iban). As applied here, Land Dayak refers to speakers of the 15 (according to Ethnologue) Land Dayak languages. Although most Land Dayaks live in Kalimantan, almost all the available ethnographic information on this group comes from Sarawak. Most of the Land Dayaks in Sarawak belong to the 'Bidayuh' subgroup.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 0.2, "longitude": 110.5}, "name": "Land Dayak"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [110.5, 0.2]}, "id": "landdayak"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "18519", "name": "0", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "pk": 10025, "valueset_pk": 10025, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10025, "jsondata": {}, "id": "ulithi-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 28, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 28, "glottocode": "ulit1238", "ethonyms": "Ulithian", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Ulithian"]}, "id": "ulithi", "name": "Ulithi", "description": "Ulithi is a large atoll in western Micronesia. The indigenous religion of Ulithi included a pantheon of sky gods, including a supreme god called I'aluep, the 'Big Spirit' or 'Great Spirit'. However, these gods were considered remote, and deified spirits of the dead were ritually more important. Most of the population of Ulithi converted to Roman Catholicism in the 1930s and 1940s.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 10.1, "longitude": 139.7}, "name": "Ulithi"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [139.7, 10.1]}, "id": "ulithi"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17680", "name": "0", "description": "Berawan communities were explicitly independent ritually and politically:\r\n\r\n\"By comparison, Berawan society is small in scale, relatively egalitarian, and composed of just four autonomous ritual and political units - the separate longhouse communities.\"(Huntington & Metcalf, 1979, pp 133-134)\r\n\r\n\u2018Prestigious men\u2019 appear to have served as the main political and religiousl leaders (they directed mortuary rites, nulang, described as the \u2018central\u2019 component of Berawan religion). There appears to have been only one \u2018outstandingly prestigious\u2019 man in each community. However, this does not appear to have been an office in the sense of \u2018a standardized group of duties and privileges devolving upon a person in certain defined situations\u2019 (Hughes, 1937). Rather than the right to organise a nulang being vested in the role of \u2018prestigious man\u2019, organising nulang led to recognition as a prestigious man. \r\n\r\n\"In each longhouse, one family apartment is designated as that of the chiefly family, the former residence of the last outstandingly prestigious man of the community.\" (Huntington & Metcalf, 1979, p 133)\r\n\r\n\"There are many reasons, ideological, symbolic and social, why mortuary rites are central to Berawan religion and society. But it is not hard to see why they are utilized by leaders in order to make a statement about their own positions. Weddings and other rites of passage also provide an opportunity for community cooperation and conspicuous consumption. The Kenyah, close neighbours of the Berawan, employ name-giving ceremonies as their most important ritual of prestige. But the Kenyah have a more rigid system of prescribed rank than the Berawan, including endogamous class strata. For them it is possible to specify the status of a child in a way that is not for the Berawan ... the Berawan have no naming ceremonies comparable to Kenyah ones. They do appreciate the status implications of grand weddings. But when all the rice wine has been drunk, and the guests have shakily made their way home, what is there to keep a wedding in mind, to preserve it against the envious denigrations of rivals? The Berawan require something more concrete, and it is mortuary rites that provide it. Mausoleums are always built on the riverbank so that passersby can admire them and wonder at the power of their architects.\r\n\r\n\"At the outset, we noted that only people of high rank can command the support required to conduct a nulang or build a mausoleum. But we found it hard to define what rank is. We can now offer that definition by turning the original statement on its head. Berawan rank is, in part, the product of personal abilities: That person who can fuse the community together in coordinated action, that person is an aristocrat.\" (Huntington & Metcalf, 1979, pp 139-140)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10037, "valueset_pk": 10037, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10037, "jsondata": {}, "id": "berawan-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 92, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 92, "glottocode": null, "ethonyms": "", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": []}, "id": "berawan", "name": "Berawan", "description": "The Berawan mainly inhabit four longhouse communities on the Lower Baram River. While they have historically been considered a subgroup of the neighbouring Kenyah, they are culturally and linguistically distinctive. A notable feature of Berawan culture, as described by Metcalf (1982, 1989), is their elaborate secondary treatment of the dead.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 3.8, "longitude": 114.5}, "name": "Berawan"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [114.5, 3.8]}, "id": "berawan"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "19619", "name": "0", "description": "\u2018XV. Superstitions\u2019 (Vanoverbergh, 1938, pp. 157-160)\r\n\r\n'XVI. Religion\u2019 (Vanoverbergh, 1938, pp. 160-164)\r\n\r\n'Religion' (Headland, 1975, pp. 252-253)\r\n\r\nVanoverbergh does not mention any religious functionaries.\r\n\r\nHeadland mentions one (the bunongen, a kind of shaman), who appears to have served individual clients, and not to have had any 'authority'. \r\n\r\n\"There are many shamans (bunogen) among the Dumagats. These are practitioners of white magic, their primary role being that of treating the sick ... Besides making use of herbs and simple prayers to the 'forest,' they perform seances for difficult cases.\" (Headland, 1975, p. 253)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10040, "valueset_pk": 10040, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10040, "jsondata": {}, "id": "casiguran-dumagat-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 133, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 133, "glottocode": "casi1235", "ethonyms": "Agta; Dumagat", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Agta", "Dumagat"]}, "id": "casiguran-dumagat", "name": "Casiguran Dumagat", "description": "The Casiguran Dumagat are one of the many 'Negrito' groups of the Philippines. Negritos, literally 'little blacks', share a distinctive phenotype that differs from that of the majority of other Filipinos. The Casiguran Dumagat are one of the Negrito groups often known as 'Agta'.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 16.3, "longitude": 122.0}, "name": "Casiguran Dumagat"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [122.0, 16.3]}, "id": "casiguran-dumagat"}, {"type": "Feature", "properties": {"values": [{"jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "17710", "name": "0", "description": "Brief description of what is known about Chamorro religion: Thompson (1945, pp 20-23). The Chamorro are described as having had \u2018no organized priesthood and no temples\u2019, but two kinds of religious specialists are mentioned: the makana and kakahna. Both are translated \u2018sorcerer\u2019 though \u2018magician\u2019 would probably be more appropriate. \r\n\r\n\"According to Sanvitores, a class of professional sorcerers, called makana \u2026 invoked the anite [ghosts] on behalf of the living to bring success in warfare, to obtain rain, to cure illness, and to insure a good catch \u2026 The sorcerers were apparently shamans rather than priests and there is no record of their being possessed, although \u2018spirit possession\u2019 occurred among Chamorros and was treated by the sorcerers \u2026 A class of sorcerer, known later as kakahna, survived into recent times. Hornbostel \u2026 wrote, \u2018The Kakahna were of the people and their children inherited their powers of causing and curing sickness. The one or two Kakahnas who are still alive are feared and carefully avoided.\" (Thompson, 1945, pp 21-22)\r\n\r\n\"The ancient Chamorros had no organized priesthood and no temples, according to the early missionaries (14, may 1927, p. 19).\" (Thompson, 1945, p 23)", "markup_description": null, "pk": 10060, "valueset_pk": 10060, "domainelement_pk": 262, "frequency": null, "confidence": null, "domainelement": {"pk": 262, "jsondata": {"color": "#fff08d"}, "id": "149-0", "name": "0", "description": "Absent, or restricted to a group no larger than the household", "markup_description": null, "parameter_pk": 86, "number": null, "abbr": null}, "valueset": {"pk": 10060, "jsondata": {}, "id": "chamorro-86", "description": null, "markup_description": null, "language_pk": 33, "parameter_pk": 86, "contribution_pk": 1, "source": null}}], "label": "0", "icon": "data:image/svg+xml;base64,PHN2ZyAgeG1sbnM9Imh0dHA6Ly93d3cudzMub3JnLzIwMDAvc3ZnIgogICAgICB4bWxuczp4bGluaz0iaHR0cDovL3d3dy53My5vcmcvMTk5OS94bGluayIgaGVpZ2h0PSI0MCIgd2lkdGg9IjQwIj4KICA8Y2lyY2xlIGN4PSIyMCIgY3k9IjIwIiByPSIxNCIgc3R5bGU9ImZpbGw6I0ZGRjA4RDtzdHJva2U6YmxhY2s7c3Ryb2tlLXdpZHRoOjFweDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWNhcDpyb3VuZDtzdHJva2UtbGluZWpvaW46cm91bmQ7Ii8+Cjwvc3ZnPg==", "language": {"pk": 33, "glottocode": "cham1312", "ethonyms": "Tjamoro", "jsondata": {"ethonyms": ["Tjamoro"]}, "id": "chamorro", "name": "Chamorro", "description": "The Chamorro are the indigenous people of the Marianas Islands. Originally they were divided into social classes, of which the name 'Chamorro' referred only to members of the highest. Spanish colonization was highly traumatic for the Chamorro and resulted in massive population decline.", "markup_description": null, "latitude": 13.5, "longitude": 144.8}, "name": "Chamorro"}, "geometry": {"type": "Point", "coordinates": [144.8, 13.5]}, "id": "chamorro"}]}